Springtime of Nations II: A European Republic Quest

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Due to a combination of factors, the 1848 revolution succeeds in western and southern Germany, allowing for the formation of a German republic. Over the next 30-plus years, the Republic weathers multiple crises, both internal and external, culminating in a brutal civil war that paves the way for the radical Second Republic.

Questers are asked to lend their support to the various factions vying for control of the German National Assembly and thus chart the course of Europe's most tumultuous state. The quest begins in the summer of 1881.

In 1899, things get a little crazy...
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Opening Post
Location
the Republic
Pronouns
He/They
Overview
Due to a combination of factors, the 1848 revolution succeeds in western and southern Germany, allowing for the formation of a German republic. Over the next 30 years, the Republic weathers multiple crises, both internal and external, while confronting and defeating its rivals for control over Germany. Its struggles culminate in a grueling multi-year civil war in which the lingering vestiges of monarchism and reaction are vanquished on the field of battle, and from the ashes of conflict arises the Second Republic: a Republic of Workers, Farmers, and Soldiers.

Unfortunately, all is not well in Europe. The Imperial League of Russia and Austria eyes the radical republic with profound unease; having supported the losing side in the civil war, they now fear retribution, as well as a renewed wave of revolutions. Britain and France have joined together in the Western Entente to serve as a constitutionalist counterweight to the rising tides of radicalism and absolutism in the east. The Kingdom of Italy, once a stalwart ally of the Republic, now hovers indecisively between the three poles of European power. And as for the Second Republic's friends, the Spanish Republic and the United States, they are far away and not likely to come to her aid any time soon.

Questers are asked to lend their support to the various factions vying for control of the German National Assembly and thus chart the course of Europe's most radical state. The quest begins in the summer of 1881.

This is a parliamentary quest, wherein the ballot is divided into two parts: the faction being supported and the manifesto they put forward. The manifesto is to be written by the player about how the faction should pursue its goals over the two-year legislative term.

Faction votes will be allocated towards the group as a whole, and even the faction with the least votes will still receive some representation in the Assembly. On the other hand, manifesto votes will be judged against each other, and each manifesto that gets votes will be assumed to be representative of a faction's internal clique; the manifesto with the most votes within that faction becomes the official platform. Final results will be determined through comparative levels of support, QM fiat, and the occasional flip of the coin.

While the average update period will typically encompass a two-year legislative term, there may be additional crisis updates depending on the consequences of faction manifestos, foreign events, and anything else that might crop up. These will typically require additional votes that do not adhere to the usual system.

There is no final end-goal for this quest. Germany will progress as far as the questers want it to go, and as far as I can manage to write it. Ideally, that will extend through the Great War equivalent in this universe. For sure, this time.

The system for the original incarnation of this quest was based on DanBaque's excellent Paix Française, which was in turn based off of Dadarian's A Little Trouble in Big China. It is now somewhat unrecognizable as a kludge of my own making. The background for this quest is derived from the original Springtime of Nations quest, which I encourage people to read if they have the time and enjoy a good laugh at my expense.


Timeline
1848 - France falls to revolution. Substantial uprisings in Poland, Ukraine, and Hungary, as well as their own heartlands, entirely absorb the collective attention of Austria, Prussia, and Russia for several years, allowing events in Italy and Germany to proceed largely unhindered. Waves of noble 48er refugees flee to eastern Germany.

1849 - Having failed in offering the crown to both of the pre-eminent German sovereigns, and under siege from radical crowds, the Frankfurt Parliament declares the formation of the German Republic. The Parliament is soon split three ways, between the radical-democratic and proto-socialist Reds, the liberal and bourgeois Golds, and the bitter counter-revolutionary Blacks. In response to the declaration of the Republic, the Prussian government attempts to call up the Landwehr in the Prussian Rhineland -- most of its members instead defect en masse to the Frankfurt government.

1850 - The Black Uprising begins. Counter-revolutionaries, monarchists, and reactionary officers attempt to overthrow the increasingly radical Frankfurt Parliament. What follows is a bloody period of civil war and terror, in which the respectable Gold faction decisively throws its support to the Reds, paving the way for a radical-liberal victory. In the wake of the Red-Gold victory, the Constitution of 1850 is promulgated -- this is a majority classical-liberal document, albeit with numerous stunningly radical provisions. Those Blacks who have yet to emigrate do so. Karl Marx is killed in the final days of the Uprising.

1851 - Georg Wolfsegen is officially inaugurated as President after two years as Provisional Executive. His Bergwald Club, consisting of most of the Red politicians as well as the more reformist Golds, proceeds to dominate German politics for the next two years. Austria and Prussia, having largely quelled their minority regions, launch an expedition to pacify the "rebellious areas," only to be met with a brutal campaign of attrition by the Republican Landwehr. Unable to call up their own conscripts for fear of mutiny, the Austro-Prussian forces retreat.

1852 - Austria, Prussia, and the Republic sign the Hamburg Accord. This document does not grant formal recognition to the Republic, but instead acknowledges the existence of a 'frontier' beyond which the Republic has sole legal and sovereign authority. This agreement is little more than a cease-fire, but even tacit acknowledgement of the Republic allows for nations like France and Britain to formally recognize the German state. The German Revolution is officially over.

1853 - Two years into his six-year term, President Wolfsegen is forced to resign amidst a political scandal, shattering the Bergwald Club and its control over German politics. Interim President Markus Wittelsbegen, a Gold of no strong political inclinations, is selected to serve as caretaker for the remainder of the presidential term, and the Assembly is dissolved. This paves the way for a realignment in the political system and a truly consequential election in the fall.

1854-1863 - A period of consolidation within the Republic. Multiple shifting coalitions assume power during the course of the decade and some semblance of peace and order returns to Germany. The Republic throws its indirect support behind the United States during the American Civil War but otherwise stays out of foreign conflicts.

1864 - A pro-unification revolution in Hamburg sparks a general conflict between the Republic on one side and the German Confederation on the other. In a stunning upset, the Republic's armies trounce the Austro-Prussian coalition on the battlefield in a little over a month and force them to accept a humiliating peace settlement in which much of Germany is annexed into the Republic proper. The German Confederation is thus dissolved and Prussia reduced to a shell of its former self. During this time, separate negotiations with Denmark, France, and the Netherlands settle Germany's outstanding territorial claims, though the issue of Schleswig and Holstein is not resolved to most German nationalists' satisfaction, as German-plurality South Schleswig remains in Danish hands.

1865-1867 - The Grand Center, a coalition of centrist parties built to exclude radical and monarchist groups, reigns over the post-war era. Their agenda is a series of extensive compromises within the coalition and much of their focus is on maintaining the status quo, but they largely succeed at bringing the peace economy back online.

1868 - The January Uprising breaks out in Poland, resulting in the mobilization of Russian and Austrian forces to put down the nationalist rebels. In a bitterly contentious vote, the Republic opts to merely seize all of Prussia's Confederal lands, leaving a rump Baltic state, and declines to aid the Poles in their efforts. Russia thereafter crushes the uprising and annexes the whole of Poland and rump Prussia into its imperial territory. This event contributes substantially to the radicalization of the leftist and republican parties.

1869-1871 - Grand Center governance continues, albeit with a diminished majority, as radical and revolutionary groups grow in size and zeal. Reconstruction in the former Confederal territories is truncated in favor of speedy integration, which swells the ranks of right-wing parties and further alienates the left.

1872-1873 - The socialist-radical Red-Gold Coalition achieves victory over the Grand Center and immediately attempts to ban monarchist parties, an initiative which fails due to constitutional roadblocks and right-wing opposition. A similar effort to institute women's suffrage runs into widespread patriarchial opposition from across the political spectrum, as entrenched male interests refuse to give up their privileged place in society.

1874-1875 - The Panic of 1872 reaches Germany and the Austrian economy collapses, forcing the imperial government to suspend reparations. Despite calls for renewed war with Austria, there is no national appetite for further conflict, and the crisis is negotiated peacefully under a new Grand Center government with more lenient repayment terms.

1876 - The cultural-linguistic tensions within southern Schleswig come to a head during the Carnival Crisis, when a national holiday devolves into a German nationalist uprising, leading to both Denmark and Germany mobilizing their armed forces. Diplomatic pressure is put on Denmark to hold a referendum in Schleswig, and the subsequent result sees the southern half of the territory annexed into German Holstein. This is met with jubilation within Germany but permanently embitters the Scandinavian states in the process.

1877 - The Left Coalition assumes power and carries out an agenda of economic strengthening in the face of global recession. Despite their efforts to keep the country on track, the constant intensification of political polarization has left the Republic riven by internal divides, and the coalition is short-lived.

1878-1880 - Due to a combination of factors, the German Civil War breaks out between the socialist United Front in the west, the radical Republican Alliance in the north, the National Government in the center, and the Imperial Coalition in the east. Foreign powers provide indirect support to the government and monarchist forces in the hopes of extinguishing German radicalism once and for all, but the United Front and Republican Alliance successfully join forces to defeat their opposition and cement control over the Republic. After three years of civil war amid some of the worst winters on record, the country is devastated and in the throes of a major economic downturn.

1881 - The Second Constitutional Convention convenes to produce a new German constitution. The resulting document is intensely radical in nature, abolishing separation of powers in favor of a single unicameral legislature with over a thousand seats. The Constitution of 1880 commits the Republic to caring for all its citizens, to protecting their cultural and linguistic rights, and to accepting their judgment in the form of both recalls and referenda. A new wave of revolutionary zeal overtakes the Second Republic, and the thrones of Europe tremble before the might of the people unchained.


The Government of the Republic
The German Republic is a parliamentary republic in its purest form: a single unicameral National Assembly holds all political power save those rights and privileges constitutionally delegated to the districts. Representatives are known as delegates and are elected by all adult residents of their district to the National Assembly for a two-year term, subject to majority recall by the voters. Districts are designed to be roughly equal in population, leading to many tiny districts in major cities and fewer larger districts in the countryside, and are periodically reorganized by the National Assembly after each census.

The National Assembly is internally divided into commissions, which oversee various areas of governance such as the army, the legal system, and industrial affairs. The Steering Commission is the guiding force of the Assembly and is empowered by the majority to direct debate and oversee the other commissions. The leader of the Steering Commission is the High Commissioner of the Republic and serves as the head of government. The deputy leader is the Chief Representative of the Republic and carries out the diplomatic and ceremonial roles typically fulfilled by the head of state.

The Leutewehr, or People's Armed Forces, is the unified military of the Republic, divided into land and sea branches: the Landwehr and the Marinewehr, respectively. The Landwehr and Marinewehr consist of professional cores of career volunteers that direct and train the conscripts which make up the bulk of their forces. Officers in the Leutewehr are elected by their subordinates and serve two-year terms, just like Assembly delegates. In order to stand for military office, an individual must have fulfilled their mandatory conscription term, as well as various other criteria relating to length of service and completed training.

In addition to laying out the political structure of Germany, the Constitution of 1880 also guarantees personal, cultural, economic, and political rights, which may only be infringed upon to ensure the security of the Republic and its democracy. Notably absent among these rights is the right to accumulate wealth or private property; the means of production are owned collectively by the workers and farmers operating them, and no individual is permitted to hold any non-personal property.


The State of the World
Europe
The European continent has stood paralyzed for almost a decade, gripped by the twin specters of economic depression and political revolution. The prospect of a recovery fueled by the steady output of German industry collapsed with the advent of the civil war, and continental economies have languished amidst trade wars and bank failures. Several formerly prominent banks in Britain, having lent recklessly to the German government among others, have since folded in the face of dramatic uncertainty, further reducing available credit.

The heavy-handed intervention into the German Civil War by Austria and Russia has realigned continental politics once again. The two eastern empires are now firmly allied by reactionary fear and the prospect of post-revolutionary reprisals, while Britain and France have mended fences and resumed their prior amity in order to serve as a counterweight against absolutism. Only Spain stands as a reliable ally of the German Republic, its government much like Germany's in party composition if not structure. Italy keeps to its part of the Triple Alliance, if only out of trepidation at French designs on Savoy, but the radical nature of the German socialist revolution makes such a cession more and more palatable as time goes on.

Polarization has likewise set in among the lesser nations of Europe. Portugal and the Low Countries have aligned themselves with the Anglo-French alliance, while Denmark and Sweden have all but thrown their lots in with the Austro-Russian league, more out of fear of Germany than any other shared ideals.

Further south, the Ottoman Empire leans heavily on Western support against further Russian incursions, having declared bankruptcy only half a decade previously, and is in no shape to throw its weight behind anyone. Their loss in the most recent war led to the highly punitive Treaty of San Stefano, in which Russia and Austria pried Romania, Serbia, Montenegro, and a vast new Bulgarian state loose from Ottoman Europe. Efforts by Britain and France to intervene went unheeded, and only the sale of Cyprus to the British government has kept Ottoman finances from total oblivion.

Perhaps the most unexpected outcome of the last decade has been rumblings within Russia of a territorial reorganization. Rumors have filtered in from St. Petersburg of the prospect of a new western Grand Duchy to serve as a buffer against Germany. Should it be structured similarly to the accommodation in Finland, this could well mean some form of Polish autonomy within the Russian Empire, if only to reorient its people against the western foe.


The Americas
As the United States painstakingly staggers its way out of the Great Depression, it remains at odds with an expansionist British regime. American dollars and rifles continue to prop up the Mexican resistance forces led by General Porfirio Diaz against the British-backed Iturbide regime; as the financial crisis has moved forward, British investment in Mexico has declined, giving Diaz the upper hand against the flagging Empire. Many international observers consider the puppet government's fall to be merely a matter of time.

In a contentious and highly disputed election, Representative James G. Blaine triumphs over Governor Samuel Tilden in 1876, inaugurating the rise of the so-called "Half-Breed" faction of moderate Republicans. Having thoroughly broken planter power in the American South, the United States now moves to fully reintegrate its formerly rebellious areas through less coercive means, potentially signaling a broader shift toward reconciliation.

Under the leadership of reformist Guatemalan President Justo Rufino Barrios, and in response to the grinding depression that has caused a plummet in export prices, the nations of Central America establish the Union of Central American States in the late 1870s. While the Iturbide regime is decisively against a united Central American government, it is far too busy with the Diaz rebels in the north to contemplate intervention.


Asia
In Japan, the imperial government successfully puts down a samurai revolt in the province of Satsuma, ending the power of the feudal nobility and paving the way for further reforms. Japan's growing financial needs and interest in naval reform steadily eclipse Italy's ability to support them, resulting in a turn toward British aid. This further strengthens the Japanese democratic movement, which calls for a constitutional monarchy.

Absent German support, Qing China languishes. A diplomatic incident that resulted in the death of a British explorer leads to further concessions made and treaty ports opened. Unrest against foreign colonialism and Qing capitulation grows.

Anglo-Japanese diplomatic pressure forces the French to make several concessions regarding its Korean protectorate, opening the territory up to foreign investment and exploitation. Though Japan is temporarily satisfied by the arrangement, its growing external interests are quickly becoming apparent.
 
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The Election of 1881
Which faction will you support in the elections of 1881?

[] Vanguard Communists
Named after the elite Red Vanguard of the Civil War, the Vanguard Communists believe that the promise of the Second Revolution has yet to be fulfilled. They advocate for further centralization and militarization as essential components of the armed global revolution that must sweep across the whole of the planet to guarantee the total liberation of humanity.

[] Constitutional Socialists
The moderate wing of the former United Front is committed to the present constitutional order and the restoration of both peace and prosperity. They believe that Germany must heal and cohere before it can exert itself any further, and that the current governing structure is an ideal to be pursued rather than a starting point to be moved on from.

[] Anarcho-Mutualists
The somewhat disaffected and previously marginalized Mutualist wing of the socialists has developed into a full-fledged anarchist faction, calling for further devolution of powers to the localities and the reduction of the central government's authority. They are ardently opposed to the existence of both the volunteer armed forces and the growing professional bureaucracy.

[] Centrist Independents
Conversely, the so-called Centrist faction is representative of the growing trend of professionalization in German governmental organizations. The Independents are a technocratic faction that seeks to perform state functions at peak efficiency and expand the civil and military state in conjunction with non-governmental interest groups.

[] Radical Republicans
Tracing their roots back to the hyper-radical Jacobins of the early Republic, the Radical Republicans are a militarist and ultra-democratic faction whose members believe that virtue resides solely within the armed, voting citizenry of the Republic.

[] Moderate Democrats
The closest thing to a conservative faction in Germany is the Moderate Democrats, who think the Constitution of 1880 went too far in its pursuit of revolutionary ideals and may need to be ever-so-slightly modified. Their ideal state is something more akin to the early Republic, with its public/cooperative economic model and more structured tripartite government.




There will be a 24-hour moratorium. Please include five planks in your vote, representing your proposed manifesto for your faction. Each plank should be at most two concise sentences. An example is included below:

[] Hyper-Revanchists
-[] Vienna by Christmas
--[] Invade France.
--[] Annex the Netherlands.
--[] Send arms to Poland.
--[] Enlist every man, woman, and child into the army.
--[] Pass out jaunty hats to raise national morale.
 
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1882-1883 in the German Republic
1882-1883 in the German Republic

The inaugural election of the Second Republic is a boisterous one, featuring high turnout and heavy civic engagement from the electorate. Notably, this is the first national election with full women's suffrage, and female voters come out in droves to register their support for their preferred candidates. Despite fears that women will turn out to be a more conservative bloc than their male counterparts, many have been radicalized and educated in the same manner as any other voter, and they actually tend to vote more socialist than not.

Concerns that peace will shatter the Red-Gold Coalition likewise turn out to be unfounded, as tally after tally returns a comfortable majority for the socialist-radical alliance that won the Civil War. The Radical Republicans are the greatest beneficiary of this post-war boom in support, with many new Radical delegates hailing from the solidly Gold countryside in the north and west. Perhaps the least favored of the Red-Gold groups is the Constitutional Socialist faction, which fails to capture most of the electorate's imagination and is often sidelined by the more extreme Republicans and Communists. Even so, the Socialists secure a comfortable third place for themselves, far ahead of any of the other parties outside the Coalition.

Still riding high on propaganda and victory, the electorate largely eschews the non-Coalition parties, and most of their support comes either from minority regions (in the case of the Mutualists) or specific blocs formed around professions (like the Centrists' civil official voters). However, though this may be a disappointing showing in a vacuum, the simple fact that the other factions have delegations to send to the Assembly in the wake of the Red-Gold victory is something of a triumph in and of itself. The Red-Gold Wave has crashed over Germany, but it has yet to wash away all opposition.

Coalition talks between the three major parties are notably more fractious than similar pre-war negotiations, simply because party structures and enforced unity are almost entirely absent. By massively expanding the Assembly and making the delegates responsible to smaller, directly-empowered voting districts, the delegates in turn are less subject to any kind of central or national leadership exercised by the faction heads. Dissidents who don't like the tenor of the compromises being made simply walk out of the talks and the leading figures are largely powerless to stop them. In one instance, a bloc of hyper-militant Radicals is ejected forcibly from the negotiating session after they start chanting slogans like "Universal War Now!"

Perhaps the most noticeable fault line in the Coalition originates with the so-called Marxist-Jacobin bloc of Radical Republicans, who advocate for hardline aggressive policies against the imperial powers and a general foreign policy outlook more in line with the Communists than their own faction. Their numbers within the Radicals are sufficient to guarantee the Vanguards a favored place in the coalition in excess of their numbers, and the two groups often support each other during intra-coalition discussions.

However, despite bits and pieces fragmenting off the Coalition, the majority remains commanding. Of the 936 delegates of the National Assembly, the leaders of the Coalition can reliably expect support from about 560 of them -- not quite a supermajority, but close. Moreover, party weakness goes both ways, as opposition delegates can be picked off or convinced to support government measures on a case-by-case basis, so long as the measures correspond to their voters' desires. The end result is a legislature that is fluid and dynamic, but not entirely chaotic.

The Second Republic is self-consciously built on three principal pillars: the Workers, the Farmers, and the Soldiers. The Red-Gold Coalition is careful to tailor its efforts to those three groups, and its focus on reconstruction and rebuilding is directed largely at urban reconstruction, rural reorganization, and veterans' care. Also prominent among their efforts is preparation for "the next war," considered not just a possibility but an inevitability, given the heavy-handed involvement of foreign powers in the recent civil strife.

The foremost goal of the Coalition is reconstruction. Central and southern Germany are devastated, with the city of Dresden almost entirely destroyed and Berlin left bullet-riddled and depopulated, among many other affected locales. Their principal weapon in the fight to rebuild the nation is the abundant population of veterans, many of whom came of age during the multi-year conflict and now lack employment. Able-bodied veterans frequently find themselves offered prestigious and responsible positions leading work gangs or salvage crews, bringing no small measure of military elan to their efforts. Those left disabled by the conflict are instead granted generous pensions and often retrained for rear-echelon or office work.

While most of the agricultural land in Germany is already divided up into rural cooperatives or single-family farms, the civil war has left between five and ten percent of the most productive areas devoid of human hands to tend them. Whether the former residents left as a consequence of collateral damage during the fighting, emigrated following the conflict, or simply abandoned the countryside in favor of the better-defended cities, these farms nevertheless require new workers. Despite initial efforts by the Radical Republicans to reallocate every empty plot to single-family farmers, intervention by the Socialists and the subsequent necessity for compromise sees a relatively even-handed distribution between co-ops and yeoman farms, though perhaps more evenly distributed toward the latter than the former.

As factories retool from total war toward the peacetime economy, production lines that once churned out rifles and bullets now begin shipping steam engines and plows. While urban factories in central Germany have suffered and will require extensive rebuilding before they can fully come back online, Silesia and the Ruhr both have largely untouched industrial bases and begin immediately contributing to the reconstruction efforts. Some factory-arsenals remain geared toward military production, in an effort to replenish depleted supplies of materiel, but the focus for now is almost exclusively on rebuilding the civilian economy.

The Radicals' Army of Labor and Army of the Land are codified into law as the People's Labor Reserve, a unified structure of civil conscription that will allow the whole of the national economy to be placed under centralized command and rapidly geared toward supporting a hypothetical future war effort. Every factory worker and farmer is now a reservist in the Leutewehr and draws a small government stipend in exchange for participating in regular refresher courses and training programs on their wartime duties. This measure draws furious opposition from regionalists and proponents of decentralization, but even with an unusually high rate of legislative defections, the measure still passes, largely with military support.

In exchange for their contributions to the legislative majority, the Communists and Socialists extract from the Radicals a comprehensive workplace reform bill, which gradually reduces the 55-hour day to 40 hours over the course of the next two years, guarantees union rights, mandates union shops in those workplaces which vote for them, and expands safety standards in both industrial and rural cooperatives. The Commission of Labor notes with no small degree of satisfaction that these measures, despite furious opposition from pre-war private interests, actually result in a noticeable net increase in productivity, rather than a promised and much-dreaded decline.

As the dust settles from the German Civil War, foreign trade and commerce hesitantly resume. The Imperial League has numerous trade restrictions on vessels and merchants flying the German flag, citing "the wanton spread of revolutionary contagion," and so the Baltic Sea is a largely hostile waterway, particularly with the woefully incomplete status of the Karl Marx Canal. However, the Entente nations, the North Sea ports, and the Rhine all remain open for business and an abundance of German industrial surplus flows across the water. Outgoing German ships are met in turn by incoming freighters carrying American grain and tobacco, Chinese tea, and various colonial goods from Britain and France. As German waterways are cleared, riverine traffic resumes at higher levels than in the pre-war period, as depression-starved foreign traders eagerly seek German goods to revitalize their home markets. In particular, trans-Atlantic trade between America and Germany is a hallmark of the immediate post-war period.

While the presence of foreign "volunteers" on the opposite side of the civil war has been the subject of much vitriol in Red-Gold propaganda, the United Front and the Republican Alliance also benefited from the presence of foreign fighters, whether ideological fellow-travelers or sympathetic adventurers looking for a good scrap. Many of the more radical individuals who fought for Germany in the war are now effectively exiled from their conservative home countries and now live as naturalized citizens within the Republic. Rather than let all their expertise and knowledge go to waste, the Coalition government taps a number of them to staff a training camp focused on providing military education to anti-monarchist and pro-republican groups. This secret facility, located in the Bavarian Alps, serves as a clearinghouse and meeting place for foreign dissidents and radicals, connecting the government of the Republic directly to the European and international underground.

Though localities have extensive rights pertaining to education and the upbringing of children under the constitution, the national government still retains a right of veto when it comes to issues regarding the preservation of the Republic. It is for that reason that the Commission for Education issues a new requirement that all schools and universities begin teaching mandatory courses in republican civics. These political education classes are intended to denounce the evils of monarchism and reaction while instilling pro-Republic values in the attendees. Whether or not they are successful is something that will only be seen in time.

Finally, during the spring of 1883, the Second International convenes in Trier. While the First International was somewhat disrupted by the civil war, the Second is a boisterous, teeming affair, as radicals and socialists from all over the world flock to the one true radical republic to make their case. Over several weeks, numerous fiery speeches are given, lectures are delivered, and horizons are broadened, all serving to strengthen the fraternal bonds of social reform and democratic progress between the attendees.

World Events in 1882-1883

In 1882, a French armada responds to a nationalist uprising in Egypt by bombarding Alexandria and seizing the city, as well as the Suez Canal. French forces march on Cairo and institute an imperial protectorate over the Egyptian sultanate, with permanent military garrisons in all of its major cities. Napoleon IV declares that "the work of my illustrious predecessor, once left incomplete, has now come to its glorious and inevitable conclusion."

An attempt by a Lost Cause diehard to assassinate American president James Blaine midway through his second term is foiled by the US Marshals Service, which has been tasked with presidential protection since the disastrous triple assassination following the Civil War. The assassin is later executed by hanging after being denied the privilege of making a final statement.

Following the French conquest of Egypt, a multilateral conference between British, French, Belgian, Dutch, Portuguese, and Italian delegates takes place in London, and ground rules for the colonial division of the African continent are laid out. Germany refuses to participate in the London Conference, while Spain, having divested herself of her overseas colonies, is notably excluded from the proceedings.

Pope Leo XIII officially condemns the "rise of godless radicalism and socialism in Europe" in an encyclical. The subsequent rising by a small cadre of Catholic reactionaries in southern Germany is quickly quashed by a deployment of the local Landwehr detachment; the rest of the country seems largely indifferent.

The terms of the Triple Alliance lapse in late 1883 and the Kingdom of Italy declines to renew them. Instead, rumors arise that there have been frequent contacts between French and Italian diplomats, though as yet nothing official has come of these talks. Germany and Spain sign a bilateral pact instead, cementing their alliance.
 
The Election of 1883
Which faction will you support in the elections of 1883?

[] Vanguard Communists
Named after the elite Red Vanguard of the Civil War, the Vanguard Communists believe that the promise of the Second Revolution has yet to be fulfilled. They advocate for further centralization and militarization as essential components of the armed global revolution that must sweep across the whole of the planet to guarantee the total liberation of humanity.

[] Constitutional Socialists
The moderate wing of the former United Front is committed to the present constitutional order and the restoration of both peace and prosperity. They believe that Germany must heal and cohere before it can exert itself any further, and that the current governing structure is an ideal to be pursued rather than a starting point to be moved on from.

[] Social Radicals
Adherents of the "Orange" or "Marxist-Jacobin" tendency, these egalitarian republicans have syncretized their beliefs with socialist thought to produce an ultra-radical faction that advocates for aggressive social reform and a belligerent foreign policy toward reactionary and monarchist states.

[] Anarcho-Confederalists
The anarchist faction, reorganized in name and ideology if not entirely in policy, calls for the devolution of central authority to localities, the preservation and extension of minority rights, and a kind of pacifist internationalism in which peaceful cooperation is established with revolutionary and progressive factions in other countries. They remain strongly opposed to the growing trend of professionalization within the government and military.

[] Radical Republicans
Tracing their roots back to the hyper-radical Jacobins of the early Republic, the Radical Republicans are a militarist and ultra-democratic faction whose members believe that virtue resides solely within the armed, voting citizenry of the Republic.

[] Progressive Independents
A moderate and technocratic faction, the Progressive Independents are a fusion of the ministerial class with the (relatively, for Germany) conservative elements of German society. Most resembling pre-war social democrats, the Progressives advocate for a diminishment of radicalism in public policy, a posture of openness abroad to avoid further antagonizing foreign powers, and improvements and strengthening measures for government institutions.



There will be a 24-hour moratorium. Please vote by plan, with a maximum of five planks, representing the proposed manifesto for your faction. Each plank should be at most two concise sentences. An example is included below:

[] Hyper-Revanchists
-[] Vienna by Christmas
--[] Invade France.
--[] Annex the Netherlands.
--[] Send arms to Poland.
--[] Enlist every man, woman, and child into the army.
--[] Pass out jaunty hats to raise national morale.
 
1884-1885 in the German Republic
1884-1885 in the German Republic

Having concluded a legislative term considered broadly successful by most metrics, the Red-Gold Coalition enters the 1883 election with confidence. Unfortunately, wartime unity has begun to fade and a desire for "normalcy" has seemingly afflicted the voters of the Republic; rather than remain enchanted with preparations for a future war, the goal instead is to secure the present peace. This push for a speedy return to peacetime has a profound impact on both voter turnout, which is at record levels, and on the voting intentions of the electorate, which have begun to moderate.

Indeed, the splintering of the Radical Republicans into distinctly socialist and republican factions, a split foreshadowed by the contentious internal maneuvers of the prior term, serves as the general cue for a stampede to the right. These voters' chosen delegates reside within the amalgamated Progressive Independent faction, a technocratic-moderate group that aims to execute leftist policy along more market-based lines, with an emphasis on foreign trade.

The Progressives secure the plurality of the vote, surmounting even the strengthened Vanguards as their numbers swell with Germans seeking a peace dividend after years of privation and struggle. Previously inactive voters make their presence known at the polls, leading to a small but vocal radical faction that calls for a purge of the right wing, even going so far as attempting to organize local youth militias. This effort is quashed by the National Police and Landwehr, who bloodlessly disperse the conspiracy and haul the ringleaders off to face trial.

However, a plurality does not equal a majority, and the Progressives are stymied in their efforts to form a governing coalition by both their own internal contradictions and the opposition of the other factions. The eleventh-hour split of the Progressive Independents into a pro-socialist and a pro-market faction contributes to their inability to secure power, but even a fully united Progressive delegation would have had a major uphill battle to take the High Commissioner's steel gavel.

It falls to the Vanguard Communists, as the second-largest group in the Assembly, to reforge the Red-Gold Coalition, or at least something like it. Lacking the numbers to fill out the needed seats, the Radical Republicans are relegated to a secondary partnership, maintaining their prominence mostly due to the strong historical image of their faction. Though the Constitutional Socialists have expanded their vote share, they too have less than a hundred seats, making them third or fourth fiddle at best. Instead, the Social Radicals are the ones who step in to bulk out the Coalition, having inherited the bulk of the Radical Republicans' delegates and many of their voters. This is entirely acceptable to the Vanguards; the Social Radicals are much more in line with their own policies, and the Red-Orange alliance is a historic one. Unfortunately, however, even with these four parties all aligned, the fragmentation and weak unity of the parliamentary groups leaves them shy of a true majority.

Enter the pro-socialist faction of the Progressives. Roughly sixty of the social-democratic delegates have coalesced around the need for financial reform, and are able to present a slate of demands sufficiently tolerable to the coalition leadership that they can in turn be allowed into government. Control over the Commission for Finance is their key demand, and it is one that is met reluctantly but nonetheless in full. While many communist and socialist delegates are wary of Progressive intentions, at least the socialist Progressives don't want to start selling off chunks of the country to Britain and France, and that's not nothing.

Possessed of a secure majority, the new Sunrise Coalition (so named as a union of Red, Orange, Gold, and Pink) begins staffing the Commission leadership roles and assumes power as the new governing force of Germany. In the end, while compromises are made and a certain amount of radicalism left out of the coalition manifesto, the talks are ultimately harmonious and produce a government with a minimum of rancor or strife.

Of course, in the Second Republic, a legislative majority is not the end of the conversation, but rather only the beginning. Over two hundred Progressives enter opposition and immediately begin mobilizing their local constituencies. While they might lack the ability to override government legislation or replace it with their own, they possess a key issue that resonates with the voter base: tax and tariff reductions.

Despite the post-war lowering of domestic taxes, duties and impositions remain at a substantial percentage of citizens' discretionary income, while tariffs are fully deployed against foreign imports. While the taxes are more or less bearable given the wide variety of social services available to the average German, the tariffs serve to raise prices on American food imports. Most of the extra cost is borne by the state, which uses its power to enforce food price maximums liberally, but the remainder that isn't is widely considered a burden on households. As such, the opposition Progressives are ideally positioned to capitalize on it as a wedge issue.

The first true referendum of the Second Republic, a new law reducing tariffs on foodstuffs and other imports, spreads like wildfire, catching on even in communist and radical redoubts. The government's opposition to the referendum is somewhat muted; fighting a cost reduction for food and other basic staples is not especially popular with the electorate.

Instead, they push a major Vanguard initiative and implement the Basic National Ration, which provides a guaranteed right to food, shelter, and clothing for all citizens of the Republic. The attendant stipend doesn't allow for much but the means of survival on its own, as the intent is to prevent starvation and privation rather than enable luxury, but the legislation does much to alleviate fears among the electorate, reduces overall costs, strengthens domestic demand, and saps much of the tariff referendum's support. The referendum passes, but only by about two or three percent, which is much reduced from its projected margin of support of sixty- or seventy-plus percent at its peak.

As reconstruction efforts enter their fourth year, the Republic is a nation largely free from rubble and debris, but many buildings and much key infrastructure still needs to be rebuilt. In this, workers and laborers of the National Labor Reserve are aided by an array of industrial machines, including steam shovels and steam rollers. With national labor stretched to its limit in both reconstruction and economic growth, these work-saving devices are crucial in seeing that roads and rails are laid down, new housing goes up, and parks and other public spaces are opened, all in a timely and efficient fashion.

The keystone of the rebuilding effort is the resumption of construction on the Karl Marx Canal at Kiel. Only about a quarter of the way done before digging stopped at the outset of the Civil War (the slow progress a result of a manual-labor employment strategy by the government), many of its laborers were volunteered into the Republicans' various military bodies and subsequently dispersed across northern Germany. Now, those veterans have returned to work, armed not just with shovels and picks, but steam-powered machines and trained engineers, as well as plenty of overtime pay. Once-sluggish forward progress practically sprints forward, and construction is now estimated to complete sometime around 1888.

The Progressive-led Commission for Finance is hard at work throughout 1884 and early 1885, producing a comprehensive slate of legislation to overhaul the national currency. Gold is withdrawn from general circulation and replaced entirely with bills and non-precious metal coins: the Paper Mark. Having thereby rebuilt the national gold reserve, all gold is earmarked exclusively for foreign trade in the form of the Gold Mark, which keeps Germany competitive in overseas markets while maximizing its currency advantage. It is the abundant internal supply of paper money, combined with the tariff reduction and other government policies, which combine to trigger the post-war economic boom, as available currency and high demand for goods power the Republic's industrial and agricultural engine.

To capitalize on this positive economic trend, the Assembly approves the establishment of dozens of regional branches of the National Bank, which is empowered to serve as lender and deposit-holder alike. These local branches extend banking services to millions of Germans who live outside major cities or away from military depots, allowing them to take out expansion loans for their agricultural cooperatives, often for the purchase of steam-powered equipment. These low-interest agricultural loans allow German farms to expand their productivity, thereby meeting the renewed demand for foodstuffs and not only maintaining but actually reducing foreign imports in the process.

In a surprising move for an otherwise pro-centralization government, the Sunrise Coalition devolves a degree of economic authority to local planning councils, which are made up of representatives from area co-ops and single-family ventures as well as government representatives. These planning councils are tasked with laying out local development efforts in cooperation with national bodies, including the Commissions for Agriculture, Infrastructure, and Industry. This reduces the strain on the bureaucracy in Frankfurt-Darmstadt and allows local interests to have a clearer say in matters which directly affect them, improving economic efficiency.

Though reduced in scope compared to its initial intentions, a nationally-sponsored pilot program for labor vouchers goes into effect in certain communities in the Ruhr Valley. These vouchers replace the Paper Mark as the means of exchange and are intended to eventually phase currency out entirely, should the program be successful. Numerous statisticians and other government observers are present to measure the area's economic activity, and various elements of the Assembly watch the experiment with a keen eye.

Following two years of intense study, the Combined Staff of the People's Armed Forces submits a comprehensive report on the Civil War to the Commission for War. In the lengthy document, the German army high command lays out the lessons learned from the conflict, both from the perspective of the victors and interviews conducted with surrendered officers from the defeated side. In short, it offers a trenchant, brisk set of suggestions: the imperative need to rapidly arrive at the battlefield and then fortify a position; abundant and indeed redundant lines of supply and communication; an expanded support and medical corps; the absolute requirement of a robust navy capable of keeping the waterways and ports open; and future suggestions for winterizing and ruggedizing equipment and preparing soldiers for combat in hostile terrain and weather.

The proposed expansion of the People's Navy is met with instant approval and enabling legislation is quickly passed to expand the Republic's maritime industry, river docks, and seaports, with an eye toward domestic production of warships to dominate the Baltic, secure the rivers, and defend the North Sea coast, as well as increased civilian shipbuilding to secure overseas trade. Dozens of new factories dedicated to producing armor plates, heavy artillery, huge steam engines, and numerous other necessary goods go up across Germany's industrial heartlands and along its coasts, ready to enable a general and wide-reaching naval buildup.

In foreign affairs, Germany seeks to replace the strategic depth of its Italian alliance with a more wide-ranging commercial and diplomatic breadth, sending envoys and approaches to several dozen countries ranging from Ottoman Albania to the Union of Central American States. Most nations receive the ambassadors cordially and have no problem negotiating general terms of trade and commerce, but their interest wanes beyond that. However, in Latin America, Asia, and the Balkans, there is further desire for interaction.

Greece, Serbia, Romania, and the Ottoman Empire find themselves largely adrift in the wake of the Austro-Russian alliance, the creation of an enormous Bulgaria as guarantor of Balkan peace, and the Entente focus on Africa. All have extensive outstanding territorial claims or historic grudges against the Imperial League and little prospect of securing them using their own capabilities. German trade and friendship may be what is required to break the undesirable status quo, and so they enter into more binding trade agreements as a potential foundation for future cooperation.

The republics of Latin America, particularly newly-liberated Mexico, the UCAS, Cuba, Argentina, and Peru-Bolivia, all see the benefits in commerce with the Second Republic. In the case of Mexico, Central America, and Cuba, German friendship with the United States opens the door for further relations. As for Argentina and Peru-Bolivia, they find themselves threatened by or opposed to Entente allies, namely French-aligned Ecuador and Chile on the one hand and Portuguese Brazil on the other. The South American nations seek additional sources of arms and funds to strengthen themselves against their prospective foes, and Germany is happy to provide.

Finally, the free nations of Asia eye the carving-up of Africa with profound wariness. Having seen the expansion of French Korea and Indochina in recent years, the Napoleonic Empire's appetite is seemingly boundless, and British economic hegemony is no less crushing. The Sublime State of Iran, the Kingdom of Siam, and the formerly-Spanish Philippines all welcome German approaches in the face of potential European colonialism, with a degree of warmth only available to a known anti-colonial power. China and Japan are likewise eager to renew commercial and diplomatic relations, in keeping with the First Republic's policy of extending its industrial trade to the Far East.

The greatest difficulty for Germany's expansion of its overseas influence remains its lack of guaranteed coaling stations and resupply ports, especially in Asia, and so leases are negotiated; not territorial or extra-territorial exactions in the manner of the European hegemons, but actual fair contracts with reasonable terms to rent harbor facilities and build coal depots. In this manner, the German maritime footprint vastly expands across the Americas and Asia, while the alliances of Europe watch with wary eyes.


World Events in 1884-1885

In response to the German declaration in 1882 and after attending the Second International, the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions, the unified body of labor unions and associations in the United States, announces its support for the eight-hour workday and the forty-hour work-week. The US Radical Republicans adopt the measure as part of their electoral manifesto and national support begins growing for the so-called "Three Eights."

The Essen Collective, in collaboration with the German and American governments, begins casting the all-steel Statue of Justice, a 200-foot effigy of a woman bearing scales and a sword, as a gift to commemorate German-American friendship. Unlike most depictions of Justice, this one is not blindfolded, but rather using the band to keep her hair out of her eyes, thus rendering her gaze clear and straightforward. The head and sword-bearing arm are exhibited around the United States to raise funds for the cornerstone and park intended to host the statue.

A French armada smashes a Chinese fleet off the coast of Fuzhou and French forces rout the Qing army, ending China's attempted intervention in the conquest of Tonkin and securing French control over northern Vietnam. The region is subsequently renamed French Indochina by colonial authorities.

Irish rebels nearly succeed in dynamiting the Tower of London, instead causing substantial damage and prompting an intense crackdown by British occupation forces in Ireland.

After a brief skirmish between two parties of armed "explorers," a joint condominium of British-aligned Belgium and the French-aligned Netherlands is established over the Congo, thereby defusing a potential point of colonial conflict within the Entente.

Britain and France sign the Suez Protocol, demilitarizing the waterway during peacetime and establishing joint naval patrols at both ends of the canal. Henceforth, the Suez Canal Zone is under joint Anglo-French protection.

The Second Mexican Empire collapses with the withdrawal of British garrison forces. The emperor, Agustin III, along with his imperial court, take ship for Britain just ahead of the approaching republican forces. General Porfirio Diaz marches into Mexico City to jubilant cheers and universal acclaim, and is almost immediately named interim president of the restored United Mexican States.

Pedro II, Emperor of Brazil, abdicates. Rather than be succeeded by his daughter, whom he considers ill-suited to rule, he instead leaves the Brazilian crown to Dom Luis, King of Portugal, thereby reuniting the two Lusophone nations in a trans-Atlantic empire. It is rumored that this unorthodox succession is a consequence of Entente pressure, particularly from the British.

The Third Anglo-Burmese War concludes with the British conquest of the once-sovereign kingdom, expanding the Raj even further east.

Major colonial expeditions from the western European powers commence across Africa, carving up the territories there in the manner detailed by the London Conference.
 
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The Election of 1885
Which faction will you support in the elections of 1885?

[] Vanguard Communists
Named after the elite Red Vanguard of the Civil War, the Vanguard Communists believe that the promise of the Second Revolution has yet to be fulfilled. They advocate for further centralization and militarization as essential components of the armed global revolution that must sweep across the whole of the planet to guarantee the total liberation of humanity.

[] Constitutional Socialists
The moderate wing of the former United Front is committed to the present constitutional order and the restoration of both peace and prosperity. They believe that Germany must heal and cohere before it can exert itself any further, and that the current governing structure is an ideal to be pursued rather than a starting point to be moved on from.

[] Social Radicals
Adherents of the "Orange" or "Marxist-Jacobin" tendency, these egalitarian republicans have syncretized their beliefs with socialist thought to produce an ultra-radical faction that advocates for aggressive social reform and a belligerent foreign policy toward reactionary and monarchist states.

[] Anarcho-Syndicalists
The anarchist faction calls for the devolution of central authority to localities, the preservation and extension of minority rights, increased prominence for unions and workers' groups, and a foreign policy in which peaceful cooperation is established with revolutionary and progressive factions in other countries.

[] Radical Republicans
Tracing their roots back to the hyper-radical Jacobins of the early Republic, the Radical Republicans are a militarist and ultra-democratic faction whose members believe that virtue resides solely within the armed, voting citizenry of the Republic. They advocate for an aggressive foreign policy and an agricultural program centered around single-family farms.

[] Progressive Independents
The social-democratic wing of the Progressives retains the party's name but not its more conservative policies. Instead, the Progressive Independents believe in a pragmatic market-socialist approach that maintains the basic structure of the economy while incorporating liberal and financial elements to improve efficiency.

[] Moderate Democrats
A liberal and technocratic faction, the Moderate Democrats are representative of the (relatively, for Germany) conservative elements of German society. The Moderates advocate for a diminishment of radicalism in foreign affairs, a more market-based economy, and the professional execution of government policy.




There will be a 24-hour moratorium. Please vote by plan, with a maximum of five planks, representing the proposed manifesto for your faction. Each plank should be at most two concise sentences. For my ease of understanding and everyone else's, please ensure that your plan has a name that is completely distinctive from all the others, especially if it iterates off another plan.

For this election, please be sure to rank your manifesto planks in order of importance. The most-important plank should be at the top and the least-important at the bottom. This will assist me in coalition-building.

An example is included below:

[] Hyper-Revanchists
-[] Vienna by Christmas
--[] Invade France.
--[] Annex the Netherlands.
--[] Send arms to Poland.
--[] Enlist every man, woman, and child into the army.
--[] Pass out jaunty hats to raise national morale.
 
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1886-1887 in the German Republic
1886-1887 in the German Republic

The third election of the Second Republic is notable for being highly contentious but not actually acrimonious. Instead, an unprecedented amount of harmony seems to have arisen between the candidates and the electorate, as a wave of radical enthusiasm sweeps across Germany. This enthusiasm coalesces in the form of both economic experimentation, as optimistic voters seek new forms of growth and innovation, and fundamental social change, as the increasingly self-confident female half of the electorate continues to assert itself in national politics.

What would have been the most polarizing issue two decades previous, under the prior Republic, is now one of the most popular: the classification of domestic labor, popularly known as "women's work," as actual labor, to be regulated, unionized, and most importantly, compensated. This is nothing less than a head-on assault on the traditional concept of the non-working housewife, which has generally left the average adult woman dependent on her husband and unable to exercise economic or political power. Now, with full adult suffrage and financial independence, these women move decisively to ensure that they will never be imprisoned in the home ever again.

It is therefore unsurprising that while overall turnout is down from the prior election, turnout among women is through the roof, and they end up being over sixty percent of the electorate for 1885. Many, if not most of them, throw their support behind the Vanguard Communists' radical feminist platform, ensuring that party's legislative primacy. Meanwhile, other parties shape their own manifestos to draft off the upsurge in support for the Vanguards, thus creating a surprisingly synchronized set of proposals. This conscious intent in creating a working coalition, rather than aiming for a narrow majority and excluding as many voters as possible, is good news for Germany and, as it later turns out, terrible news for the party system.

The Vanguards therefore successfully reforge the Sunrise Coalition with their usual partners, as well as a left-leaning bloc of Progressive Independents, and supply and confidence from a group of compromise-minded Anarcho-Syndicalists who want to see their priorities enacted on the local level. Combined with the virtual desolation visited upon the handful of Moderate Democrat candidates, a national consensus seems to emerge, centered around new ideas, new innovations, and new methods of cooperation.

The actual implementation of "Labor is Labor," as the Vanguard slogan goes, is not as straightforward as simply speaking the idea and having it materialize into being. It requires nothing less than a fundamental reorganization of German society and the national economy, a process which will take a great deal of time and effort. To implement the new policies required, a Commission on Equality is established, fully-staffed and funded to begin putting the necessary programs in place.

The first program is simple: a modest expansion of the national ration to include a basic stipend for household workers, the part-time employed, and students. Along with mandatory compensation guidelines for family-venture workers, this serves as a vital first step, though not a wholesale implementation of the principle, toward shifting the balance of power in the home away from the single-breadwinner model. Anecdotally, this results in a rather significant uptick in interpersonal tension in households that were previously rather more tranquil, as debates about the family budget move out into the open.

In order to allow more women into a German workforce starved for capable adult hands, the Commission on Equality mandates a broad expansion in state childcare capacity and subsidies for those who make use of daycare, freeing up more time and income for part-time and full-time female workers.

While domestic labor reform is the most prominent priority of the second Sunrise Coalition, the majority of the Assembly's time is taken up with a comprehensive overhaul of the education system. Secondary schooling is set to become mandatory for all minor children until the age of 16 within the next several years, nearly doubling the length of each child's educational period, with the intention of preparing them for an increasingly industrial and technical world. Construction begins on a wave of new public secondary schools, along with major recruitment campaigns for new teachers. In order to help fulfill the demand, retired educators who specialize in high-demand fields like mathematics and engineering are incentivized to return for a limited period to teach at several new normal schools.

Germany's limited pool of skilled labor is further strained by a wide-ranging initiative to expand medical education and basic care, and transcripts of the Commissioner for Public Health's acrimonious verbal sparring matches with the Commissioner for Education over their respective shares of the national budget become sought-after reading. Rather than divide up the nation's doctors between teaching hospitals and public clinics, the Health Commission instead elects to emphasize the teaching of nurses and medical aides, as well as offering credentials to those who served in field hospitals during the civil war. This prevents any major gaps in coverage, but the expansion in capacity remains limited by the need for years of lead time.

The coalition's focus on gender equality in all fields ensures that one area in which there is no shortfall is extending medical care to women. Reproductive health, once believed to be the province of midwives and folk medicine, is brought forward as a new scientific medical discipline, with women's health clinics opening or set to open in every major German city. These clinics distribute contraceptives, perform prenatal checkups, handle abortions, and otherwise take up a long-neglected burden in public health.

As these social programs are both somewhat costly and personnel-intensive, with noticeable benefits at least a few years away, there are those who fret about the budget and Germany's overall economic capacity handling the increased load. What manages to put many of them at ease is a set of planning instructions and targeted subsidies for the expansion of the German chemical industry, particularly in the field of pharmaceuticals. The chemical industry is the unsung hero of the economic recovery, as factories dedicated to a variety of medicines, dyes, and other useful compounds spring up across the country, both fulfilling domestic demand and providing explosive growth for the export economy. As more and more workers flock to chemical factories, the field's capacity for expansion seems limited only by the rate at which its physical accommodations can be built.

Efforts by the combined Radical bloc to begin a comprehensive propaganda and infiltration program directed against the Imperial League powers run headfirst into determined opposition from the Anarcho-Syndicalists specifically and the German public more generally. The people of the Republic are entranced with the rapidly changing social fabric of the nation and the great strides being taken in economic growth and reform. What they are not entranced with is the prospect of a grueling eastern conflict less than a decade after the civil war ravaged the nation. When a group of Radical delegates attempt to put forward legislation publicly categorizing Russia and Austria as national enemies, they are unseated in recall campaigns and replaced with more temperate politicians.

Instead, militarist efforts are redirected toward the ever-popular field of preparedness. The Civil War Report, as it is known to the public, is implemented in full along with an attendant increase in funding for Landwehr training and equipment. Notably, this marks the first military budget expansion where expenditures on shovels and other engineering tools outpace those on rifles and cannons. The envisioned Landwehr of the future is not just a mobile fighting force, but also a well-supplied force that digs into a battlefield and simply cannot be dislodged.

As German trade goes from a regional affair to a global one, there is growing desire to see civilian shipping protected from potential depredations on the high seas. Moreover, the ever-present threat of the modernizing Russian navy in the Baltic seems to demand a vigorous response that the Marinewehr simply is not equipped to give, and whose absence could see the desolation of German coastal settlements.

As such, funding is earmarked for several phases of construction on a new generation of warships. Consisting principally of armored cruisers, these medium-sized vessels are considered sufficient to contest Russian control of the Baltic without threatening the Royal Navy's complement of ocean-going ironclads. Additional funds are earmarked for several squadrons of river monitors, which when complete should be capable of defending the Rhine and, perhaps, fighting for the Danube.

The National Police cease to exist in 1887 when they are formally reincorporated into the Landwehr and renamed the National Gendarmerie. Aside from an increase in funding and a redesigned uniform, this change is largely nominal, though it does serve to expand the Commission for War's power at the expense of Interior's.

The more impactful change in German law enforcement is on the local level, as police powers are fully devolved to localities, with limits placed on national intervention or oversight. The Gendarmes are forbidden from involving themselves in local matters unless invited, except in cases of insurrection or invasion, and policing shifts from preserving order to serving the needs of the community.

While plans for open hostilities against the imperial powers of Europe have been temporarily shelved, there is a much more insidious campaign being waged against them: one of demographics. Starting in early 1886, a raft of legal reforms go through the Commission for the Interior and the Commission for Foreign Affairs, dramatically simplifying and even incentivizing foreign immigration into the German Republic. While Germany lacks the prospect of setting up an agricultural homestead, its factories, schools, hospitals, and other modern institutions are voracious for trained and skilled personnel, or even willing students.

As such, immigration from Austria, Russia, and the Scandinavian countries explodes over the course of the next two years, as political refugees, ethnic minorities, practitioners of marginalized religions, dissident intellectuals, and those who are simply tired of rigid classism and lack of opportunity all flood through the ports and border checkpoints. This is mirrored by similar, albeit much less pronounced trends with other European countries. Combined with a moderate baby boom, this presages the growth of the Republic as not just a more populous country, but a multi-ethnic, multi-religious modern state.

The labor voucher pilot program in the Ruhr concludes and analysis immediately begins on the results. The assembled panel of social scientists and economists engage in one of the first comprehensive studies of social dynamics in German history as they work out the various implications, unforeseen issues, and unexpected benefits of the voucher system. In short, while the issue of currency hoarding is not entirely eliminated, due largely to a pragmatic desire on the part of participants to set aside funds for unexpected expenses or major purchases, the overall tendency to accumulate vouchers is much less pronounced than with standard paper marks. Trading or stockpiling currency for financial purposes is, naturally, largely eliminated. Numerous small flaws in the system regarding the mass printing of voucher books, watermarks, and other defects are targeted for improvement, overhaul, or removal.

In general, the scientific committee endorses the principle of introducing labor vouchers but recommends a gradual implementation along with educational campaigns to ensure that public confidence, that most elusive of resources, is not accidentally squandered or misused. They also warn that replacing currency with labor vouchers may lead to a loss in international confidence in the gold mark due to the continued primacy of capitalist modes of exchange in the rest of the world. Despite these caveats, the overall recommendation is a positive one, and the accumulated research and analysis lay the groundwork for future efforts.

Amidst the social upheaval within Germany and the organized chaos on the borders, the Frankfurt-Darmstadt Capital District police host an international conference on community policing practices, inviting officials from America, Spain, and even as far away as Japan. After a heated debate amongst the police force, the members hold a vote which narrowly approves the inclusion of officials from the Entente, and invitations are extended to police forces in France and Britain.

During the spring of 1887, while in the capital for the conference, a French Alsatian police inspector named Wilhelm Schnäbele is arrested by the National Gendarmerie on suspicion of espionage.

[Continued in "The Schnäbele Affair"]



World Events in 1886-1887

Karl Benz begins construction on the Benz Motorwagen Cooperative Factory in 1886, which when complete will produce his signature gasoline-powered motorwagen design. In order to enlist support from the National Assembly, he drives the test model up to the parliament building, to the astonishment of the assembled crowd and the press.

The German Republic becomes the first European nation to legalize homosexuality in late 1886. While it has been widely decriminalized in most continental states since the introduction of the Napoleonic Code, homosexuals were discouraged from publicly identifying as such and were not extended legal protections or benefits. This legalization effort by the Republic further strengthens the tide of immigration from neighboring European countries.

The Scandinavian Union is inaugurated by mutual treaty between King Christian IX of Denmark and Oscar II of Sweden and Norway as a binding economic and defensive pact. Heralded as "a new Kalmar," the joint kingship is largely a formality, as Denmark is relegated to a lesser role by virtue of Sweden-Norway's larger size and military. International observers note that the Russian-ruled Grand Duchy of Finland's inclusion in the Union will functionally serve as a permanent Russian veto in Scandinavia's future affairs.

A labor dispute in Chicago over the Three Eights that threatens to turn violent is defused when the US Marshals intervene on orders of President Butler. Subsequent national legislation enshrines the eight-hour workday into law.

British forces depose King Kalākaua of Hawai'i and dissolve the legislature, thereby transforming the former island protectorate into a crown colony and disenfranchising the residents.

A draft treaty between France and Italy is leaked to the Italian newspapers in early 1887. Its terms outline the cession of Savoy and Nice to the French Empire in exchange for the annexation of Rome, a substantial cash payment, military aid, and admission into the Western Entente. The draft is met with notable public disapproval, which deepens into growing unrest as news filters back about Italian expeditionary troops suffering a humiliating loss in Eritrea. When the king requests a huge sum to reinforce and rebuild the colonial army later that year, he is rebuffed by the Italian parliament and the bill is narrowly defeated by a coalition of socialists and republicans.
 
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CRISIS: The Schnäbele Affair of 1887
CRISIS: The Schnäbele Affair of 1887

The following is an account of events provided to the National Assembly by the Frankfurt-Darmstadt Police, the National Gendarmerie, and the Commission for External Relations. These events are related from the perspective of the participants and may be inaccurate, incomplete, or biased.



April 13: Wilhelm Schnäbele, inspector of police for the Bas-Rhin department of Alsace, arrives in Luxemburg via the Luxemburg-Metz railway. The purpose of his stay in Germany is to attend the International Conference on Policing held in Frankfurt-Darmstadt. Rather than proceed directly to Frankfurt, he arrives early, with intended stops in Luxemburg and Saarbrücken.

April 15: The National Gendarmerie detachment in Luxemburg observes Schnäbele meeting with members of the local Landwehr, some of whom are under suspicion of cross-border smuggling. Schnäbele is placed under surveillance. Later reports indicate that these soldiers are distant relatives of Schnäbele's.

April 16: Schnäbele arrives in Saarbrücken. He spends the day touring the city and meeting with friends.

April 17: Schnäbele arrives in Frankfurt and registers for the conference. En route to his hotel, he is detained by members of the National Gendarmerie. He declines to be interviewed and is held in secure quarters.

April 18: The scheduled start date of the police conference.

April 21: French newspapers publish a report that a French police inspector has been detained while in Germany on official business. The French government sends an official communique to the Commission for External Relations requesting information, clarification, and the release of their official.

April 22: French Minister of War Georges Ernest Boulanger puts forward a bill in the Senate authorizing the Emperor to take all appropriate measures, including a declaration of war, if Schnäbele is not promptly released. This bill passes, but the subsequent bill to endorse the mobilization of several army corps does not. Napoleon IV does not take immediate action, instead waiting on further diplomacy.

April 23: The Commission for External Relations transmits details of the accusations against Schnäbele to the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs but does not indicate its intentions regarding Schnäbele's disposition. The Quai d'Orsay reiterates its request that Schnäbele be released.

April 24: The National Gendarmerie concludes its investigation and transmits its report to the National Assembly. They allege that Schnäbele was engaged in a clandestine operation designed to assess German border fortifications and military readiness, as well as make contact with corrupt soldiers of the Landwehr, in preparation for future Entente military action. They recommend that he be hanged as a spy.

Later that day, Boulanger makes a speech before the Senate calling upon the Emperor to declare war, thereby avenging the slight to France, repairing the wound caused by the theft of Luxembourg, and putting paid to the German threat once and for all. This demand is echoed by calls in the French popular press, where Boulanger is dubbed both a hero and an avenger of France's besmirched honor.




What is to be done?

[] Release Schnäbele with a full apology.
The implicit agreement between nations is that foreign nationals traveling to other countries on official business are granted diplomatic protections. Regardless of the circumstances, if that unwritten tradition is to be honored, he must be released and offered an apology.

EFFECT: Crisis averted. Minor negative impact on national stability. France will likely be mollified and its war-hawks defanged. Relations with France and the Entente will improve.


[] Release Schnäbele, but insist upon his guilt.
While diplomatic niceties must be respected, there's no reason to be timid about it. Indicate that the release is purely for reasons of state, ban him from re-entering the country, and impose additional scrutiny on any future visits by French officials.

EFFECT: Crisis averted. Minor positive impact on national stability. France will likely swallow the insult, but its war-hawks will be moderately strengthened. Relations with France and the Entente mostly unaffected.


[] Hold Schnäbele pending further discussions.
There is clearly tension between the Emperor and his Minister of War, and that tension could be useful. Delay a final decision on Schnäbele to allow the government to formulate a set of demands, or even just to let France's internal pressures continue to develop.

EFFECT: Crisis continues. Minor negative impact on national stability. France may or may not declare war and the French war-hawks will be greatly strengthened. Relations with the Entente will decline. Unpredictable further potential consequences with the Entente.


[] Hang Schnäbele as a spy.
The Gendarmerie's evidence is compelling and not even a diplomatic cover is grounds for ignoring blatant acts of espionage. Try him, hang him, and be damned to France, its hawks, and its Emperor.

EFFECT: Crisis continues. Unpredictable impact on national stability. France will almost certainly declare war and the French war-hawks will be in the ascendant. The rest of the Entente may or may not intercede.




Voting will begin immediately and end in 24 hours. Please vote for ONE option. If a single option fails to secure a majority of the vote, we will move to a run-off between the top two choices. If there's any ambiguity in which choices are to be selected, I will favor those options which are least provocative.
 
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CRISIS: The Schnäbele Affair of 1887 - Decision Point
What is to be done?

[] Release Schnäbele with a full apology.
The implicit agreement between nations is that foreign nationals traveling to other countries on official business are granted diplomatic protections. Regardless of the circumstances, if that unwritten tradition is to be honored, he must be released and offered an apology.

EFFECT: Crisis averted. Minor negative impact on national stability. France will likely be mollified and its war-hawks defanged. Relations with France and the Entente will improve.


[] Hold Schnäbele pending further discussions.
There is clearly tension between the Emperor and his Minister of War, and that tension could be useful. Delay a final decision on Schnäbele to allow the government to formulate a set of demands, or even just to let France's internal pressures continue to develop.

EFFECT: Crisis continues. Minor negative impact on national stability. France may or may not declare war and the French war-hawks will be greatly strengthened. Relations with the Entente will decline. Unpredictable further potential consequences with the Entente.




I'll leave this open for 12 hours, with an option for a further 12-hour extension if the votes are still coming in by then. Pick ONE option from the two provided. Please remember to be civil and thoughtful in your rhetoric at all times. Thank you.
 
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