This argument is dumb what the hell? What does this have to do with anything? Some won't be able use rails anyway due to competition with or without corruption if we use your argument.
A system where you literally cannot move the goods into and out of your factory without a railroad spur or siding and the right to build said factory close to existing tracks is a system where one of the biggest determinants of "who can build a factory" is "who has the pull to get a new railroad siding built."
Are you volunteering to dig a trans-Eurasian canal system with traditional earthmoving?
Project Plowshare got killed by public opinion, not being dirty or useless, which we don't have to worry about. The Soviet equivalent, Nuclear Explosions for the National Economy, continued well into the 70's and saw actual useful returns in fossil fuel extraction and earthmoving. Especially with low fission fraction devices. The thing that killed NENA was the Soviets stagnating in the 80s and having much larger problems to worry about.
Assuming we don't fuck up in the 80's and continue to actually have the money to play around with stuff like NENA, nuclear fracking and nuclear earthmoving both probably have an actually decent future in the USSR. The greens are a bunch of hippie idiots with no political power who can be safely ignored, especially once the energy crisis starts to bite and cheap coal/gas becomes even more desirable than it already is.
Are you volunteering to dig a trans-Eurasian canal system with traditional earthmoving?
Project Plowshare got killed by public opinion, not being dirty or useless, which we don't have to worry about. The Soviet equivalent, Nuclear Explosions for the National Economy, continued well into the 70's and saw actual useful returns in fossil fuel extraction and earthmoving. Especially with low fission fraction devices. The thing that killed NENA was the Soviets stagnating in the 80s and having much larger problems to worry about.
Assuming we don't fuck up in the 80's and continue to actually have the money to play around with stuff like NENA, nuclear fracking and nuclear earthmoving both probably have an actually decent future in the USSR. The greens are a bunch of hippie idiots with no political power who can be safely ignored, especially once the energy crisis starts to bite and cheap coal/gas becomes even more desirable than it already is.
Yes I would rather we do it the normal way.
IMHO the risk >>> the benefit
Do not want another Chernobyl.
One wrong turn of the dice and we got to mitigate the fallout for a century.
Another catastrophe resulted from the Globus-1 explosion near the village of Galkino at 57°31′00″N 42°36′43″E, 40 kilometers from Kineshma city on September 19, 1971.[7] It was a small underground explosion of 2.5 kilotons that was a part of the seismological program for oil and gas exploration. Unexpectedly a large amount of radioactive gases escaped through cracks in the ground, creating a significant radioactive hot spot two kilometers in diameter, in the relatively densely populated area of European Russia. A small tributary of the Volga, the Shacha, changed its location and threatened to flood the explosion site. This could have led to nuclear pollution of the entire Volga region. Some engineers suggested building a sarcophagus (similar to the Chernobyl's "Object Shelter") covering the site, and excavating a 12 km channel to shift the Shacha river away from the place of the explosion, but the plans appeared prohibitively expensive.
Yo, bro, my guy, I know this is a debatable topic but where's the source for that claim?
I've already got the part that it's good at some jobs like putting out gas well and fracking, but the aim of this from the start was to dig lots of canals and it's apparently not good at doing that.
Later it was decided that building an entire canal in this fashion, using potentially several hundreds of nuclear charges, would not be feasible, and the use of nuclear charges for canal excavation was abandoned.
I wouldn't call European levels of car usage hell. If anything the thing making it worse is us not investing anything in our road infrastructure so that relatively big cities still have gravel roads passing through the middle of city center. Also, as of 1960 we don't use lead in most fuels, regular automobiles use iron pentacarbonyl.
It wasn't though, the French nuclear program has had plenty of issues with cost. Issues that we will face undoubtedly. Maybe less than the utter insanity of the American one, but its still a big problem.
Why are you disagreeing with me by linking to sources that agree with the points I made?
As I said, when the French program was forced to wind down from mass production of nuclear power plant hardware to essentially custom production of parts, costs soared. The French nuclear industry is currently right behind the Chinese nuclear industry as far as their ability to build things faster and cheaper than anyone else, but they aren't ahead by much because they just can't do things at a reasonable scale.
But even in France, once the build-out was mostly done, the manufacturing scale atrophied, as maintenance work and work for foreign customers just couldn't keep the same economies of scale as during the initial replacement of 80% of the electrical generation capacity.
Really, what am I doing that is making me poor at communicating here? Because it is making me very grumpy and you aren't the only one who's had this issue in recent discussions in this thread...
I dunno. Bunker fuel is vile stuff, but burning it is better for the environment than just about anything but not pumping oil out of the wells in the first place. (And yeah, leaving the oil underground is WAY better, but it's gonna take a while to wean ourself off of oil, especially as the priority is to get off the even dirtier coal.)
And nuclearizing the civilian merchant fleet would pose interesting challenges to maintaining control of the uranium and plutonium involved.
By the way, I recall discussion that OTL Western Europe was our hypothetical worst case scanario for car dependency. So if @fasquardon is correct there, which I really hope they're not, we've already failed as hard as we can.
Well, just not ramming highways through urban centers, not carpeting our cities in parking lots and not pushing single-zoned suburbs is going to keep us from reaching US forms of car dysfunction. And those are all things that I can't imagine Soviet planners ever going for in a big way.
Europe has mostly avoided that too, but cars are still extremely popular across the continent, just not so utterly necessary for the most basic functions of life. But as far as Western Europe being the "worst case scenario", I am not sure what we are doing or intend to do that would avoid a Western European outcome? We need to make cars to make consume number go up, Soviet citizens want to buy them, because while cars screw over the road network as a whole, for the individual it still adds comfort and convenience, and especially so when our bus networks are... Probably not great. And, as someone who lives in a city with a great bus network for Western Europe, I see a whole lot of people driving cars (especially as car traffic makes the bus network slower and less efficient, encouraging more people to get cars, meaning the bus network loses even more efficiency...) It is a tragedy of the commons, and we've already embraced that tragedy in a deal with the devil.
(I don't think there was any way for us to reach our plan targets without producing a butt-load of cars, and as we've discovered, the non-rail parts of our transport mix were quite insufficient, so cars do generate two very important benefits. So, I am NOT saying that this was a deal we should have refused. Nonetheless, here we are in car hell.)
Are you volunteering to dig a trans-Eurasian canal system with traditional earthmoving?
Project Plowshare got killed by public opinion, not being dirty or useless, which we don't have to worry about. The Soviet equivalent, Nuclear Explosions for the National Economy, continued well into the 70's and saw actual useful returns in fossil fuel extraction and earthmoving. Especially with low fission fraction devices. The thing that killed NENA was the Soviets stagnating in the 80s and having much larger problems to worry about.
Assuming we don't fuck up in the 80's and continue to actually have the money to play around with stuff like NENA, nuclear fracking and nuclear earthmoving both probably have an actually decent future in the USSR. The greens are a bunch of hippie idiots with no political power who can be safely ignored, especially once the energy crisis starts to bite and cheap coal/gas becomes even more desirable than it already is.
Plowshare died when the public still trusted the very pro-nuclear civil engineers, petrologists and nuclear physicists who were working on it, who were supported by very pro-nuclear state governments, a very pro-nuclear Federal government and very pro-nuclear companies.
And this collection of people who had every reason to ignore sub-par experimental results could not figure out how significant amounts of radioactive material kept escaping to the atmosphere and ground water no mater what they did. (What was actually happening is that fracturing of rock during underground explosions is extremely unpredictable, and gas and water like to get everywhere there's a path of low resistance to follow.)
Plus, that nuclear material kept turning up in real bad places. Like fallout from underground tests in salt caverns in Nevada raining out over New York City.
When people who do not flinch at the mere idea of ground-launching Orion battleships think that maybe it is a bad idea to do nuclear fracking, you know an idea is maybe a little crazy. (In fairness, when those same people did the math on that Orion ground launch, they realized that was a bad idea too.)
The nuclear earth moving we've invested in, which we plan to primarily use for building canals, is going to mess the water table up in ways that I cannot articulate without getting seriously X rated in my language.
And I say this as someone who does not think that regular (i.e. once a decade) Fukashima levels of nuclear disaster are terribly concerning.
Conservatively, nuclear earthmoving is going to be a disaster on par with the ultra-carification and attendant mass lead poisoning that the USA did to itself over the 50s and 60s. Potentially this could be bad enough to cause an anti-nuclear backlash and lock us into a coal intensive economy for decades longer than otherwise.
This is incorrect, we completed a project that deleaded most of our gasoline in 1960H1, with only some premium specialty fuels being partially leaded (relevant sections have been italicized):
Gasoline Standardization: Now that sufficient cracking capacity exists to improve the octane of base fuels without too many additives, it is time to standardize and codify fuel standards for the nation and establish supporting production. Standard gasoline can effectively be rendered deleaded with the addition of pentacarbonyl, maintaining a RON of 90 to ensure compatibility with all standardized vehicles while keeping costs low. An enhanced premium partially leaded specialty fuel will be implemented at a RON of 95, ensuring that engineers can improve engine function even further. The vast majority of cars are expected to use the AI-90 fuel standard. Over the next decade, it is expected that technological gains in refining methodologies will enable to deleading of higher octanes. (185/150) (Completed) (-6 CI1 Electricity -4 CI1 Workforce)
The standardization of octanes across the Union and incidentally the broader CMEA has come partially at the behest of automotive enterprises. Pushing for higher octanes as standard to take advantage of newer refining standards but with a lack of infrastructure, implementation has been limited behind funding for renovation. Lowest grade fuels are expected to moderately raise in price for the average worker by a small extent, but the change should be minor relative to the social gains from deleading the vast majority of urban and domestic traffic. Pentacarbonyl production is likely to take some time to spool up to sufficient levels, but the construction and standardization of all gas stations in the Union is expected to take longer to fully complete than a few moderately sized chemical plants.
The reason the earlier pentacarbonyl plants disappeared was not because of a project quality roll but because Mal got Voz'ed and Voz cut the project because deleading would be too expensive. Once that stopped being true the pentacarbonyl plants returned in the form of the above project.
I quoted the results for the results of that action in the post you are quoting, it explicitly said we were sticking to the rollout, since the social costs of lead gas are much greater than the increased price of iron pentacarbonyl in the ministry's eyes. We did not stick with lead except for aviation fuel and other niche cases.
Why are you disagreeing with me by linking to sources that agree with the points I made?
As I said, when the French program was forced to wind down from mass production of nuclear power plant hardware to essentially custom production of parts, costs soared. The French nuclear industry is currently right behind the Chinese nuclear industry as far as their ability to build things faster and cheaper than anyone else, but they aren't ahead by much because they just can't do things at a reasonable scale.
This ideia that their program avoided the costs of nuclear through standardization is flat out wrong though, I highly recommend you read the whole study, but here are some highlights.
"Third, with the completion of the first reactors, the earlier optimistic assumptions
about construction duration and investment costs faced a harsh reality check. The first
reactor completed, at Fessenheim, took two years longer to build than originally
projected, accruing additional interest during construction that further added to other
cost escalation factors. As more experience was accumulated, the cost projections of
the PEON Commission, as well as the internal ones of ÉDF, started to rise as well,
adding urgency to the economic rationale for the move to the 1.3 GW PWR design.
One French reference (though discussions of cost are extremely rare in this period)
put the escalation of real investment per kW at 50% or 4.4%/year during 1974–1984
(as reported by Crowley and Kaminski, 1985). Yet these trends did not cause alarm,
as other countries were suffering even worse escalation—as in Germany and
especially the US, with 10–15% real cost escalation per year."
"But as it turned out later, the expectations
of significant economies of scale proved unfounded: any cost reductions from larger
components were more than offset by more complex construction sites, longer
construction times, and the need to fix the inevitable technical problems arising from
significant design changes"
Also worth mentioning, that the French nuclear program was not at all homebrew, which is why I hope we will avoid the same fate as them: the vast majority of the cores (44 of the 49 built) were Westinghouse licenses.
"The long-standing "battle of reactor designs" between ÉDF and the CEA was finally
resolved2 in 1970 by abandoning the domestic graphite-gas reactor design advocated by the CEA, in favor of larger, US licensed Westinghouse reactors as ÉDF envisaged"
This ideia of the French avoiding most of the pitfalls of nuclear power seems to be just a myth. It doesn't help that their government made themselves completely unnacountable and essentially hid the costs of their nuclear program from the public throught the 20th Century.
While I still do not regret starting the Earthmoving project (it's just one dice to mollify the SupSov), I am more and more convinced that we're never going get any useful results out of it. Oh well.
This is how we ended up with our road problem in the first place.
Any reasonably advanced and mature technology will incentivize SOME people to do things they could not otherwise do. The existence of fire creates "fire dependency." The existence of the wheel creates "move heavy things around when you're not strong enough to carry them on your back as the gods intended dependency." The existence of eyeglasses coddles people who would otherwise just suck it up, squint, and do nothing requiring long-distance vision. And so on, and so on, and so on.
Cars are not an exception to this rule.
If we're already going to need road infrastructure anyway (for the trucks and buses, if nothing else), then some percentage of the population choosing lifestyles that revolve around individual vehicles is not "hell."
Well, it may be hell for me personally if I hate looking at cars or something, just hate the idea of any four wheeled vehicle with less than a six-meter wheelbase or whatever, but then that's a "me" problem and not a "society" problem
Oh no I am fine with a few people here and there choosing the car life. But when so many choose the car life and so much infrastructure is catered to it that those who don't choose the car life are seriously inconvenienced and can't go about life without their health put at risk (both from acute "hit by a car on unsafe roads" syndrom and chronic conditions from the roads being surrounded by smog clouds), than it's somewhat hellish.
Well, just not ramming highways through urban centers, not carpeting our cities in parking lots and not pushing single-zoned suburbs is going to keep us from reaching US forms of car dysfunction. And those are all things that I can't imagine Soviet planners ever going for in a big way.
Seriously people please don't try to console us with all this "we're not as bad as the USA" stuff. I think it was made very clear that we cannot ever reach those lows[1]. So telling us this is like telling us we scored a non-negative number of points on a test where the rubric is never supposed to go below zero. It's damning with faint praise.
[1]Though the OTL eastern block had its few attempts at "highways through urban centers"
While I still do not regret starting the Earthmoving project (it's just one dice to mollify the SupSov), I am more and more convinced that we're never going get any useful results out of it. Oh well.
Oh no I am fine with a few people here and there choosing the car life. But when so many choose the car life and so much infrastructure is catered to it that those who don't choose the car life are seriously inconvenienced and can't go about life without their health put at risk (both from acute "hit by a car on unsafe roads" syndrom and chronic conditions from the roads being surrounded by smog clouds), than it's somewhat hellish.
Seriously people please don't try to console us with all this "we're not as bad as the USA" stuff. I think it was made very clear that we cannot ever reach those lows[1]. So telling us this is like telling us we scored a non-negative number of points on a test where the rubric is never supposed to go below zero. It's damning with faint praise.
[1]Though the OTL eastern block had its few attempts at "highways through urban centers"
The regular Soviet citizen doesn't care about this not wanting to bad as Europe or daming with faint praise stuff, they what there roads to be not made out of dirt and to actually have a car to drive on the roads, like if they had the ability to influence the yearly plans there would be no surprises on what they would get into in, also frankly I'm sick of hell of the dooming about project Earth moving not doing anything useful to making an anti nuclear movement that could actually be influential because yet again the Soviet citizen gets no say in what actually happens and will very much likely continue to be.
Supreme Soviet Updated 1964H2 (Listed by Delegates, Unity, and Degree of Support) (None<Poor<Decent<Acceptable<Good<Excellent)
Podgorny's Faction: Around 100, Acceptable, Poor
Kosygin's Faction: Around 490, Decent, Acceptable
Masherov's Faction: Around 310, Good, Acceptable
Abramov's Faction: Around 290, Excellent, Acceptable
Voznesensky's Faction: Around 240, Good, Excellent
Ashimov's Faction: Around 80, Poor, None
Kleshchev's Faction: Around 40, Acceptable, Poor
The elections have not gone precisely to plan, but they have gone acceptably in the longer term. The students have proven far too easy to mislead compared to the initial expectations with several breaking to several types of radicals and some responding disfavorably to attempting to find a place in the workforce. Even in a period of full employment and high economic growth, the various youths have failed to stay consistent and follow their educations, deviating in a number of exotic ways. The only nice point is that Kosygin himself has done poorly, weakening his post and ensuring that the largest political threat in the Supreme Soviet has been defanged. The newcomers are threatening, but they are unlikely to significantly impact operations until sufficient experience is accumulated.
This has led to an uncomfortable question of securing the various posts and ensuring that no faction attempts any exciting maneuvers. Kosygin may still remain at his post but it is not stable and a new governing group must be formed. Tentative outreach has been made to the broader technocratic faction as a combined coalition with Abramov, providing a healthy supply of confidence with few issues. Some have rumored that Kosygin may choose to work with Podgorny rather than more sensible groups, snagging Masherov for the sake of stabilization and a unified social policy, but this is unlikely.
Depending on how traitorous Kosygin is plotting to be, there is a far worse possibility that the general technocratic direction is excluded from the active government, forcing a reconciliation of the ministry along with a number of investigations. This must be prevented at any cost, as the sheer chaos that a Kosyginist alliance with the Masherovites can generate cannot be in any way underestimated. They will doom the Union and bring in no small number of regressive policies to reduce the influence of the ministry. A theoretical Kosygin and Abramov alliance can be tolerated, as both will want to focus more on cleaning up messes than direct internal confrontation. No matter the configuration foreign policy however is almost certain to force a split in years, leading to significant opportunities.
Podgorny's Faction: Podgorny has continued his liberal deviation in both the economic and social spheres, focusing on the social sphere rather than the economic one. He has advocated for a reduction in restrictions for the private sector, introductions of wider markets for enterprise bonds, and in a radical turn opening further to external capital. On the campaign, he has given endorsements to candidates for lower rungs who have advocated for further party openings and reductions on censorship in both the realm of government policy and social policy. Mostly liked by some of the more optimistic and immature candidates rather than anyone serious about their careers, his placement represents a massive reduction in the right-wing threat compared to Aristov's systemic durability.
Kosygin's Faction: Despite consistent foreign policy failures and systemic incompetence in their handling, Kosygin has hung on as the candidate of those for moderate reform, moderate economic change, and a continuation of the current course. Running on incumbent policy in an economy that he had no part in creating, Kosygin has secured a significant number of seats that were directly endorsed by him. The actual government is expected to be formed from a compromise of Kosygin with either Masherov and Abramov or one of them and a traditional technocratic block to secure the support of the state apparatus.
Masherov's Faction: Pyotr Mironovich Masherov has endorsed candidates both in Belarus and across the union, coming in as a politician who advocates for the modernization of the party and increased discipline in the economy. Campaigning on addressing the "excess" and "corruption" in the economy while continuing the reforms to the character of the party. Further, rather than the previous pacifistic stance, he has come as an active proponent of a global campaign of active activity and rollback, not allowing the capitalists to continue their exploitation of international workers. His youth makes the faction one of the weaker ones, but as experience is gained, Masherov is liable to form a significant threat to the ministry system due to whatever perceived issues he sees in it.
Abramov's Faction: Grigory Grigoryevich Abramov is a hero of the great patriotic war and his entire political platform has made sure to mention that at length to secure more conventionally conservative interests. He has still advocated for the further modernization of party structures, but in a measured manner and more focused on the inclusion of worker cadres rather than the current "inteligencia" dominated system. Economically, he has taken a divergent line rather than other factions, advocating for an economy with an end goal of serving the worker and raising living standards while fighting excesses in management. Not changing the goals or organization of the system but making it somehow more fair than it already is.
Voznesesnky's Faction: Continuing the history of measured, rapid, and comprehensive scientific development the technocratic faction is set to guide the Union towards the construction of communism. Running on a platform advocating for the current system and with careful analysis of material conditions policy can be made without biases and excess. Sponsored candidates have come primarily from the major university cities and high-intensity industrial areas, as they have the greatest concentration of those capable of party work. The current emphasis has fallen towards the preservation of the ministry system and protecting the general role of the party and administration. Very focused on the state and is currently opposed by the interests of various radicals that seek to further modify the soviet system.
Ashimov's Faction: Baiken Ashimovich Ashimov has become a practical figurehead for a misguided student movement seeking to accelerate the construction of communism and fight perceived excesses in the Soviet state. These youngsters have come with tentative sponsorships both from new members entering the system and being misguided and a number of those willing to push away every element perceived as Stalinist. Decrying the excess "corruption" , ignorance of the workers' struggle, and the lack of empowerment of class interests in favor of a drive towards constant growth, they have managed to make some inroads in communities impacted by minor side effects of development.
Kleshchev's Faction: The uncritical and excessively Stalinist wart that still exists in the Supreme Soviet despite the considerable errors that were committed during his reign. Advocating for the abolition of the current system and a new consolidation of power in the party, Kleshchev has gathered a group of the obsolete that have yet to realize they are two decades away from any time they could have had power. In less developed areas, the high points of the approach still persist, but as modernization and education come, a large degree of older party members will be rotated out.
CMEA in Focus: Indonesia
Indonesia by the mid-50s was a contented power, having secured significant material and territorial gains in Papua New Guinea and stabilizing its policies via the start of industrial development. This came on the backs of considerable investment and a stable export market. Sukarno was quick to move these funds towards the purchase of more advanced military hardware and further construction, forming a solid bastion in the Pacific region and providing considerable stability. Even after a number of internal conflicts, progress was still going in the social sphere, if far slower than expected and with a degree of significant incompetence expected from a new country.
Deepening confrontations and border claims with Malaya led to significant militarization and buildup, but the actual shooting was not started both due to the delicate political situation and due to the significant US military presence centered around Vietnam. None of this stopped an increase in military spending along with intensive programs of agricultural and petrochemical export-driven domestication of military production. Several plants were sold at reduced prices to provide a degree of capacity for self-defense and operations through the transfer of a few minor leases. The focus on investment came naturally as self-sufficiency was seen as the highest priority and domestic investment was almost entirely moved to such ends. Any shortfall in local and international capital was even compensated by the production of money, somehow expecting significant growth from little investment.
Printing rapidly forced an inflationary state that domestic institutions have not been prepared to handle with politics focused more on the state of the army and the balance of forces in a "guided democracy." American pressure fell heavily, as the lack of exports towards the US reduced revenues along with the lack of as much of a demand base for several conventional products across CMEA. Sanctions in the aftermath of the Papua campaign managed to significantly further degrade economic performance, leading to inflationary spikes and an economic situation that was steadily spiraling out of control in 1961. Local advisors and economic teams from the MFA advised a radical course of refocusing on primary industries and strong investments in export-destined production. This was mostly ignored in favor of seeking to meet domestic demand in a strange form of central control.
The economy however was secondary to the developing negative political state in the country as the balance of power between the Maoist wings of the KPI, the correct wings of the KPI, the army, and various primarily religious local leaders. The appointment of a new sympathetic chief of staff was counterbalanced by several more tolerable and non-Maoist appointments and promises to both the military and religious authorities. The guided democracy period however could not hold without economic growth to buy off and the steadily increasing stream of funding coming in from the Chinese to affect a change in the communist party. The KPI members with correct views advised the government against any radical course, with the military being far more sympathetic to those advocating for sensible reforms with a nationalist bent and with a proven example of economic strategies.
Rather than accepting reform or any form of restructuring in the 1962-1964 period, a focus on domestic construction at a significant cost was taken. Exports to the Union continued without significant changes, but industries built for domestic use suffered from a lack of educated workforce, lagging urbanization, and considerable failures in the maintenance of production discipline. Instead of changing course Sukarno instead doubled down on forcing a regimen of self-sufficiency on the country, rejecting cheap Soviet food goods out of misguided nationalism and protectionism. Such moves have in recent times increased food prices to the point of localized famines of pricing rather than famines of availability.
In the last few days, a tentative alliance of Ahmad Yani and Abdul Nasution moved on the government, seeking to "provide stability" and fix the economy. The governmental palace was, by the latest reports, stormed without significant casualties as local forces did not significantly resist outside some holdouts. Jakarta itself has had martial law declared with units sent to high alert to watch for dissident movements with little information coming out. Confrontations near naval basing have not occurred at any significant scale, but the whereabouts of Sukarno himself are unknown and the new government is only notable in that the regional commands have tentatively confirmed its legitimacy in the first few days.
Religious leadership in the country has broadly supported it and the PKI has predictably split considerably over its course, the Maoists have declared the coup an imperialist one while more reasonable cadres have held off on significant movements or declarations as the leadership we have influence over have been ordered to go to ground in the immediate aftermath. No notable moves have been made by the rapidly consolidating military government and in theory local revolutionary organs can make an attempt at a further consolidation. Malik has advocated for encouraging cooperation as a broad anti-colonial front, surrendering any gains for communism in favor of maintaining influence and effectively ensuring an anti-Chinese consolidation.
The Presidium of the Council of Ministers immediately disagreed on the course, with Kosygin advocating for recognition of the government to preserve influence without excessive inflammatory involvement. Malik's line is a more significant and direct involvement with the new regime, ordering local communist assets to make an anti-imperialist alliance and exchanging financial aid and technical assistance for the preservation of influence. Garbuzov and to a lesser extent Nikitchenko are almost certain to follow the line of Kosygin. The block of Malik, Barsukov, and Vatutin however have formed their own views, seeing far fewer issues with endorsing a technical junta to preserve influence and facilitate a solidified Soviet position in SEA.
Presidium of the Council of Ministers Voting:
[]Back Kosygin: An avoidance of using our assets properly will be more conciliatory towards the Chinese, but it will almost certainly lead to the same exact sacrifices in time, stinking of dovishness in response to a crisis. Backing up Kosygin personally however would be a significant concession in the formation of a new government with the factional results in the supreme soviet. Giving Kosygin a diplomatic "victory" in his own terms can even generate significant positive political results by making the bastard choke on his own pacifism when it all goes wrong.
[]Back Malik: Malik is the MFA and arguably the most experienced man when dealing with the crisis. There exists a significant opportunity for the KPI to split and make the local issue a case of Maoist excess rather than any failures of communist policymaking. Immediately backing the generals to the hilt with investment will secure significant influence in the government, stabilize the army supply chains, and provide for a continuation of basing. Ideally, Chinese influence in the state would also be significantly suppressed, providing a means towards making actual inroads with the government and acknowledging the reality on the ground for almost no cost.
[]Take a Hardline: Declaring that the immediate policy of the Union should be to induce a further coup and to back the PKI to the hilt in revolutionary activity will not get anyone in the current presidium to react, but it could be used to further hammer Kosygin electorally. He is already known as a pacifist unwilling to defend global socialism and by taking a strongly opposite position significant political gains can be made at little cost. The presidium will eventually reach its own decision with Kosygin theoretically likely to win, but even that is uncertain and depends severely on his own need to maneuver.
Infrastructure
Trans-Siberian Road: Constructing a simple road across the vastness of Siberia and the Far East is a massive but highly important undertaking. By committing to building out a single road line across the entire nation and bypassing any slow down a high-speed corridor can be built. This should greatly enhance traffic through towns while minimizing the load on local roads while also providing a critical avenue for the maintenance of the trans-Siberian and an important military corridor. The program itself is also more involved in the construction of bypasses for urban concentrations rather than a new road itself, saving a considerable degree of funds while improving through flow. (236/150) (Completed)
Through a surge of funding desperately needed work has begun on road networks across the country in the critical corridor alongside the trans-Siberian. Stabilization measures have been implemented for collapsing sections of roads outside major urban concentrations while significant quantities of new roads have been laid around cities. These new paved systems have paved the way for further expansions in the networks in the Far East while providing arterial paths not buried in mud or frozen solid due to the seasons. Icing concerns are still expected to be significant but the route offers at least one viable piece of infrastructure for large-scale local traversal. Tentative integration plans for larger four-lane roads across the Ural zone have already been laid out to ensure a unification of transportation standards and so that high-priority work on arterial lines can be completed.
Western USSR High Capacity Roads: Spreading development into far more interlinks and proper four-lane systems across the Western Union is economically important as road-based travel and shipping have increased exponentially. Expansions will reduce the load on trucks, improve transportation efficiency, and contribute to a growing internal demand sector for automotive production. These interlinks will be focused on reaching and then bypassing major urban concentrations, enabling easy travel with a minimized degree of congestion. Some additional new construction of roads will be necessary, but as much of the work is expansion disruption and costs should be minimized. (55 Resources per Dice 652/700)
Finalization of the last few arterial routes in the Belorussian SSR has brought in a number of technical challenges in expanding paved constructions. The poor ground has posed significant issues towards the construction of much of the road network, as significant amounts of new terrain have needed construction to enable a smooth progression of vehicles. These efforts are not expected to get significantly easier, but the continuous drive toward improving logistical systems is not expected to end. Once the major routes are completed, the ministry itself is divided on directions, as some have advocated for the paving of local roads while others have called for the expansion of already overloaded arterial routes. The neglect of the last decades in road construction has already significantly impacted the economy, and further massive construction is necessary to even approach a reasonable standard.
Water Distribution Systems(Stage 6): Now that several rural areas have a sufficient supply of clean water, the focus can be shifted towards a two-pronged campaign of improving popular health and water supplies in urban areas. High-pressure water systems with new filtering mechanisms and a fluoridation program are set to improve public health considerations for a minimal cost. Pressure levels are set to be further standardized with most old pumping infrastructure replaced. Further efforts will focus on renovating the sewage system, as current developments in the water supply are expected to result in greater health developments. (487+15 Omake/500 Stage 6 Completed) (2/650 Stage 7) (-11 CI1 Electricity)
Completion of immediate priority water infrastructure for the stabilization of urban water supplies and their enhancement has come late, if at an opportune time. Massive efforts towards improving water pressure across dense urban centers and large cities have begun with a side benefit of improving health. Sewage availability is expected to be more strained as water burdens increase, but that is an almost inevitable factor of development. Standards for the concentrations of fluoride have been set for areas in the West where it has been deployed cutting into medical demand. Improvements in testing standards have come as a part of the modernization of infrastructure, ensuring that in areas with modernized pumping drinking water is held to a series of tight parameters.
ASU: Initial networking proposals were comprehensively too optimistic to implement due to the problematic political environment hindering modernity through every means available to it. Now that much of the problem has been suppressed and sufficiently disciplined to continue conventional policymaking a modernized and more comprehensive version of the initial program can be initiated. Enterprise interest in new model computers is already significant, but a program of funding and technical modernization can be extended towards basic localized networking and improvements in computation, reducing unessential personnel and allowing for considerable efficiency improvements. Everything from light 800kg models for smaller enterprises to larger ten-ton modules are expected to be procured over the next few years, providing for considerable improvements in internal coordination. (120 Resources per Dice 118/300)
With the first theoretical production units of the Elbrus-1 series starting at a low scale, initial test demonstration units have been utilized for a scheme of instruction and technical demonstration. The process control capability alone has intrigued a massive quantity of enterprise managerial staff and programs as initial classes have filled in on its logic and compatible capabilities with older mainframes. The initial series of the Elbrus-1 to Elbrus-6 are expected to accommodate initial demand, with the capacity for more capable cards and logic expansions built into the chassis of all targeted model capabilities. The effort for the distribution of computing has also led to the domestic development and standardization of a unified programming language derived from American ALGOL, modernizing it for use in a wide variety of commercial applications. Even the service enterprises have started to attend demonstrations and place tentative orders from computing enterprises, deepening the backlog but ensuring a sufficient distribution.
Heavy Industry
Temirtau Metallurgical Plant: A new metallurgical plant set to improve local labor participation and contribute to the exploitation of novel iron deposits. By transferring a significant cadre of skilled personnel and establishing some local metallurgical institutes, an expansion in both education and production capability can be secured. The yields from the process would inherently be less than expanding already established plants, but the low local cost of labor should provide a continuous effect in reducing operational and construction costs. (322/250) (Completed) (52 CI4 Steel -10 CI2 Electricity -15 CI2 Coal -13 CI2 Workforce)
The finalization of the Temitaru steel-producing complex has been completed simultaneously with the development of the local industrial labor base. Training programs have produced a sufficient quantity of cadre for the mill while primary construction has completed its smelters and converters. The site itself is unexceptional, but the massive increase in steel production is expected to aid the local construction and industrial sector. Further allocations and expansions have already started being planned for sites of core steel production, tapping local coal reserves and reducing the need for transportation.
Severouralsk MMK(Stage 3): Conventional increases in nonferrous production are still important despite the viability of future hydroelectric modernization. Conventional extraction and increasing tertiary metal extraction are expected to significantly improve the economy and enable an increase in alloy utilization. Mining and processing will still be focused on alumina due to its essential nature for several applications. Further mining is only expected to be temporarily necessary until large dedicated hydroelectric facilities are established. (70 Resources per Dice 98/150)
An effectively unlimited supply of bauxite has been brought into utilization through the transfer of extra machinery and labor to the site. High pay for technical personnel has been an unfortunate factor in local developments, as many of the workers for the project have generally gone to more scenic locations. Still, initial mining labor started with recruited workforces from the rest of the Union, ensuring an efficient allocation of workers. Electrical use for the electrolysis sector of the plant is expected to be provided by a nearby dedicated gas plant, ensuring stability and limiting broader-scale grid impacts.
Coal Power Plants: With the stabilization of the coal economy, now is the time to start increasing coal power production. Using older parts and a simpler combustion cycle, the plants are expected to generate a good quantity of electricity, if at a far lower efficiency than the combined cycle gas plants. This surge of power can go towards any number of critical projects, ensuring that the Union's power demands can be met for long enough to bring larger hydroelectric, gas, and nuclear projects into full operation. (216/200) (Completed 16/200 next) (64 CI4 Electricity -24 CI3 Coal -3 CI1 Workforce)
Expansion of the coal power grid has involved the construction of several coal power plants of the older theoretical generation. Modern techniques in far finer pulverization and supercritical systems are almost sufficiently mature to take up the burden of energy production at significantly improved efficiencies. Current generation plants have also been shifted to be nearer to primary extraction areas so as to minimize logistical burdens relative to gas power systems. This is not expected to entirely solve the problems of transporting further coal, but at least a partial optimization can be attempted.
Izhevsk Automotive Plant: Expansion of specialty model car production is necessary as they are still highly in demand, and experience working with compact supporting frames is useful for the production of compact vehicles. Lower-intensity engines along with a simplified chassis can be utilized to make low-cost urban cars with good performance margins, ensuring considerable development and securing considerable market penetration both domestically and for export. These cars will be accompanied by sportier trims, as light two-passenger frames will work well to make several sportier options that are cheaper than current models. (271/250) (+30 RpT) (Completed) (-38 CI3 Steel -10 CI2 Electricity -12 CI1 Workforce)
The finalization of the production of urban and light vehicles has come at a core time of modernization and both external and internal demand. New models are already back-ordered and necessitate further expansions to sufficiently supply to the people. Lighter schemes are only expected to increase in popularity given the poor conditions of urban roads. Further road construction is expected to enable their use in all parts of the Union, ensuring a material basis for transportation and providing the average worker in the poorer republics viable transportation. Plans for the next stage of automotive production have been drawn up to recuperate transportation stocks, avoid the utilization of American cabovers, and finally solve the internal demand basis.
Rocketry
-RLA-Expansion Program(-20 RpT) (See T73)
-Venera Program (-5 RpT) (See T63R/T67/T72/T73) (Poorly Performing)
-Mars Program (-5 RpT) (See T63R) (Launch H2 1964)
-Communication Satellites (-5 RpT) (See T70R) (Continuous Launches, Test Program)
-Orbital Docking Systems (-10 RpT) (See T70R) (Finished ???)
-PKA-Orbital (-10 RpT) (See T72R)
-EVA Suit Programs (-5Rpt) (See T69R)
-FGB-VA (-10 RpT) (See T65R, T72R) (Finished H1 1966) (Renamed Ballistic Capsule Project)
-2nd Gen Luna Program (-5 RpT) (See T65R/T72) (Finished H2 1964)
-Vacuum Electronics (-10 RpT) (See T66R) (Finished ???)
RLA-Interplanetary Stage: Mature hydrogen orbital engines have already been developed, leaving a small quantity of work left to fashion them into a compatible four-meter transfer stage. The rocket itself is to only be ignited in orbit for a transfer towards the moon or inner planets, delivering a four-ton load on a ten-ton main propulsion bus powered by the already developed expander cycle engine. This design is expected to be completed in an acceptable timeframe for the next Mars and Venus launch windows if the project goes well, enabling new massive probes to be sent with a sufficient degree of redundancy to guarantee functionality. (77) (Project Cost 5 RpT)
The combined construction of a ten-ton hydrogen stage paired with an expander cycle engine from previous rocketry programs has come as a logical upgrade. The limitations in fueling the payload and storage issues are expected to be mild compared to the significant performance on offer. Re-ignitions of the main stage will ensure that both a GTO and following circularization burn can be conducted with a mostly inert payload. Further, interplanetary operations for the inner system and moon have been consolidated and simplified, allowing for up to four-ton payloads to be sent on either trajectory. Effective finalization of the stage is expected to only take a year at most, as it is mostly a combination of already mature technologies rather than anything truly novel.
Formalized Moon Program: Now that a sufficient number of base components have been developed for rocket launch operations, a formal and expansive program to put a cosmonaut on the moon can be started. Theoretical developments with landers will be involved and require both deep throttle ability and re-ignition potential at a nearly nonexistent mass budget. Beyond the universal technical challenges, a general approach toward the mission must be selected if it is to be attempted. Something cheaper like a simple manned orbit and weekly stay may be conducted at a lower degree of technical risk, but it will inherently be severely politically challenging. (3) (Subvote)
Boldly and decisively designing a new far heavier vehicle for the moon program has been judged as questionable by several detractors, but necessary for ensuring the safe delivery of the astronauts. Instead of attempting to conduct a rendezvous above the moon, a safer system can be launched as a combination of two stages, with a heavy hydrogen transfer stage launched by the RLA-5 carrying a direct ascent lander. The lander itself will necessarily have to be hypergolic due to limitations in easy re-ignition engines, but by landing the entire return stack onto the moon a large degree of redundancy can be eliminated. The costs of developing an entirely new design for the FGB stack will be significant, but nothing that the Union cannot overcome.
[]Push Forward: Glushko wants his massive rocket and it can theoretically be made to fit into the budget with several rationalizations. Providing the funding now will ensure that a functional and low-risk upper lunar stack can be constructed. This will require the division of several teams, but pursuing the plan should keep the project on the politically required timetable. (Project Cost 40 RpT)
[]Revise the Project: Glushko has many ideas, some of which are good, but he has no ability to determine the economic viability of anything. Rather than enabling him to dictate the exact design specifications of the program, he can be made to properly utilize FGB systems for the habitable bus. Limitations in the design can be compensated for with engineering and common components will ensure an economic program. (Project Cost 30 RpT)
[]Accept Yangel's Rationalized Mission: Rather than risking funding on a frankly dangerous trip to the moon, admitting financial incompatibility and the significant inherent risk of the program. A refocus of the general space program can be made to a heavy orbital mission as a prelude and to build experience with manned operations outside of LEO. An effectively month-long scientific tour of the moon from orbit along with significant instrumentation can be flown on current hardware without much risk or issue. The American capsule program in theory may be able to achieve it first, but a same-year launch will be politically sufficient. (Project Cost 10 RpT) (Surrenders Moon Race)
[]Organize Alternative Proposals: Glushko has convinced himself that any problem can be solved with a sufficient application of funding while Yangel is a defeatist on the topic of Soviet engineering. Koralev has been busy with his health, but can still be compelled to bring in a more viable proposal and Chelomei is still functional. Glushko himself will not be happy with a committee on designing the moon mission being formed or that his idealized hardware may not fly, but his ego comes second to soviet progress. (Canceled Project, New Design by Consensus available)
Atmospheric Data Satellite Program: Work towards measuring atmospheric conditions from space promises to deliver significant advances in weather prediction capability and an enhanced amount of information about the upper atmosphere. The program itself is expected to be a cascade of six initial satellites with a variety of atmospheric equipment, with a theoretical follow-on project afterward to use the derived information. Much of the funding itself will go towards the payloads, as the complexity of sensors and their relative power demand has created several critical technical challenges. (76) (Project Cost 10 RpT)
Using newer solar systems developed as part of the FGB payload system and improved electronics from other programs, a model of a new generation of heavy atmospheric information satellites has taken shape. Current plans have called for the launch of a constellation of eight satellites into sun-synchronous orbits for cloud cover observation and meteorological information. The sensors involved have already been partially pioneered for military work with very little novelty in the program outside of the high data throughput. These first satellites are expected to come in heavy with significant capabilities but are expected to revolutionize both civilian and military weather determination. With the mass allowances provided, even a degree of multispectral sensors is expected to be standardized, bringing universal multi-day forecasting information to the Union and CMEA.
Expanded Luna Program: A plan for a lander onto the Lunar surface is already fairly ambitious, but a far broader series of craft can be developed and landed by taking advantage of the massive launch mass of the RLA. Everything ranging from long-distance exploration roves to a mechanism of direct sample return has been proposed and evaluated. By providing additional funding for the program, the techniques essential to their construction can be pioneered nearby, effectively enabling a future Mars rover or even a sample return mission. (23) (Project Cost change to 10 RpT)
Designs for a new lander have proven to be complex given the limited tonnage available to the single-cored RLA system, leading to a dismissal of a sample return mission in favor of an expanded rover and complex lander approach conducted on the tonnage available. A simple platform designed around the launch capacity of the RLA to conduct both the capture and landing burn, with finalization of the landing left to the payload craft. Missions are scheduled to start at a full scale in late 1966, following the launch of two new orbiters and a localized communication system to enable far-side approaches. Actually reliable communications around the moon are almost certain to take a further two orbital satellites so as to ensure consistent and reliable coms, but with the pace of RLA production, this too can be done.
Light and Chemical Industry
Volga-Ural Petroleum Basin Exploitation(Stage 3): Intensification of heavy oil extraction isn't currently necessary but can serve to improve the general state of the petrochemical industry. As oil and oil products are already a leading export, further expansion can risk price instability. Other exporting states have started to do a modicum of price altering, but for now, there is a bit of an untapped market. (238/200 Stage 3 Complete) (-8 CI1 Electricity -4 CI1 Workforce)
Finalization and modernization of the older drilling equipment have delivered a victory for production as the lagging modernizations and technological sophistication of the field have been brought to modern standards. Expanded drilling and utilization is expected to pump out far more mid-weight petroleum for later refining. Conventional rigs are still more than sufficient for work on the field, but depletion can still have significant impacts if the rate of discovery ever significantly slows. For now though, the massive returns of oil promise to deliver the Union towards a brighter future as more energy resources are brought into utilization.
Pre-Caspian Petroleum Basin Exploitation(Stage 3): Liquified gas reserves are important for the modernization of heating and the general power grid. While they are for now not necessary as heating modernizations have stalled in favor of other projects, their completion can significantly assist in further efforts. This will also not be heavily competed with, as natural gas is primarily a local-use resource. (257/250 Stage 3 Complete) (7/300 Stage 4) (-9 CI1 Electricity -3 CI1 Workforce)
Massive works towards increasing localized training and the foundation of new petrochemical enterprises have succeeded in bringing in far larger reserves of gas than expected into modern utilization. Yields are expected to be transported by pipeline toward areas of intensive industrial development to provide a healthy quantity of fuel for the necessary increase in power utilization in every sector. The gains on the fields have thus been far more focused on the extraction of more gas rather than oil, especially given the geological characteristics available. Improvements in yield may be challenging as easy deposits have been almost entirely brought under exploitation with new discoveries tending towards more complex formations.
Samara Refinery Complex(Stage 3): Mass expansions of the core refinery complex and refinery systems will involve the construction of several important enterprises. Refining techniques have further been developed to yield far more desirable fractions and the broader modernization of the complex will only serve to increase useful yields. Chemical production will also be benefited by the increased production of petrochemical products as they form essential feedstocks. There is currently no shortage, but expansion needs to be considered in the future if current use increases continue. (142+15 Omake/150 Stage 3 Completed) (-17 CI1 Electricity -3 CI1 Workforce) (+50 RpT Oil) (3 Gas Projects)
A practically unlimited tide of fuel and gas has been delivered to the Samara complexes for refining, but even then with increasing domestic utilization, Chinese imports, and considerable energy use growth across CMEA this will not even tide over a single plan. Every step further is only expected to get more technical and challenging as new lands and deposits must be brought into utilization rather than further optimizing the already efficiently utilized stream of petrochemicals. Theoretical improvements in technology can possibly improve yields, but there is little prospective capacity that can be brought into utilization for the sake of improving petrochemical yields per barrel of oil.
Consumable Product Initiatives(Stage 5): Rather than the previous drives towards nationalization of private sector success stories, the focus has shifted towards general intensification. Providing masses of funding to enterprises running well and those expected to have significant sector impacts is important for providing a sufficient degree of consumer production. The focus will fall on goods of immediate consumption and several innovations borrowed from abroad, providing the workers with goods equivalent to those of the West and opening significant opportunities for further exports. (263/250) (Completed) (-8 CI2 Electricity -15 CI1 Workforce) (+20 RpT Consumer Goods) (Pork Project)
Enterprises meeting rapid growth criteria have already proven themselves for incentive funds, leaving much of the emphasis on broadening the system of production. Domestic deficiencies have been assessed as a case of import balances towards the private sector for a rough estimation, allowing the full-scale importation of expertise and production with little additional costs. These combined enterprises are expected to diversify into a range of processed food items and domestic goods of immediate consumption, ensuring that soviet workers have access to the same degree of luxuries as the West, and more importantly locally produced ones. The employment drives for the plants have also succeeded in the practical mobilization of massive quantities of otherwise parasitic labor through the provision of decently paying local labor so as to accelerate urbanization and modernization.
Core Chemical Feedstock Efforts: An increased focus on optimizing organic chemical production from petrochemical feedstocks has necessitated the deployment of improved techniques. Olefin metathesis reactions have offered significant improvements in the production of propylene and several other derivatives, improving accessibility and productivity of the general chemical industry. Side programs to further improve the yields of sulfuric acid are also expected to be funded, as the production of precursors remains an important limitation towards prompt chemical-industrial expansion. (70 Resources per Dice 84/175)
Programs for the strong increase in the production of formaldehyde and methanol along with further increases in propylene yields have been prioritized to supply an ever-expanding chemical sector. Feedstocks have never been cheaper with steadily increasing petrochemical extraction, necessitating large-scale processing to avoid any inefficient utilization. Work has focused on the construction of several additional mid-scale plants at sites of conventional chemical work, transferring skilled personnel and combining them with new graduates so as to enhance economic production.
Second Generation Plastics(Stage 1): The possibilities of engineering plastics are massive, as they offer further improvements in fiber qualities for several problematic environments. An increase in the thermal range for several plastics can already offer a massive improvement in the range of utilization and improve the status of the material in the chemical industries. Transfers of technology towards civilian applications may be limited, but plastic is the material of the future and current production limitations will be overcome. Current proposals call for the establishment of low-scale industrial production of polyphenylene oxide, several specialty polyamides, acrylonitrile butadiene styrene, and polycarbonate. (286/200 Stage 1 Completed) (-5 RpT Oil) (+25 RpT) (86/300 Stage 2) (-12 CI3 Electricity -4 CI1 Workforce)
Focused specialty work on securing the production of sulfone and sulfide polymers has been funded, if currently still immature. New techniques in the production of these condensation polymers are expected to significantly increase the scale and usability of plastics in several industrial and aerospace applications. Efforts towards more producible and less theoretical plastics have also been pushed forward, with several plants established for the small-scale production of a variety of novel polymers. Most are expected to be limited to specialty applications, but a few prospective candidates are almost certain to reach large-scale applications. More broadly applicable work on cheaper formulations of terephthalates at an industrial scale has also started, with larger-scale production partially funded and expected to significantly expand.
Out of every human element of progress, what we make in the labs today will be a greater monument than any before it. Every new plastic we make is a guaranteed monument of humanity, that no matter what happens, we were here and we built a civilization. Half a century ago the world was consumed in the first world war and led by inbred imbeciles, and now we have crafted wondrous materials lighter and more durable than any before out of simple carbon.
-Manya Kuznetsova, Opening Lecture on Polymers
Monolithic Integrated Circuit Development: Testing in the West has managed to start leveraging aerospace circuit design programs. Rather than waiting for efforts related only to the aerospace sector, design programs can start towards more efficient monolithic chips. In theory, the technology should be significantly cheaper than any number of discrete transistorized developments, but there is a large quantity of work to do to even demonstrate the most basic of chipsets. Even a moderate improvement in packaging for current chipsets would considerably add to capacity while reducing costs, as single logic cards can be made far denser for similar space and secondary component utilization. (127/100) (Completed) (-9 CI3 Electricity -2 CI1 Workforce)
A previously considered to be impossible task has been given to the scientific establishment, but one that has steadily become achievable, at least in theory. Using mixed metal dopants, transistor gates have been demonstrated at far smaller scales than any practical device, but the sheer immaturity and technical challenges of the technology are expected to be massive. Current proposals have called for the miniaturization of standard logic components onto a single die with several transistors, enabling the localization of resistors onto the other side of the card for significantly improved packaging efficiency. Format changes in connector numbers are expected to be partially limiting for the project, but an almost six-fold improvement over conventional logic is considered technically feasible. Improvements in conventional packaging density may close the gap some, but compared to the construction of a true monolithic die such techniques are expected to only steadily lag further behind.
Agriculture
Agricultural Intensification: Now that we have the necessary pesticides and fertilizers, all that is left is a program of agricultural education. Standards for their use have already been developed, but through the broadening of a scientific program and the mass issuance of comprehensive data-backed guidebooks on standardized compositions, agriculture can be improved further. The university-educated experts at most enterprises are expected to have already picked up the knowledge, but every family farm can be more productive at just the cost of education. (247+10 Completed/250) (3 CI1 Workforce) (Agricultural Profitability Increase)
Large enterprises have been significantly encouraged to bring in modern expertise for both the design of fertilization schemes and their administration. General policies for significant increases in fertilizer use for these farms have practically been approved as prices for it have only gone down in recent years. Farms of lowered technical intensity have consistently lagged behind in implementation and modernization, but these can be adequately served through individual education as the drive towards external expertise is too expensive for them. Further dedicated agricultural schools have been established to ensure that farmers can be informed of the latest policies and statistics for the increase of yields, including newly developed plans to push yields and reduce effective water use per ton of crop.
Second Generation Herbicides: Current utilization of 2,4-Dichlorophenoxyacetic acid has produced immeasurable results in controlling weeds for active agricultural cultivars, but far more can be done. Newly synthesized compositions and those licensed from the West promise an increase in precision and further enhancement of yields. 2,6-Dinitro-N, N-dipropyl-4-(trifluoromethyl)aniline, 1,1-Dimethyl-4,4-bipyridinium dichloride, and 3,6-Dichloro-2-methoxybenzoic acid all have considerable promise in agricultural applications, including the minimization of tilling, reducing the capital burden on smaller farms and improving overall topsoil integrity. (80 Resources per Dice 108/200)
Initial work towards the production of second-generation herbicides has proceeded well with the transfer of experienced personnel from the military and chemical industry. Plant foundations have proceeded from this basis, as initial distribution of pesticides and herbicides have proven to be both more toxic and less effective for the majority of standard agricultural applications. Greater technical specialization and a focus on broad-leaf grasses over other types of plants have delivered considerable results in theoretical chemistry, allowing the agricultural industry to further intensify. The production itself will take more funding to establish, but the personnel base has been established and organized.
Rural-Zone Assessment: With the limitations in character and production of the rural cadres it is difficult to judge exactly what is desired or necessary for their increased production. The subsidy regime is undoubtedly popular due to direct improvements in production, but the sector, even at its most optimized, is a practical and inevitable drain on the Soviet economy. Further, conditions in rural areas are still poor without many avenues of low-cost improvement left available. Rather than attempting to direct money towards several smaller causes, an assessment can be done to produce an optimized spending pattern. (40 Resources per Dice 232/250)
Continued assessments of rural activities have been slower than expected due to continuous insistence on strange ideas by local farmers along with several of the larger enterprises having outsized statistical effects. Individual farmers have so far consistently proven incapable of adapting to modern policy with only a few exceptions as mechanization is lacking due to a lack of expertise and significant shortfalls of funding. Adaption of new methods has been slow out of an ingrained conservatism that has consistently failed to be eliminated, necessitating either financial support or forms of insurance buy-in to encourage adequate modernization. Over-expansion of farms has also enabled a consistent degree of massive overproduction, leaving little to do with excess production outside of destruction, as even moving much of it is considered too expensive.
Services
Communal Museum Programs: The wealth of artistic and cultural output is useless without a method to display it to the general public. Instead of the capitalistic structure of expensive museums that are restricted to the bourgeois, several public art and science museums can be opened for the general public. These would display the collection of art of many more modern and older painters along with several items purchased from foreign collections, ensuring that every worker can culturally develop further. The program will be a moderate economic cost, but free access to art should enhance people's contentment far more than several other trifles the money can purchase. (238/150) (Complete) (-3 CI1 Workforce)
Expansion of state museums for the information of the public on topics ranging from natural history to more recent wartime and political histories have been funded. A number of naturalistic and geological museums have been funded to encourage youth participation and interest in their fields, along with some tentative funding towards respective scientific programs. Consolidation of art pieces and the new products of soviet painters have also been displayed in a number of collections along with several imported reproductions. Funding towards these ends isn't expected to result in much, but every citizen being able to gawk at abstract shapes is one who is spending money to gawk at abstract shapes.
Expanded Childcare(Stage 1): Massive programs for expanding child care have significantly helped working mothers manage their children, and even with the extended family model they are steadily becoming excessively stressed. Committing towards massive expansions in daycares along with kindergarteners can serve to improve the availability of future labor and educational performance. Current expansions primarily call for the reinforcement of previous efforts, with expansions across major urban areas to meet the massive demands of the people. (35 Resources per Dice 84/250)
The childcare situation improvements expected from the inclusion of extended families into living spaces have delivered far lesser gains than expected. The strain on the state childcare system is still significant, necessitating a considerable expansion in the service along with a further modernization of it so as to optimize the people's education. Current emphasis has gone towards the increase in scale for denser urban areas, as the sheer demand for childcare has led to consistent overcrowding and reductions in quality. The importance of early education cannot be underestimated, leaving the problem of childcare essential for optimizing the next generation.
Expanded Combustion Processing: The garbage situation has not developed to our advantage, with an intensification across all consumptive sectors leading to consistent increases in garbage burden. Instead of storing it at locations all over the Union and paying consistent and considerable fees to store it, it can instead be efficiently combusted for some power production at little cost. Further investments in garbage collection will also ensure they can be supplied, minimizing landfill loading. Power gains are not expected to be worth it for the price, but the fuel to be combusted is effectively free. (210/175) (Completed) (14 CI1 Electricity -4 CI1 Workforce)
Insufficiencies in garbage processing are still expected, as despite more intensive combustion and a greater degree of filtering, the sheer waste produced by the population has increased almost exponentially. New materials and a shift away from metals in favor of plastics have reduced this burden, but far more work is needed for processing the trash and even storing the ash. Expansions of technical services have already been proposed to accompany a further expansion of incineration, filtering, and storage. These modernizations must be conducted to get ahead of the garbage burden before the buildup becomes too excessive for more moderate measures to handle.
Goods Distribution Points: The massive demand of the population for every variety of goods has only increased massively as wages and production have increased. Now instead of the old standards of infrequent purchases, people tend to buy everything from small gadgets to appliances in mass, necessitating the construction of specialized areas for their sale. Investing now into a state system of distribution for the larger appliances in a conventional warehouse format can help the average worker shop. Further, by offering a catalog of appliances along with small demonstrator shops, it will be possible to offer home deliveries of goods rather than direct sales allowing for more optimized warehousing policies. (190/150) (Completed) (-5 CI1 Workforce)
The development of expanded logistical services along with a scheme of warehouse distribution has been adopted and fully funded. A basic catalog has been developed to take advantage of difficult individual transport goods that are consistently in high demand. Transportation resources are expected to be limited for rapid deliveries, but that is already being alleviated. Telephone proliferation is expected to still pose a number of problems in that wide-scale distribution is still underway, but conventional mail can take up some of the burden. A first print of the catalog is planned to be mailed in the fall, providing a basis for demand and maintaining interest and investment in the overall system.
Bureaucracy
Low Work Hour Test Cases: With the tentative approval of the Supreme Soviet, larger-scale test cases of lowering working hours to a seven-hour scheme in industrial and physical labor locations can be undertaken. In districts where results are semi-questionable, the rollout of the new hours scheme can be prioritized to ensure an adequate response across industries and to induce an improvement in production. Reductions in hours worked are further expected to increase internal demand pressures from an increase in leisure time, enabling the development of the economy. Once longitudinal studies over a few years are gathered, a progressive modernization of the general industrial system can begin. (95) (Supreme Soviet Reform)
Larger scale reduced work hours testing has been implemented at a sufficient scale for consolidated experimental data. Krivoy Rog and Omsk have both been authorized for full-scale conversion to the new scheme along with a number of independent plants, where effectively reduced hours can make workers more efficient both qualitatively and financially. Increased consumptive pressure is expected from the reform, as increased breaks and free time are expected to increase demand for goods of secondary or tertiary consumption. The authorization has come as a combined factor from both local Soviets and the supreme soviet, as the bidding for the locations came immediately before elections, with several representatives seeing the change as a practical guarantee of victory. Assuming the test cases verify the results, the Union itself is expected to steadily shift towards a mixture of 6x6 and 5x7 hour work weeks over the next decade, with highly intensive industries being prioritized for conversion.
Education Commission Reassessment: The students and the Union itself require a comprehensive and complex system of education to advance the economy. Current secondary education systems have mostly functioned to deliver adequate factory labor and several engineers, but the vast majority are of middling quality and in insufficient amounts. More funding can of course deliver results, but efficiency improvements can make every bit of funding go far further. Committing now to a program of eleven years as an educational standard across all tracks can help to modernize the sector at the same time as ensuring adequate quality and quantity of students for tertiary education tracks. (87) (Supreme Soviet Reform)
Inadequacies in the stream of graduating students in both university tracks and non-university tracks have been endemic despite increasing educational funding and capability. The primary stream of technical graduates has produced a considerable number of scientists, but for every two cases of success there is at least a failure wasting resources in the track; unable to manage the simple requirements of a technical degree and pursuing alternative means. Or even worse wasting the limited educational slots and best instructors and going into unskilled labor. To fix this a modification on technical vs nontechnical ratios has been proposed and authorized to salvage students that have come out of university tracks with little relevant knowledge. A general expansion and lengthening of the tracked system has also been proposed and authorized, formalizing a pre-selection primary educational phase of eight years followed by a specialized three-year track dependant course. University slots have been planned for an expansion to 30% of the generation at the most ambitious plan with a technical under-supply of university track students, enabling some salvaging of alternative cadres that made mistakes in life planning.
Determine Coalitional Alignments: Now that the full volume of betrayal from Kosygin's subversion has been realized, a rapid re-assessment must be conducted. The current political situation may have not been entirely accurate, leaving several important gaps in political construction. Kosygin was expected to attempt to form a strong opposition, but his alienation of the rightist blocks seems to subvert such a line. Unless he massively pivots towards the left of the party or a significant upset occurs, it is expected that our two factions must continue to work together. The current environment is suboptimal for a decisive turn, leaving little to do but wait and coordinate. (12) (Partially Continued in Internal Politics)
The defining moment of electoral politics has come and gone without any feared massive loss. The self-consumption has come from within the right wings rather than the more conservative ones. Aristov has been decisively crushed from two directions, as the pro-market course without authoritarianism has been adopted by Podgorny while Kosygin has served to sufficiently cannibalize much of the old guard. Shepilov and Saburov have effectively been crushed through generational turnover, as their conventional bases of support aged out, with Masherov and Abramov taking up their posts. Kleshchev has held his old post as the stubborn bastard he is, with some of his more active flank getting co-opted by student radicals and their delusions of more refined left communism as the next stage of development. From this, it is obvious that Kosygin did not have the unity to push through any scale of movement against the ministry outside of broad compromises, and now has been surrounded by competing interests, locking down politics until a new equilibrium.
Out of every human element of progress, what we make in the labs today will be a greater monument than any before it. Every new plastic we make is a guaranteed monument of humanity, that no matter what happens, we were here and we built a civilization.
An archeologist 10,000 years in the future pointing at a dig site, "As you can see, there is a large amount of very colorful particulates along this layer of soil. This shows that this soil was deposited in the quaternary period when an unknown civilization spread plastic across the planet."
Assuming the test cases verify the results, the Union itself is expected to steadily shift towards a mixture of 6x6 and 5x7 hour work weeks over the next decade, with highly intensive industries being prioritized for conversion.
Hot damn. I was expecting 8x5 or 6x7 on even the best of results, we're actually going to exceed most modern standards here...on paper, anyway. We should threaten the SupSov with Metal Gear more often.
Hopefully this stabilizes the later birthrate decline a bit, once all is said and done. Shame Voz doesn't have the instinct to take credit for these work hours.
[]Back Kosygin: An avoidance of using our assets properly will be more conciliatory towards the Chinese, but it will almost certainly lead to the same exact sacrifices in time, stinking of dovishness in response to a crisis. Backing up Kosygin personally however would be a significant concession in the formation of a new government with the factional results in the supreme soviet. Giving Kosygin a diplomatic "victory" in his own terms can even generate significant positive political results by making the bastard choke on his own pacifism when it all goes wrong.
This is the option to back Kos to the hilt in hopes of him either managing to settle the situation quickly somehow (i don't see that hapening) or hoping Kos manages to stay long enough into the next plan for this not to backfire. I would personally not take this option as Kos constantly seems weaker and Voz is likely still overestimating him so tying ourselves to him seems like a bad idea especially now when Shepilov just showed how easy it is to get booted by your own faction.
[]Back Malik: Malik is the MFA and arguably the most experienced man when dealing with the crisis. There exists a significant opportunity for the KPI to split and make the local issue a case of Maoist excess rather than any failures of communist policymaking. Immediately backing the generals to the hilt with investment will secure significant influence in the government, stabilize the army supply chains, and provide for a continuation of basing. Ideally, Chinese influence in the state would also be significantly suppressed, providing a means towards making actual inroads with the government and acknowledging the reality on the ground for almost no cost.
This is in my opinion the best option both internally and externally. Malik is the head of the MFA which is a solid part of Kos supportbase so if Kos gets deposed he likely will fill up a lot of the vacuum left after him. Furthermore, it is also means clawing some power back in Indonesia after getting ousted which is especially important now when they likely can reorinted towards the US. The downside of this is we likely will cause a Sino-Soviet split which is likely to happen sometime anyway so we might as well try to get Indonesia with us for the trouble IMO.
[]Take a Hardline: Declaring that the immediate policy of the Union should be to induce a further coup and to back the PKI to the hilt in revolutionary activity will not get anyone in the current presidium to react, but it could be used to further hammer Kosygin electorally. He is already known as a pacifist unwilling to defend global socialism and by taking a strongly opposite position significant political gains can be made at little cost. The presidium will eventually reach its own decision with Kosygin theoretically likely to win, but even that is uncertain and depends severely on his own need to maneuver.
This is the riskist option with least to gain to me as it is setting us directly against Kos without any support. This will force him to ally with all the young people wanting to shank Voz for being a corrupt old stalinist with a monster of a patronage network, which wwill mean either Kos will fail spectaculary and Voz will be vindicated and able to strike back hard or mean that Kos creates a goverment with Voz as its direct enemy. I don't really see any reason to do this unless you really want to give Abramov a gigantic egg in his face immediatly.
Finally space just send Glushko to retirement he build the rocket now we have no need for his extravagant ideas anymore. []Accept Yangel's Rationalized Mission
Glushko's terrible EOR plan arrives. The big issue IMO is not just the enormous cost of these plans(hundreds of resources over their likely lifetime) but the serious technical risks that EOR creates. The size of the stack will create issues at every stage of lunar operations and risks any number of failures in staging.
Yangel's plan is giving up which will have serious political repercussions to the future of the space program, rationalizing Glushko's plan makes the technical issues worse, and the consensus design might work but might result in chaos in the space ministry.
Glushko, you piece of shit, I am coming to kill you, in Moscow, in your house! The only direct ascent here is going to be my boot directly ascending into your ass until you cough up a saner design... is what I really want to say, but it doesn't look viable. I don't think a committee reroll would doom the race, but after some thought and conversation, I'd say it's better to just bite the bullet and go for the 30 RpT option if we want to win. It's probably not gonna be that much better/cheaper, especially after accounting for the inevitable malus of "Glushko throws a tantrum and refuses to work with anybody" that'll happen if we boot it to the committee. We'll have to cut or at least pause some projects, but we have some we can cut - Venera, comsats, perhaps Mars or downgrade Luna.
Of course, we can just surrender the actual landing, but eh. I would personally like to land on the moon.
In other politics - supporting the generals in Indonesia is the better option to actually take care of the crisis, in my opinion, but if we want to ensure Kos includes us into the coalition, we can support him on the issue. Still, I don't think the internal politics situation is such that we need 100% of his support to be included, and we probably do want to ensure Indonesia is on our side. Hardline is just kind of silly.
While I do think its a significant concession, its liable to backfire. He already takes immense flak on forpol, and if Indonesia decisively turns towards China or the US because we are unwilling to deal with them to the same extent, it would be really bad for him. I think overriding him in favor of Malik would be for his own good.
Podgorny's Faction: Podgorny has continued his liberal deviation in both the economic and social spheres, focusing on the social sphere rather than the economic one. He has advocated for a reduction in restrictions for the private sector, introductions of wider markets for enterprise bonds, and in a radical turn opening further to external capital. On the campaign, he has given endorsements to candidates for lower rungs who have advocated for further party openings and reductions on censorship in both the realm of government policy and social policy. Mostly liked by some of the more optimistic and immature candidates rather than anyone serious about their careers, his placement represents a massive reduction in the right-wing threat compared to Aristov's systemic durability.
Kosygin's Faction: Despite consistent foreign policy failures and systemic incompetence in their handling, Kosygin has hung on as the candidate of those for moderate reform, moderate economic change, and a continuation of the current course. Running on incumbent policy in an economy that he had no part in creating, Kosygin has secured a significant number of seats that were directly endorsed by him. The actual government is expected to be formed from a compromise of Kosygin with either Masherov and Abramov or one of them and a traditional technocratic block to secure the support of the state apparatus.
Masherov's Faction: Pyotr Mironovich Masherov has endorsed candidates both in Belarus and across the union, coming in as a politician who advocates for the modernization of the party and increased discipline in the economy. Campaigning on addressing the "excess" and "corruption" in the economy while continuing the reforms to the character of the party. Further, rather than the previous pacifistic stance, he has come as an active proponent of a global campaign of active activity and rollback, not allowing the capitalists to continue their exploitation of international workers. His youth makes the faction one of the weaker ones, but as experience is gained, Masherov is liable to form a significant threat to the ministry system due to whatever perceived issues he sees in it.
Abramov's Faction: Grigory Grigoryevich Abramov is a hero of the great patriotic war and his entire political platform has made sure to mention that at length to secure more conventionally conservative interests. He has still advocated for the further modernization of party structures, but in a measured manner and more focused on the inclusion of worker cadres rather than the current "inteligencia" dominated system. Economically, he has taken a divergent line rather than other factions, advocating for an economy with an end goal of serving the worker and raising living standards while fighting excesses in management. Not changing the goals or organization of the system but making it somehow more fair than it already is.
Voznesesnky's Faction: Continuing the history of measured, rapid, and comprehensive scientific development the technocratic faction is set to guide the Union towards the construction of communism. Running on a platform advocating for the current system and with careful analysis of material conditions policy can be made without biases and excess. Sponsored candidates have come primarily from the major university cities and high-intensity industrial areas, as they have the greatest concentration of those capable of party work. The current emphasis has fallen towards the preservation of the ministry system and protecting the general role of the party and administration. Very focused on the state and is currently opposed by the interests of various radicals that seek to further modify the soviet system.
Ashimov's Faction: Baiken Ashimovich Ashimov has become a practical figurehead for a misguided student movement seeking to accelerate the construction of communism and fight perceived excesses in the Soviet state. These youngsters have come with tentative sponsorships both from new members entering the system and being misguided and a number of those willing to push away every element perceived as Stalinist. Decrying the excess "corruption" , ignorance of the workers' struggle, and the lack of empowerment of class interests in favor of a drive towards constant growth, they have managed to make some inroads in communities impacted by minor side effects of development.
Kleshchev's Faction: The uncritical and excessively Stalinist wart that still exists in the Supreme Soviet despite the considerable errors that were committed during his reign. Advocating for the abolition of the current system and a new consolidation of power in the party, Kleshchev has gathered a group of the obsolete that have yet to realize they are two decades away from any time they could have had power. In less developed areas, the high points of the approach still persist, but as modernization and education come, a large degree of older party members will be rotated out.
Podgorny's Faction: Liberal reformers advocating for the preservation of socialist methodology while pushing for an opening in rights for the people and the mass expansion of party cadres as a feedback mechanism. Pointing to the success of Dudrov's and Mikoyan's limited liberalization in improving economic output and worker satisfaction, they advocate for a further line of the continued social opening of the nation. Economically liberal as well, advocating for a balanced perspective on the private and public sector to close windows for corruption and ensure that growth can continue at the rapid rate it previously has. Overall, due to their limited support and fundamentally self-limiting message of opening the party, they are a minimal threat and should decline after the current cycle of rapid party motions.
Aristov's Faction: The largest advocate for the continuation of economic reforms while maintaining the social sphere in the Mikoyanist mold. These are entirely economics-focused and primarily make up the managerial and enterprise line for those deviating from the scientific approach toward socialist construction. Their backing in the lower bodies is considerable as they are one of the largest advocates for an increased degree of freedom for the state enterprises in both policy and movement while not being socially outside the pale for the more conservative factions to cooperate with. Overall, a significant threat needs to be curtailed through the raising of proper scientific cadres and ensuring that the managerial structure cannot overwhelm the party with incorrect opinions.
Kosygin's Faction: The ostensible continuation of the Mikoyanist policy, though far more reformist than would strictly be optimal, is likely due to some failures in internal organization and optimization. They represent a mild continuation of the current reformist push, ensuring a continuation of socialist development, economic growth, and social growth. Effectively the current center of the political spectrum and the largest faction by sheer size, their agreeability, and ability to shift lines towards any end of the overall spectrum make them a major threat if opposed. In political expectations, moderate editing of policies is expected along with the logical progression of the anti-Stalinist campaign towards its conclusion.
Voznesesnky's Faction: The scientific line towards the optimized development of socialism through implementing cybernetic control at all levels, ensuring that development can further be accelerated in all spheres. Primary advocates through the remaining managers more capable of basic scientific reasoning and the general academic establishment, forming an essential if small block in the current Supreme Soviet Composition. Enhancement of the planned and independent economy is the main goal of all policies from the technocratic line, as enough production and economic development should be sufficient to overcome social limitations for the majority of workers, all while a continued focus on social production maintains the overall population contentedness.
Shepilov's Faction: Economic conservatives with a bevy of social policy approaches mostly focused on maintaining the predominance of the planned system and curbing the excesses of the private sector and managerial components of the overall mechanism. Acceptable from the perspective of most policy, their attention to primarily the political rather than mathematical approach to economics significantly limits their capability along with the generally older ages of many of their current delegates and major political fiefdoms. Technically socially conservative on the average, favoring a stoppage of most of the opening policies proposed by Kosygin, but unlikely to roll back anything major if actually in power.
Saburov's Faction: More of a conventional conservative grouping focused on a tightening of the planning system along with the expansion of party influence on economic bodies at all levels. Maintaining a socially conservative line and in favor of a selective rollback of a number of the proposed Kosyginist reforms in the social sphere, they have nonetheless decisively struck against Stalinism and are likely to continue doing so out of political interest. Currently fairly fringe, but the possibility of them taking a more local-organization-focused line in the regional soviets is a major concern and must be countered to ensure that the ministry is not excessively controlled by outside political forces.
Kleshchev's Faction: With a half-hearted denial of the Stalinist line and the proposing of many of the same policies with the man's name filed off, the hardliners here are practically the direct overall continuation of the old Stalinist line. They are still reasonably unpopular, especially in this current cycle, as while they promise an increased prominence for party bodies, many in the supreme Soviet are not that high in the overall political organization of the CPSU itself. A similar harsh line of local Soviets has cut back their local support in all but the most conservative regions, but delegates tend to fall more into the block once a high position in party bodies is achieved.
Anyway, here is the before and after for the factions in the SupSov. Important to note their positions and changes as we go into coalitional talks next turn.
To make a more broad argument about our decisions: I don't think we should make our decisions based on increasing the survival for the Voz. With the current parliament, I think his time in power is played out. Kosygin has several alternatives, none of which involve having to share a government with a now chronically paranoid bureaucrat who is deeply tied to prior large-scale corruption and over-centralizations. Calculating the factions, Kosygin simply needs 285 seats to form a coalition, which is best served by the inclusion of a larger faction than the technocrats. Voz has been outflanked by reformist wings, with his faction being now on the conservative end of the spectrum. And this problem is only going to get worse in future elections, with the reformers gaining more support due to the fresh blood moving up. If I'm going to be frank here, I don't think there is a high chance for Voz to even secure the junior partner rule in the next election. Voz lost his base in the political system due to increased decentralization, and he won't suddenly get a new one.
I think we should enjoy our last few rounds filled with constant use of "cybernetics", and prepare for a new minister once this plan ends. Let Voz live out the end of his ministerial period by making sensible decisions on foreign policy and then say our goodbyes.
I personally trend towards backing Kosygin's policy. Good relations with China are incredibly valuable, arguably more valuable than Indonesia. Pivoting to making an anti-china coalition seems rather questionable to me, since I really want to avoid moving towards the Sino-Soviet split. Waiting and seeing is also a decent strategy, as we have currently no idea if the new government will actually last. There might very well be a countercoup or civil war in the cards. Let's not tie ourselves to a potential loss out of haste. []Back Kosygin
I mean, half the reason the situation in Indonesia has reached the point is because Chinese attempts to increase their influence in Indonesia, often it seems at the expense of our influence.
There's clearly tension in the Sino-Soviet relationship already, and I'm not sure being so passive in Indonesia is going to meaningfully shore it up. Even if we assume that the Chinese read this as a deliberate gesture of good faith, it's still leaving a bunch of Soviet figures increasingly pissed off at a time when Kos' foreign policy is under fire. We gain lifts from backing Kos out of the hope for a rapprochement with China if all it leads to is the next wave of Soviet leaders pissed off at China.
There's clearly tension in the Sino-Soviet relationship already, and I'm not sure being so passive in Indonesia is going to meaningfully shore it up. Even if we assume that the Chinese read this as a deliberate gesture of good faith, it's still leaving a bunch of Soviet figures increasingly pissed off at a time when Kos' foreign policy is under fire. We gain lifts from backing Kos out of the hope for a rapprochement with China if all it leads to is the next wave of Soviet leaders pissed off at China.
Sure, but Malik's strategy would actively contribute to the diplomatic rift. What has happened so far is the Chinese attempting to dominate the KPI via funding, and the move backfiring into a coup against Sukkarno. Making a deal with an anti-maoist junta is a rather drastic escalation. There are going to be future opportunities for Kosygin to correct course if his diplomatic course becomes unsustainable due to having a strong support base (38% of parliamentary seats). He can tank a hit, and isn't in danger of falling. I think reconciliation is a worth a shot.
We don't even know if the positioning against the new Junta was based on Chinese directives, or the result of the local party making a quick decision. If it's the latter, it's entirely possible to solve the issue without diplomatically increasing the tensions with china.