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Well, imagine you're in Semyonov's position. Right now, a big part of the reforms you want to pass involve taking potshots at the Ministry essentially, whether that's in devolving power like Kruschev did, empowering trade unionism or whatnot. Having the person heading it basically removes the largest obstacle in terms of enforcing the things you want. If they are especially politically weak, and don't seem very interested in reaching out to find a patron to protect them, or make an alliance with the GS, why not make a play for the seat?
Now, are a lot of the things he wants to do, essentially good? Yes, but we can't forget that if we don't present ourselves as someone that can at minimum advocate for some managerial interests and moderate his platform, someone else will. Do we want to be create a political landscape where say, the managers and their allies rally to Gulyam instead of someone who can well, curb their excesses?
Think of the Klimenko era, he sucessfully managed to present himself as someone the managers could use to shield themselves from the worst excesses of Masherov, and they rallied behind him from that point onwards for the most part. Klimenko did so without indulging in their worst excesses, on the contrary, he worked with Romanov to curb some of them. The Voznesesnky era didn't have to be what it was, it was largely a product of our own making, creating our own independent base isn't going to inevitably steer into becoming Voz 2.0. Especially if we want to avoid that from the start and consciously try to avoid indulging in corrupt dealings.
As for Balakirev himself, I think we can do plenty of good in our position, yes he has some shit takes on the environment. But we can just... not block the SupSov's environmental reforms? And if you take a look at his other political projects, he is clearly willing to do a lot of good for the rural worker. He wants to give them representation by wiping the old remnants of the tiered system:
[]Expand Town Classification Codes: The tiers of cities and the distinctions between types of towns are an obsolete system that is a holdover from the limited mobility of peasants. Now that the situation has changed small towns and agricultural areas can move to a more district-based model, allowing for party and state leadership to be consolidated. The program is comparatively popular amongst rural interests and will allow for far better representation without too many complaints. (1 Dice)
And if you take a close look at the changed descriptions for projects like []Civilian Airports(Stage 4/5), []Far Eastern High Capacity Corridor, []Air Conditioner Plants(Stage 6/8), []Development of Population Services(Stage 1/3) and such, you don't get the image of a cold hearted technocrat, but someone who actually wants to improve the lot of rural workers and people living in the peripheries neglected by the previous Western USSR centric developments. Hell, he even thinks Podgorny is right on the social sphere. I really don't think we are, or are set to be even if we tried, the biggest obstacle to stability and justice in the Union.
Anyway, as a side note, I will reiterate that we really should do []Assess the Supreme Soviet.
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