Attempting to Fulfill the Plan MNKh Edition

Voted best in category in the Users' Choice awards.
Thank you so much for this summary! It does make the layout seem more rational, and I have a clearer idea of what the individual "Rings" are now. I've updated the rough map. The northern European interlink caught me off guard since it wasn't mentioned in the text.Anything I've missed? Should I keep that weird triangle around Leningrad or is the Kingisepp-Luga-Novgorod-Kirishi-Volkhov just regular rail?

Would the Rostov line continue on to Sochi already? I thought the latter was part of the Caucasus network which we're not voting to start yet, so I haven't included it for now. I notice there's no HSR line to Sevastopol. I suspect one will be built in the coming decade, if plans to make it the Silicon Peninsula work out. Hope we can also extend it to Western Ukraine some day.

I threw this one together quick, I'll clean it up for a more 'official' post over the coming days.

EDIT: Quite the ninja. Whoops!
Leningrad out to Volkhov is HSR but its on the outer ring rather then a triangle, also the line from Kiev to Minsk runs Zhytomyr-Rivne-Lutsk to Brest so as to bypass the swamps as much as possible. This plan you will have a project to keep HSR equipment going by building the "Northern Loop". Effectively connecting Volkhov to Cherepovets to Vologda to Yaroslav and back to Moscow with a Yaroslav-Kostroma-Gorky diversion. Otherwise, yea the update looks good and thank you so much again for updating it/making it an actual map rather then words on a page.

Edit: Rostov continues to Sochi because its a major tourist destination and Krasnodar is a major city on the way.
 
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Semyonov is in favor of liberal social reform right? Owing him a favor does not sound too bad and []Increase IP Acquisitions would help with the crash modernization we're attempting.

Leningrad out to Volkhov is HSR but its on the outer ring rather then a triangle, also the line from Kiev to Minsk runs Zhytomyr-Rivne-Lutsk to Brest so as to bypass the swamps as much as possible. This plan you will have a project to keep HSR equipment going by building the "Northern Loop". Effectively connecting Volkhov to Cherepovets to Vologda to Yaroslav and back to Moscow with a Kostroma-Gorky diversion. Otherwise, yea the update looks good and thank you so much again for updating it/making it an actual map rather then words on a page.
Thank you! One last clarification: What are the boundaries of the "Outer ring"? Does it include the track through the CMEA republics, or is there a gap in the middle with Stalingrad-Odessa and Leningrad-Kaliningrad being the two disconnected parts. Was a Grodno-Brest-Lviv section part of what was cancelled from the anti-corruption effort under Malenkov?

its why i made a railway map for my planquest.
Indeed, your mapping helps a lot for figuring out what's going on in super-Austria.
 
Thank you! One last clarification: What are the boundaries of the "Outer ring"? Does it include the track through the CMEA republics, or is there a gap in the middle with Stalingrad-Odessa and Leningrad-Kaliningrad being the two disconnected parts. Was a Grodno-Brest-Lviv section part of what was cancelled from the anti-corruption effort under Malenkov?
It does not, the largest issues are the hard to bypass mountains and areas surrounding the Carpathians which makes the outer loop kinda squiggly in the South. To an extent kinda, it was also judged to be a lot of challenging construction and tunneling work due to the need for flat-ish ground to run the HSR.
 
Semyonov is in favor of liberal social reform right? Owing him a favor does not sound too bad and []Increase IP Acquisitions would help with the crash modernization we're attempting.
He is a social radical yeah, and he used to lead diplomatic efforts in CMEA as well.

[]Updates to Wage Policy and []Increase IP Acquisitions are going to be critical for this plan and the development of our high technology sector. Maintaining the cutting edge requires us to be able to license from and to foreign enterprises, and making it easier means issues with parallel efforts are diminished so we don't waste time and money developing proven concepts. We already have a very strong educational program, we can improve it yes, but I think its more important to keep talent in the Union than produce it and have it leave to Germany, Czechia, Finland or whatever, the text implies our wages for technical experts are just not competitive, and we need these people to stay and work on our version of Intel, Dupont, IBM and such.

That said, I don't think we should indebt ourselves too much to Romanov and Semyonov, they won't do these things out of the goodness of their hearts, whatever they ask of us will likely be painful.

As for Balakirev, I say []Support Him. Him controlling a bureau dice will be a interesting look at who might very well be the next Minister, and making sure he has a smooth transition would be good. This is a CI plan, so I think letting him do his own thing could be beneficial to us as well, it should give him opportunities to shine and his expertise should come in handy.
 
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[]Plan ditch Balakirev
-[]Keep to Romanov's Line
-[]Education Expansions
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Accelerate Euro Adoption
-[]His Own Merits
I don't see Balakirev being that solid of a head so i feel like instead we should just focus on getting as much out of Klim as possible and then whatever happens to Balakirev when the dest settles happens.

The favours of this plan is focused on just staying with Romanov and doing things that will keep paying dividens in the long term like better edu, better waged edu labour (even if i am afraid this will mainly be used to depricate uneducated labour cost), and getting euroes so we can get more integration with CMEA.
 
[]Plan Vibrant 70s
-[]Compromise
-[]Accelerate Euro Adoption
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]His Own Merits



Though my initial instinct was to support Romanov on social policy and churn forward without risk of a culture war, we're still stuck pretty far behind the curve on these issues. Maybe a culture war is exactly what we need, even though there will eventually be backlash. I get the impression that the SupSov honestly wants to be done with having to adhere to Stalin's cultural hangups just to keep up appearances.

Furthermore I am convinced that Semyonov, and through him Podgorny, are in a position to pursue a progressive social course without compromising the Ministry's authority. A tacit Romanov-Semyonov-Podgorny alignment on this should be able to go far and might actually be able to keep the pulse of the public will in sight.

And since we're aligning with Semyonov, some debt to him is no big deal, or at least a necessary evil.

Finally, Balakirev is a dead weight and I'm fine with letting him sink. He's not worth even one Bureaucracy die.
 
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Made a few plans, with varying degrees of support for Balakirev. We should either give him no support or back him to the hilt imo.

The first plan is a more conservative one, we won't owe anything to Romanov, only asking to update the Partmaximum, but will ask Semyonov to help us out with IP acquisitions. We picked the High Technology Goal, and both of these should make it easier to achieve that in their own ways, by making it easier to attract foreign talent and keep our own inside the Union, and by making it easier to license technology from other developed countries, which will be essential for the electronic and chemical industries.

[]Plan A Technical Revolution
-[]Keep to Romanov's Line
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]Support Him

[]Plan A Technical Revolution, Sink or Swim edition
-[]Keep to Romanov's Line
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]His Own Merits

The second one, makes ties us to Semyonov more by doing []Education Expansions as well. I figure it would be something voters would want and it should make the educational playing field more equal, by making it so sons of influential party members don't have as much of a leg up on other students.

[]Plan Cram Schools and Technicians
-[]Keep to Romanov's Line
-[]Education Expansions
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]Support Him

[]Plan Cram Schools and Technicians, Sink or Swim edition
-[]Keep to Romanov's Line
-[]Education Expansions
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]His Own Merits

Since we would indebt ourselves to Semyonov quite a bit, there is some logic to aligning to him and pivoting away from Romanov, making these policies a precondition for us forming an alliance with him. I think its risky tying ourselves to a potentially sinking ship, but I can see the argument for it.

[]Plan A Liberal Pivot
-[]Compromise
-[]Education Expansions
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]Support Him

[]Plan A Liberal Pivot, Sink or Swim edition
-[]Compromise
-[]Education Expansions
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]His Own Merits

I think []Accelerate Euro Adoption is an interesting option as well, but am not sure I want to owe Romanov another favor and I value IP Acquisitions more frankly. But here is a plan that is a bit riskier and does it too, I am not too sure owing two favors to Semyonov and one from Romanov while staying in his faction is a smart move, so this ditches Education Expansions.

[]Plan CMEA stonks, Sink or Swim edition
-[]Keep to Romanov's Line
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Accelerate Euro Adoption
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]His Own Merits

[]Plan CMEA stonks
-[]Keep to Romanov's Line
-[]Accelerate Euro Adoption
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]Support Him

Anyway, there are many more combinations we could go for, but these stood out to me.
 
I'm torn on whether to let Balakirev do whatever or to give him a little guidance, I don't know how easy it will be to replace him. But definitely don't give him full support, that is too much bureaucracy dice lost.
 
The first plan is a more conservative one, we won't owe anything to Romanov, only asking to update the Partmaximum, but will ask Semyonov to help us out with IP acquisitions. We picked the High Technology Goal, and both of these should make it easier to achieve that in their own ways, by making it easier to attract foreign talent and keep our own inside the Union, and by making it easier to license technology from other developed countries, which will be essential for the electronic and chemical industries.

[]Plan A Technical Revolution
-[]Keep to Romanov's Line
-[]Updates to Wage Policy
-[]Increase IP Acquisitions
-[]Support Him

Really liking this plan. It's trying to do one thing, support our stated goals for this plan, and do it well. While it isn't the absolute strongest start we could give Balakirev, we would have to secure some independent base in the party, it does set him up well. He would be the deputy of a successful plan, as well as given a massive amount of leeway.

While Education Expansions would be good, we're already doing maximum education. Since this is about increasing the standards of our education, we could substitute it for []Expanding Preparation Schools. I'm not a fan of prep schools, but it'll be a far cheaper option politically. The option literally says Major Political Costs and we're already eating one from ESA.

If it's still available we could also do []Expanded Education for Adults, which would help with all the layoffs that are likely to happen with this automation.
 
Rather Be on his flank then opposite his I be honest.
Having said that the euro thing might not be the worst thing ever.
Not sure what else too try for? Something about schools maybe (get them while they are young) political version?
 
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[]Plan A Technical Revolution

Really like this one. Euro acceleration is I think too risky - if it happens at the same time as a potential oil crisis, both Eurozone and CMEA can fall apart. Want to support B. because it'll save us years of maluses on next management change.
 
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We have 6 free bureau dice right now, spending half on making sure that at the very least the next guy has a competent deputy seems like good forward planning. In a perfect world what that'd mean is that maybe we have to cut back on reorganisations (we already did a lot last plan anyway) and cut back focusing on projects. (Not the end of the world).

Where we could get screwed is oilshock, in that scenario we would probably want all 6 dice to do various things so we don't get attacked by an angry mob. So essentially, supporting the guy or not is choosing between doubling down on 3IR's bet or hedging against it a bit.
 
If I understood the comment "Pick As Many As Desired, You have One Favor from Romanov, Choosing one you don't have will have major political costs" correctly, choosing an additional option not supported by a favor is going to cost us a lot politically.
What would be the political cost of an additional chosen option ? Less freedom of action, tying your fate to a member of the politburo,... ?
Furthermore, if we take an additional "no favor" option (i.e. 1 favor option + 1 "no favor" option + 1 "no favor" option), does this political cost increase proportionally ?
 
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Where we could get screwed is oilshock, in that scenario we would probably want all 6 dice to do various things so we don't get attacked by an angry mob
I think in case of an oil shock, Balekirev controlling one of our bureau dice could actually be quite beneficial. The way out of it is investing in the sector he is the most educated and experienced in it, so he probably would use that reform dice quite effectively in that case. Something like him using a departmental focus using his bonus instead of Klim's in oil extraction programs would help massively. A +15/10 bonus to oil projects would be incredible in such a situation.

Honestly, I think we as the USSR will manage fine. We are rich enough to soften the blow to our population, have a strong social net, and produce enough oil that we can probably supply our industry and population without cutting back too much. The main issue will be our CMEA allies, and bureau dice are of less use when dealing with that. Our new position in the Politburo is going to be important in that case, so we can argue for increased assistance and less tanks, and our CI projects will be key in dealing with this situation, our main tool will be expanding and increasing extraction in order to stablize CMEA oil prices and supply.
If I understood the comment "Pick As Many As Desired, You have One Favor from Romanov, Choosing one you don't have will have major political costs" correctly, choosing an additional option not supported by a favor is going to cost us a lot politically.
What would be the political cost of an additional chosen option ? Less freedom of action, tying your fate to a member of the politburo,... ?
It means we will owe them a big favor. Owing to Romanov likely means we will need to do unpleasant things in the social sphere and work to block Semyonov/Pod's reforms, and maybe introducing a harsher regime in penal labor and such.

Owing too much to Semyonov means we are going to have to support things that could massively weaken our standing in the conservative bloc. And maybe weaken the Ministry a bit if he needs us to buy votes from the right.
 
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It means we will owe them a big favor. Owing to Romanov likely means we will need to do unpleasant things in the social sphere and work to block Semyonov/Pod's reforms, and maybe introducing a harsher regime in penal labor and such.

Owing too much to Semyonov means we are going to have to support things that could massively weaken our standing in the conservative bloc. And maybe weaken the Ministry a bit if he needs us to buy votes from the right.
In this case, is playing the "Romanov versus Semyonov" strategy, taking a favor from each of them to avoid being too dependent on one or the other by when playing one against the other with us as arbitrator and also to have more room for manoeuvre, viable ?
 
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In this case, is playing the "Romanov versus Semyonov" strategy, taking a favor from each of them to avoid being too dependent on one or the other by when playing one against the other with us as arbitrator, viable ?
The favours wouldn't cancel out if that's what you're asking, we'd be asked to do two different things that we don't like, but for different reasons. Maybe we have to keep conservative social policy, but we also have to devolve some of the ministry's power to another ministry, for example.
 
The favours wouldn't cancel out if that's what you're asking, we'd be asked to do two different things that we don't like, but for different reasons. Maybe we have to keep conservative social policy, but we also have to devolve some of the ministry's power to another ministry, for example.
My question was whether this strategy would have given us more room to manoeuvre. A bit like the principle of "playing the competition" between to competitors for one client in the perspective of the client for example in economics, if you like.
Thank you for your clarification, the stakes of this vote gain in clarity.
 
The favours wouldn't cancel out if that's what you're asking, we'd be asked to do two different things that we don't like, but for different reasons. Maybe we have to keep conservative social policy, but we also have to devolve some of the ministry's power to another ministry, for example.
Yup, and owing both of them probably is worse than owing to only one of them, since it means we flip flop more and might require us to take contradictory stances at different times.

OTOH, owing one of them quite a bit and taking a different political approach could help us quite a bit. If we owe Semyonov, doing []Compromise would synergize quite a bit, and it would likely soften the blow of whatever he asks of us since us increasing cooperation with him in the first place could count as a favor to him all on its own if we are lucky. Same with going with []Agitate for a Conservative Course, since coopting the social conservative parts of Romanov's faction means we have more leverage over him, which again, could soften the blow.

Obviously though, we shouldn't owe a bunch of favors to Romanov and choose []Compromise, or do the same with Semyonov and []Agitate for a Conservative Course. I can see that backiring in a ugly way. But there are quite a few interesting plays to be had.
 
Ok, my general opinions...
[]Keep to Romanov's Line: Romanov has a point even if the point is a sign of the party escaping from the guidance of the older generations in favor of something new. Staying with him and broadly upholding his campaign promises will avoid splitting the current conservative block between personalities and allow a degree of unity in the face of resurgent liberal pressure. Staying in tight association without securing an independent party base can cause a massive problem but that is unlikely to be an issue through the course of this plan.

[]Compromise: Semyonov has a point in that the youths want social changes to social organization and several further reforms. Instead of working with the conservatives, tentative outreach can be made to the right to form a new alliance by being far more useful than Romanov to them. Assuming Semyonov can hold onto power a rapid consolidation of the conservatives can follow in the aftermath of the 74 election, securing a political career and directly undermining Romanov.

I don't have a strong preference here. Compromise might be a bit risky and going too fast, I suppose.

What exactly is the difference between the two?


For the various policies, they all seem positive on the whole, but of course we can't afford them all so we'd have to prioritize.

What are Romanov and Seymonov likely to ask from us later on?

[]Expansionary Financial Policies: Pushing Gosbank to further accelerate economic growth through increasing monetary supplies has already been proposed as essential. The necessity of currency in the economy is only growing with several limitations brought in from effectively holding to the gold standard for external commerce. Revaluations of the currency along with the tentative steps to float the external ruble can be started now instead of waiting for a more synchronous application of the Euro. (Costs a Favor from Romanov)

On the whole this isn't a BAD idea, but i think it might be simply unnecessary compared to other options.

[]Reforms of the Social Sphere: Social reforms may be necessary for the Youths but there is no reason to be as radical as Romanov. Applying several breaks to the system and encouraging more measured and studied reforms can allow the party to determine what is appropriate. Enhanced bills on criminality are unlikely to backfire in a significant way but the acceptance of Western degeneracy can undermine the socialist experiment. Sending both to several committees for analysis and policy guidance can allow them to be fairly judged before being implemented. (Costs a Favor from Seymonov)
This one might actually be the only policy that seems negative to me. It SOUNDS reasonable, but that's probably just giving excuses for stopping some good policies.
[]Education Expansions: Radically increasing the education system is going to be necessary at a time when there is an ever-increasing drive towards skilled labor. Something is going to have to be done about the middling students and those who fail in the technical track as both cannot sustain the demands placed upon them. The general track is mostly adequate for university admissions but starting programs towards improving it to the standards of the gymnasium track can start now. Further work at increasing the rigor of the Gymnasium students will have to be studied but with more comprehensive instruction they can become a far more capable generation of scientists. (Costs a Favor from Seymonov)

Well, I'm always in favour of more education, but we're already doing a major expansion anyway, so it's not necessary.



[]Updates to Wage Policy: Part-maximum is not working in any way that it was envisaged as while the maximum ratio of wages is still upheld the lack of competitive wages for technical experts has caused delays in advancement and continued loss of intellectuals. Removing the distinctions between technical and administrative work will be essential to maintain domestic technical experts and continue their rapid import. Some will agitate that this undermines socialism, but higher pay is needed to keep technical experts and encourage them to pursue a rigorous education. (Costs a Favor from Romanov)


This one is probably necessary. Experts HAVE to be payed more to get more of them, it will help getting more skilled immigration, and so on.

We're going with a high tech/modernization plan, so this just makes sense to boost our spending with good policy.


[]Accelerate Euro Adoption: Current tepid questions on the Euro are due to the resignation of Kosygin and some agitation for local currency. The enterprises that have massively pushed for further trade integration have to an extent been discredited but the cause itself is still justified. Ensuring that the previously made plan for a universal currency across European CMEA is adopted in full and not politically fought can provide significant long-term dividends. Forcing the vote before 1975 and in what is likely to be an economic upturn will only further improve the odds of universal passage. (Costs a Favor from Romanov)

Well, I wouldn't say no to this, but I don't think it's quite needed. It will happen eventually anyway, I imagine, so I'm not sure if accelerating it is worth paying the favor.

I imagine the common currency would help a lot our export/import, but again, not quite necessary i think.

[]Immigration Reforms: Allowing anyone who can prove they can maintain a job for five years and with a willingness to work in the Union for jobs that local workers are unwilling to take will be critical for securing talent. Any position that cannot be staffed for the equivalent price of domestic labor will be effectively opened to foreign laborers with fully allowed citizenship for their family as long as one member continues working for every three adults who arrive. This will mostly go towards reinforcing the agricultural sector but other industrial sectors need a steady supply of cheap labor that CMEA is more than willing to supply. (Costs a Favor from Romanov)

Mh... Well, it would help us, and in particular it would.help keeping agriculture profitable AND to keep general labour costs low for a bit longer... But with the massive budget we're doing, we could probably afford not doing it.

We're getting some immigration even without this anyway. Shouldn't demand for rural jobs go down rather than up, with higher consolidation and mechanisation?

[]Increase IP Acquisitions: More technology is critical to the success of the Union and expanding the work of acquisitions for it is politically fraught. External-facing positions have always been questionable and problematic but standards need to be put in place for easy licensing practices along with minimal modifications for domestic replication. This is not to say that local enterprises will be restricted from direct copying, but a minimal amount of work will be expected to avoid diplomatic incidents. (Costs a Favor from Seymonov)

I see this as super important. We're about to upgrade a lot of stuff, we might as well do it to the best tech available.


Commitment Towards Balakirev:

[]His Own Merits:
If Balakirev can prove himself through good administrative work and a five-year scramble for power that would make the eight plan look easy he can make a good minister. The next five years will be hard on the man but he has already taken to the ministry well and can certainly make it through without too much assistance. He's going to learn some hard lessons and require some holding to take the seat, but if a more capable candidate comes along he can easily be replaced. (-0 Bureaucracy Dice)

[]Mild Assistance: Balakirev at least deserves some guidance on how to operate the ministry and to sit in on critical operational meetings. It will be his duty to make a name for himself and consolidate enough political support externally but he will be able to at least be well known on the inside of the ministry. Involving a student in a lot of the decision-making will require a rudimentary confirmation of his work for the first few years but formally teaching a successor is as good a way to go as any. (-1 Bureaucracy Dice)

[]Support Him: Retirement from the ministry is around the corner. Ensuring that someone with a clue of what they are doing and a modest capacity for politics takes control afterward will be crucial. Balakirev for all of his problems is a known actor and one that is both young and capable with few bad ideas that cannot be worked through. Directly taking him on as a protege is outside the picture but ensuring that he has important administrative work directly under his control and allowing the deputy a wild extent of operational freedom can produce massive results. (-3 Bureaucracy Dice) (1 Bureaucracy Dice Controlled by Balakirev)
I'm leaning towards support or mild assistance. Not sure.
 
This one might actually be the only policy that seems negative to me. It SOUNDS reasonable, but that's probably just giving excuses for stopping some good policies.
Its kicking social reforms to committee so they die, and doing crime bills and such. We should do this if we want to go Conservative, but I don't think we will do that lol
 
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[]Reforms of the Social Sphere: Social reforms may be necessary for the Youths but there is no reason to be as radical as Romanov. Applying several breaks to the system and encouraging more measured and studied reforms can allow the party to determine what is appropriate. Enhanced bills on criminality are unlikely to backfire in a significant way but the acceptance of Western degeneracy can undermine the socialist experiment. Sending both to several committees for analysis and policy guidance can allow them to be fairly judged before being implemented. (Costs a Favor from Seymonov)
This option is kinda confusingly written even for sovietquest imo
Cause the "both" here can refer to either A.) The combination of Romanov's "enhanced bills on criminality" and Semyonov's "acceptance of Western degeneracy" (presumably klim-ese for letting the young'uns do anything fun)
Or B.) The sentence before that of "Applying several breaks to the system and encouraging more measured and studied reforms"

So from how I'm reading it he's either asking to have Semyonov and Romanov bills sent to committe simultaneously, or he's asking to have his own proposals sent to committee
Or I'm completely misreading things, but the wonky syntax kinda makes it hard to tell
 
This option is kinda confusingly written even for sovietquest imo
Cause the "both" here can refer to either A.) The combination of Romanov's "enhanced bills on criminality" and Semyonov's "acceptance of Western degeneracy" (presumably klim-ese for letting the young'uns do anything fun)
Or B.) The sentence before that of "Applying several breaks to the system and encouraging more measured and studied reforms"

So from how I'm reading it he's either asking to have Semyonov and Romanov bills sent to committe simultaneously, or he's asking to have his own proposals sent to committee
Or I'm completely misreading things, but the wonky syntax kinda makes it hard to tell
From what I've gathered it's basically sandbagging shit like drug reform or ever so slightly lifting the boot off our gay population by demanding studies and calm. Not so much speaking out against it as Just Asking Questions then leaving it to die in some inscrutable Supsov subcommittee
 
This option is kinda confusingly written even for sovietquest imo
Cause the "both" here can refer to either A.) The combination of Romanov's "enhanced bills on criminality" and Semyonov's "acceptance of Western degeneracy" (presumably klim-ese for letting the young'uns do anything fun)
Or B.) The sentence before that of "Applying several breaks to the system and encouraging more measured and studied reforms"

So from how I'm reading it he's either asking to have Semyonov and Romanov bills sent to committe simultaneously, or he's asking to have his own proposals sent to committee
Or I'm completely misreading things, but the wonky syntax kinda makes it hard to tell
Its effectively saying that social reforms need to be carefully considered and studied before implementation, making sure most of them die in committee rather then be implemented preserving the Union from various undue influences.
 
Romanov has been our main backer up to this point, and I don't see much of a reason to turn to sharply against him at this point. Signaling a willingness to compromise with Semyonov would probably be wise though. So taking the Compromise action on social reform and taking an action that will leave us owing a favor to Semyonov might be a good course of action. Or Compromise and then end up favor-neutral. Though, now that I think about it, is there any advantage to saving that favor for a later date?

Actually, I have a question related to that now. @Blackstar Will any unused favors roll over to our next minister, or will they just disapear when our current minister retires?
 
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