The Prague Commission: 1900
- Location
- the Republic
- Pronouns
- He/They
The Prague Commission: 1900
The Treaty of Vienna is signed just prior to the end of 1899, marking the conclusion of the two-year Great Eastern War. With millions of casualties, this has been one of the bloodiest conflicts in Western history, and the result is a comprehensive restructuring of the boundaries and balance of power in Eastern Europe. Russia reels beneath the scope of the defeat, while Austria teeters on the verge of outright collapse pending its formal dissolution. The other League states, having committed blood and treasure to a futile conflict, withdraw back into their pre-war borders, now beset by new problems in an unsettled regional order.
The Imperial League itself is no more, ended by the stroke of a pen. In the following months, the Russian Emperor Alexander III breathes his last, bequeathing an empire trembling beneath the weight of its losses and contradictions to his less-than-prepared third son. Only a prophet knows what lies in store for the wounded giant of the East, dependent as it is on military force and Western loans to stay standing.
The Special Commission on the Post-War Settlement is officially formed prior to the signing of the Treaty of Vienna. Jointly led of the chief representatives and foreign commissioners of the Allied republics, and consisting of a sizable cross-section of their Steering and External Affairs Commissions, the Prague Commission is so nicknamed because it meets in the under-renovation Prague Castle, where the Allied representatives have set up their ad-hoc joint structure for the settlement of the so-called "Eastern Question."
Though Italy and Spain are well-represented on the Commission and have no trouble making their thoughts known, the Eastern War was principally a German affair and the territories taken largely adjoin Germany. Italy has some interest in how the Habsburg Mediterranean territories are resolved, but is not notably motivated by any kind of revanchism, and Spain is largely disinterested except as a matter of supporting its allies. Such support, they are sure, will be repaid multiple times over when it comes time to turn west.
As such, it falls mainly to Germany to steer the conversation about territorial divisions and shape the post-war order. Unlike the forthcoming Second Vienna Conference, the disposition of these lands is entirely an Allied affair, and not subject to outside factors or concerns. Here, the Alliance is entirely in the driver's seat.
In many places throughout the occupied territories ceded to the Alliance, elected provisional governments have already been formed, and it is they who are charged by the Commission with hosting plebiscites on their localities' future disposition. The result is a whirlwind three-month campaign as newly liberated interest groups barnstorm for their preferred outcome.
The results are in many ways as expected: the former Kingdom of Denmark becomes the Danish Republic, while the lands of Congress Poland and West Galicia form their own Polish Republic. Perhaps unexpected is the agreement by the Prussian territories to join Poland; having received promises of cultural autonomy during a prolonged wooing campaign from Warsaw and feeling rather different from their boisterous eastern brethren, the Prussians of Konigsberg overcome their hesitancy and accede to the new republic. In truth, the decades of incorporation by the Russian Empire have reduced its German population to a noticeable minority, and unlike the floods of Polish emigres seeking to return to the homeland, most Prussians in Germany seem inclined to stay.
Austria, Austrian Silesia, and Slovenia all agree to join the German Republic; while Austria's motives are fairly obvious, Silesia and Slovenia both look to leverage their German populations into achieving membership in Europe's most vibrant and prosperous democracy, while avoiding potential domination by their neighbors. Trieste, in keeping with its Italian majority, joins the Italian Republic.
Things only become complicated in East Galicia and Istria, where both populations (aside from a sliver of German-speaking northern Istria) elect to go their own way, forming the Ruthenian and Istrian Republics. Both seek cultural and national reunion with their neighboring brethren - Ruthenia in a future free of the Romanovs, Istria rather sooner once the Habsburgs are gone - and consider themselves transitional regimes rather than complete nations.
Having drawn a complete picture of the post-war Allied national order, the Commission is now left to determine when, exactly, self-determination will be fully granted to the occupied territories. Many stretches of agricultural land and numerous industrial properties are still privately-held or otherwise abandoned, while profound devastation reigns across areas of Denmark, Poland, and the former Austrian lands. Some within the Assembly have thus called for a period of continued military occupation in order to reconstruct the former holdings of despots into true democratic republics and prosperous industrial states. That question is now posed to the Commission.
What is to be done?
[] We will bring about liberty with an expedited reconstruction process.
EFFECT: Four years for reconstruction. A crash rebuilding process and two sets of supervised elections. Initially quite burdensome economically, but also swiftly resolved. Well-received by the locals. Somewhat effective at instilling republican principles.
[] We will balance all concerns with a typical reconstruction process.
EFFECT: Eight years for reconstruction. A committed rebuilding process that can extend further outward and four sets of supervised elections. A heavy burden on the economy. Accepted by the locals. Reasonably effective at instilling republican principles.
[] We will guarantee enduring democracy with an extended reconstruction process.
EFFECT: Twelve years for reconstruction. A thorough rebuilding process that will encompass the whole of each territory and six sets of supervised elections. A moderate but prolonged strain on the economy. Somewhat contentious with the locals. Quite effective at instilling republican principles.
Unfortunately, the border-redrawing exercise proved excessively contentious, and so I've elected to bypass it entirely. Apologies to anyone who was looking forward to it, but the structure was unworkable. Also, I think these borders look rather nice.
24 hours to vote. Looking for a convincing plurality; if one isn't forthcoming, I'll do a run-off.
Last edited:
