Purple Phoenix Reborn (Constantinople ISOT)

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Prologue

22 April, 1453
Siege Camps of Mehmed II, Outside Constantinople




As night fell...
Prologue

Skywalker_T-65

Writer with too many ideas.
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Prologue

22 April, 1453
Siege Camps of Mehmed II, Outside Constantinople




As night fell on his camp, Mehmed the Second looked out upon the City. He saw the dome of the Sophia, lit up by the setting sun. Marble glistening in a manner akin to diamond. Closer to the camp, he spied the Theodosian Walls, continuing to resist his cannon. He gazed upon piles of bodies, signs of many a failed attempt at scaling those walls. Stacked feet high, armor pierced through and glinting in the fading light. As if a marker of his failure and the determination of the Greeks. An exclamation saying 'come all, and see our will'. Written in the blood of Turk, Serb and many others, pressed into service by the Sultan on this glorious day. To fulfill a dream that Mehmed had long-held. To be the man who would take the City of Constantine in the name of Allah.
Even seeing the corpses of so many had done nothing to sway him.

Mehmed turned his gaze away from the fallen, and towards the walls. The banner of the Palaiologoi still flew from the numerous towers. Crimson, visible even against the fading sunlight. Defiance. The Sultan well-remembered the response of the petty Emperor to his offer of surrender. His generous gift of the governorship of Morea, in exchange for leniency for the City and her inhabitants.

"To surrender the City to you is beyond my authority, or anyone else's who lives in it. For all of us, after taking the mutual decision, shall die out of free will without sparing our lives."

In a way, it was honorable. Worthy of respect, from one man to another. Of a ruler to another ruler. However, it was also foolish. Mehmed would take the City, regardless of if the foolish Emperor surrendered or not. His fleet would soon take the Golden Horn, and with the Sea Wall threatened, the Greeks would find themselves stretched thin. Even the mighty Theodosian Walls could hardly stand if there were no men to garrison the ramparts. It would become merely a matter of wearing the defenders down, and the City would be his. And if the Greeks were all so ready to die?

Well, he could be merciful. They would merely be sold as slaves, their homes becoming the home of his own men.

With that thought in mind, the Sultan turned from the City and retired to his tent. No assault would take place this night, beyond probing attacks to keep the defenders from rest. Let them repair the breaches in the walls. Eventually, the defenders would tire. Eventually, the determination of the Greeks would falter. And then, Mehmed would lead his Janissaries through the gates of the City. Constantinople would be his.

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It would only be a matter of hours, before the Sultan would be awoken from his slumber. He would stare into wide, panicked eyes. A Janissary, hastily muttering apologies even as he fruitlessly gestured in the direction of the City. Mehmed merely raised an eyebrow, imperiously striding past the soldier as only a young ruler could. He believed that the Greeks had sortied or fought off the skirmishers. Perhaps done some minor damage to the Fleet by fire ships. What greeted his eyes was not so simple. Even Mehmed found himself at a loss for words, instantly forgetting the impenitent Janissary. The glorious City, the source of his dreams and obsessions, was simply gone.

The rising sun shone down on empty land and water, with only the distant Galata and its Tower visible.

The Theodosian Walls no longer stood in a blocking position. Sophia's proud dome was missing. No crimson banners fluttered in the air, and no ships floated in the Horn that did not fly the Ottoman Crescent. Where there had been a city, the City, was nothing. Not a single sign of human habitation. Not even the smoking ruins of a building. It was as if Allah himself had descended, and taken the City with him. Impossible. Inconceivable. Horrifying.

Even while thoughts of how this could happen raced through his mind, Mehmed had already decided. It would be impossible to keep his men from talking. As impossible as the idea that the City could vanish. However, he could stop the Genoese. His mighty army would soon be turned on Galata, to silence the colonists and loot. It would keep the Genoese quiet, it would give his men riches they had been promised, and it would allow for Mehmed to form his own narrative as to what happened this day. Constantinople did not vanish.

He had burned it to the ground and salted the Earth, leaving not so much as a single stone unturned. He would be remembered as a butcher and warmonger. As the man who destroyed the City of Constantine. He would rather that, than be known as the man who had been robbed of his prize by an act of Allah. An act that seemed to favor the Christians, and not the Muslims.

He would not, could not, let that be known.

Mehmed would go to his grave, known to history as Mehmed the Butcher. Worse than Timur and the Mongols. Moreover, he would never have an answer to his question, of what had become of Constantine and the City. That would be up to his successors, some centuries down the line. It would not be a pleasant time for the Ottoman Empire. Nor the inhabitants of Istanbul, built upon the ruins of Galata and the former site of the City...



23 April, 1453
Constantinople, Unknown Land


In the City, the defenders- those not blinded by a flash of light in the night -would awaken in a new land. The familiar Golden Horn and Galata were gone. Even the very landscape had changed. The City was surrounded by new hills and mountains. Thick fog was visible in the distance, as well as the Black Sea coastline being replaced by...what appeared to be a bay. Exploration by Venetian and Genoese ships would confirm this. To the North and South, a massive enclosed bay stretched as far as the eye could see. There was no sign of any civilization. No Turks, no Genoese colonies, and no Greeks.

It was, so far as anyone could tell, empty land. Sailing out of the Bay provided no further clues or signs of civilization. Merely a vast body of water, with such a lack of islands that it could not possibly be the Aegean.

For the Emperor Constantine, it seemed as if it were an Act of God. He had refused parlay with the Turkish conqueror, holding to a desperate hope in the Walls and that someone, anyone, would heed his call for aid. As the siege had progressed, this hope had changed. He had spent many a night praying in the Hagia Sophia. Beseeching the Lord, to do something. Anything. To not lead the City that his namesake had founded to ruin. To spare the citizens he lead from a fate worse than death. God had not seemed to heed his prayers, as the Turks took the Golden Horn. It had seemed as if he would have to hold to his word, and die in defense of his birthright.

Only to awaken, here, in an unspoiled land. The Turkish army vanished, and his people saved from almost certain annihilation. What else could it reasonably be, but an act of God? Taking his City and moving it somewhere safe, where the Empire could rebuild? He would have to send explorers out, of course. Perhaps the Italians would be willing to stay? Regardless, Constantine knew that he would have to know where his people had been moved.

If they were to prosper and rebuild, it would not do to have no idea where they were located. He was not so foolish as to believe the City would never again be besieged. That he, or his successors- be they of his own blood, or of his siblings -wouldn't find a new foe. Perhaps even the Turks, finding them even now. Constantine, as he looked out at the massive sea, made that promise to himself.

That, no matter what, the City would never fall. Rome would never fall.

 
FAQ
Here we go again, eh? I know, I know. But I have very little resistance to putting interesting ideas down to paper, so to speak. And...well. This is an idea that has been tickling my fancy for a fair bit, though it took a long time to come up with a workable solution to it. Not the least being figuring out where I want it to end, in relation to the people getting ISOT. Looking up population curves and literally Byzantine politics is time consuming, who knew? :V

At any rate, a little bit of informational stuff here.

FAQ:

Why Constantinople?

Because I'm a raging Byzantophile? Joking answer entirely aside, it is one of the few cases where you can ISOT something and have it be mostly self-sufficient with a lot of room to grow. Constantinople, as of the Siege, is a city well past its prime. The area enclosed by the Theodsian Walls could comfortably house hundreds of thousands of people...but it isn't. There's somewhere in the range of 50-100k assorted Greeks, Turks and Italians inside those walls. So much has fallen to ruin, that you've basically got a lot of interconnected villages and reclaimed farmland. This is important, because as long as the climate is good...the City can grow a lot of food inside the walls to start.

Furthermore, it allows for relatively secure growth before the inhabitants start expanding again.

Another important little factor to keep in mind is how the Romans (Greeks) have experience in colonization. Even if they haven't done it in a very long time. They can expand fairly easily, with a secure area to fall back on. It also avoids this being a mass-death scenario, since the people inside of the City can mostly be fed off the resources they start with. If you're careful.

Why ISOT them to North America? And modern San Francisco?

Well. The obvious answer is simple. There's two kinds of ISOTs out there. The more common variant is taking something and putting it into a different time (and maybe place). Like the original Island in the Sea of Time. This could work...but I didn't want to go that route here. I wanted to take Constantinople and just 'rescue' it, move it to a safe place. Not through time, just location. The best option for this was North America. Not a massive change in ecosystem or climate (like moving them to, I dunno, sub-Saharan Africa) and it gives growth without pesky Europeans messing with it. Threads on AH.com are what convinced me (along with talk on my Discord server, for those who aren't there) that San Fran was possibly the best place. The landscape, if you twist the City around a bit, isn't that different from what they're used to. Fog aside.

There's very, very fertile ground not that far away.

And it is safe from any potential hostiles for centuries. The Natives aren't going to break the walls, those that don't die from disease. The Spanish won't show up for a century at minimum. More on that later. If it were put on the East Coast, the climate would screw them fierce and the Europeans would show back up in short order.

Not so much in Cali.

What about colonizers?

Like I said, the Spanish wouldn't show up for a century or so. And even then, they didn't really explore Cali for even longer. One thing I'm planning on here, is keeping a 'butterfly net' up over Europe for until...about the mid 1600s. I'm thinking it won't be until then that the word about misplaced Romans (Greeks) gets out as anything but rumors like Cibola. Plus it makes for fun times having the religious and theological questions about this get raised in the middle of the Reformation.

As for technology, it's pretty likely the Romans develop firearms on their own. They have cannon, it's not a huge stretch to go to 'hand cannon' and from there to proper guns.

Wouldn't the Romans spread far by then? Like the East Coast?

I've seen people on AH suggest that result. I don't quite buy it. While, yes, there's about 75k assorted people ISOT (in here, at least), those people don't need to go that far. Even ignoring the very big problem of the Rocky Mountains, the Romans have plenty of good land and resources in California and the rest of the West Coast. I don't imagine them having much reason, a few brave explorers or an eccentric Emperor aside, going past the Rockies for at least a century or two. That's me, of course, but I don't see a Roman presence anywhere near the East Coast before the Europeans show up to party.

What about the Natives?

Dying in droves.* Probably the remainder get assimilated, and you get some very strange Greeks down the line. Greek with Navajo (eventually) loan words would be a weird language. Also the other native languages.

*Not intentional genocide on the part of the Romans. This is a reference to disease and the problems therein.



(I think this is good for now. Will add more as needed.)
 
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Chapter 1
Chapter 1:
The Relocation

Was it an act of God that brought us to this new land? It seems to be the only option. We were removed from a siege that would have killed us all. The City moved to a new, strange home. The scouts have found nothing they recognize. Is this a Garden of Eden for our people? Has God given the Empire a fresh start, safe from our enemies? Or merely a reprieve, until the Turk returns? I do not know. The only truth that I have, is that the City is free. And I will die, before I see it fall.

--- Constantine XI Palaiologos, 1453



In the immediate aftermath of the relocation, Constantinople was a city cast adrift. Taken from the Turk, and given a new land to explore. Such an act of God was a reaffirmation of the sanctity of the City. The holiness of the Orthodox Church. Of the personage of the Emperor himself. Constantine, a man who was neither beloved nor hated, became the holiest of holy Emperors. Even his namesake paled to the man who had been given a reprieve by God himself. Normally Byzantine politics were put aside, in the face of this fact. Not even the most ambitious of nobles would dare act against a man who had such divine patronage.

It did little to change the immediate problems the City faced, however.

On a personal level, the Emperor lacked children or a wife. Children of his brother, his nephews, were in the City. Had it fallen, perhaps, they may have been spared as a political move by the Turk.1 ​As it was, they would likely succeed the Emperor, were he unable to find a wife and produce an heir of his own. A very real fear, even for a man blessed as Constantine. He was not young, nearing his fiftieth year. The wife he had been promised by the Georgians would never arrive. There was likely no shortage of women in the City who would jump at the chance to be the wife of both an Emperor and a man who had God's very real favor. However, the nobles would raise an eyebrow if he married so low.

Beyond the succession, the Emperor was also required to find a way to keep the Italians and Turks happy. The Romans, united in faith and loyalty to the throne in the form of Constantine, were no problem. Even the derision at the 'Greeks' was mostly gone now, from the others in the City. However, the Italians and Turks had their own issues. Genoese or Venetian, the Italians had come with the intention of being paid and returning home after the Siege. Some, such as the supremely talented Giustiniani, may have stayed even then. As for the small group of Turks, well, they were mercenaries through and through. The problem, therein, was the act of God. A blessing it may have been for the Romans, it was a curse for the Italians and Turks. These men had no home now. They had nothing but the City and the people they had ostensibly been paid to protect.

It is little surprise that the first major challenge for Constantine would simply be keeping these men happy.

For the Italians, it was relatively simple. The Church fell over themselves to donate what gold they could afford, and Constantine promised that gold and land to the Italians. Giustiniani, acting as leader for both Genoese and Venetian, graciously accepted. After that, it was easy to convince the sailors to survey the new land. Men looking for a home to settle down in, should they choose to leave the city, were not hard to convince.

The Turks, few in number, settled for land and wives. Constantine never trusted them, and the feeling was generally mutual. In later years, the Turkish minority would always have that aura of distrust. There would never be many of them. And they tended to keep to themselves, after a ruined church was converted to a Mosque for their community. Roman and Turk would never quite forget their historical animosity, even if these men would have died in defense of the City. Even if Strategos Binici would become one of the greatest innovators the Empire had ever seen, in later years.2​

Beyond these issues, the second major challenge for Constantinople was simple. With the relocation, and subsequent lack of trade, resources were scarce. It has already been established that gold was in short supply. In addition to this, there was a distinct lack of silver and other precious metals. Iron was plentiful, if only in weapons taken from the Turks who breached the walls or from the ruined portions of the city. The Great Chain that had sealed off the Golden Horn, now useless in every manner, was quickly melted down and used to create more useful objects. All of these actions, however, could only be temporary. As the City now had a chance to recover, everyone expected a population boom. Constantinople had room to grow, but no resources to do so.

The only resource in good supply were horses, and the farms inside the city walls. Decades after the Black Death and decades of stagnation had depopulated the grand City. What once was populated by hundreds of thousands, had become a bare fifty thousand. Even with refugees from outside the walls bringing the total above sixty, temporarily, the City of Constantine was a shadow of what it once was. Many buildings had fallen, and been reclaimed as viable farm land. Behind the Theodosian Walls, was what amounted to many villages connected by farmland. Not a contiguous city. These farms had once been a sign of decay. Now, they were the very lifeblood of the city. It would not starve, even if it was starved of other resources.

The expeditions by the Italians were intended to solve this problem. Wood was simple, as the land around the Bay was heavily forested in some areas. Iron and precious metals would be more problematic for many, many years.

However, these expeditions would serve a useful purpose beyond finding resources. A detachment of militia and Genoese soldiers, marching inland, would come across the first sign of human civilization...

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1. While it is understandably difficult to confirm, two converted Greeks of some import in the Ottoman Empire were likely members of the Palaiologos dynasty. Mesih Pasha and Hass Pasha are implied by contemporary histories to have been nephews of Constantine. If the Emperor were unable to produce an heir- something likely if the City had not fallen -then one of these brothers would likely have succeeded him. Assuming one of the Morean despots did not do so themselves, of course. In the ISOT, these siblings- with proper Greek names -are in the City. If Constantine cannot produce an heir at his advanced age, one of them would succeed him as Emperor.

2. For the future of the timeline. Suffice to say, I have planstm​ for each of the minorities in the Empire, not just for the Greco-Roman majority.

(I am planning on doing the little narrative bits at the start of each chapter. Most will be following the format of this one, however, I will also be doing proper narrative bits for important events. Such as, for example, the very next one. Or the fun of Romans meeting Grizzlies or seeing the Rockies or seeing the plains and their herds of Bison and...well, you get the point)
 
Chapter 2
Chapter 2:
First Contact

The lands we are exploring are nothing like what we left behind. The land is mountainous, true, yet...it is clearly not Anatolia. Fog blankets everything, making venturing from the Bay a dangerous proposition. Even exploring along the coasts is yielding relatively little signs of civilization. Demir claims to have seen ships in the fog, though I find that hard to believe. Who in their right mind, would sail out in this? Willingly? I want to believe him, of course. I want to believe that God has not sent the City somewhere completely empty. Would it be worth escaping the Turk, only to die alone? Surely there are other people out here somewhere.

At first light, I am going to take the ship towards shore. If Demir was actually seeing something, we will follow the path they took. If there are actually other ships out here, other people, they must have a home. There is no reason to believe they are migrating or that they do not live in this area. Perhaps we can find a home, if this blasted fog would just go away...

---Giovanni Moretti, 1453



Exploration of the Bay was a risky task, in the first few days of the Relocation. The Roman and Italian mariners knew their ships, and they knew how to sail. However, the foggy Bay was far different from the sunny Mediterranean. Constantinople was far enough inland to avoid the worst of the fog. Even so, at times, it would spread further than expected. Even were there ocean-going ships available, venturing through the unfamiliar strait was dangerous. A few ships confirmed that the vast ocean was not the Mediterranean, yet went no further. The ships were not designed for long voyages without land in sight. They were never intended for true ocean travel. As such, on order of Emperor Constantine himself, exploration was focused on the Bay and the land ringing it.

Roman and Italian ships split, some north and some south. Loaded with an eclectic mix of Romans, Italians and Turks for ranging inland, these vessels were the forefront of Constantine's efforts to learn more of his surroundings. To discover just where God had moved his City. In the initial days of exploration, they would find nothing of note. The Bay proved to be massive and untamed, trees lining the coasts and little sign of civilization. Some aboard the vessels began to believe, if only in private, that God had given the City an Eden. Empty land to colonize and shape in his name. Some others believed it a curse, that the City would wither away without trade or any new subjects.

Still others, including a young Turkish soldier by the name of Demir, believed that they had seen small vessels in the fog.1​ Nothing more than canoes, perhaps, yet vessels nonetheless. Aboard the Iride, a Venetian galley, this man would guide her in the direction he had seen the shapes in the distance. The captain of the Iride, Giovanni Moretti, would later say that he had always believed Demir.

At the time, however, it was an act of Faith and not a rational motion.

The Iride pulled up against a cleared portion of land, a few mílion2​ to the south of Constantinople. It was here that Demir and a group of Roman militia spread out to explore the strange land they had found themselves in. The trees resembled the oaks of Europe, yet they were subtly different. Stronger and taller than anything any Roman had seen in many years. The birds and animals that called these trees home, rustling around the curious men, were different as well. Not a single creature was the same. Chirps were different. Plumage was nothing remotely familiar. Even the rodents that scurried about, were clearly not from Greece nor Anatolia.

With this sight greeting the early explorers, was it any wonder they were surprised when they actually found human habitation? Later records would describe this meeting, in various favorable and unfavorable lights. It truly depends on who you ask, and if they are inclined to view the Romans favorably. The common consensus, however, is simple:

Distracted as they were by the new and unusual life around them, the Romans and Turk came across a village. Almost without realizing it. It would only be when strange words in an undecipherable language were shouted at them, that they realized what had happened. Were this Europe, or even Mēxihco, this may have been the death of these unfortunate explorers. However, it was not. The natives of the Bay were a simple people, who were as confused as the Romans at what they were seeing. While conflict was not unheard of, these were not a warlike people.

A fact that proved fortuitous, as the Romans and their Turkish guide would find out. Even as these men closed into a defensive formation, they were being greeted with more curiosity than malice. The people who stood before them were far different from any that the Romans had seen before.

Tall and relatively dark skinned, the men and women were clearly not African nor Indian nor even Chinese. They wore strange clothing, though from the perspective of the Natives, the Romans wore stranger garments. The buildings the Natives stood before were simple round huts, made of local materials that the Romans did not recognize. Not one man held a proper weapon, only a handful carrying what appeared to be spears. In fact, to the surprise of the Romans, not a single piece of iron was visible. Not iron, not gold, not silver. Not even bronze.

These people were primitive. They had a civilization, it was clear, yet it was not a proper society by the Roman standard. Even the Mongols had been more civilized.

This first impression was not helped by the fact that, when a clear elder stepped forward, the man spoke in a language nothing like anything heard in Constantinople before. Even Demir, who had heard tribal Anatolian languages, was unable to even hope to translate it. The Romans, who spoke Greek and little else, couldn't begin to understand it. Attempts to communicate with the elder, draped in a thin fur coat, were doomed to failure at first. It was only the apparent friendliness of the Natives that smoothed over this early stage of contact.

As a whole, humans are a curious creature. Presented with something new and unknown, there are two primary reactions. Violence, and the desire to know more.

For the Ramaytush3​ people and the Romans, it was the latter that won out.

Given food and water, the Romans were invited into the camp- and it became apparent it was a camp -of the Natives. These men, confused as they were wary, were plied with stories and tales. Not a word came across, from either side, though it was at least established who they were. The elder quickly learned the word 'Roman'. And the Romans quickly learned the word Altamu. The home of the people they were speaking to, and evidently just one of many villages. When told this, a young Roman smiled and informed the Natives that they were from the city of Constantine.

When the elder smiled at the breakthrough in communication, he made wide gestures towards some of the younger men of his community. No words were needed to understand that gesture. The Natives wanted to see this 'City of Constantine', even if they only vaguely understood what it was. It was hardly in the original plan by the Emperor.

Constantine had wanted to know if there were any Turks or other recognizable people nearby. Not bring strange and unknown people to the City.

However, perhaps sensing a rich reward, the Romans didn't care. They readily agreed, with Demir the Turk assigned to attempt to learn the language the Natives spoke. Not out of any altruism, but only out of the belief that a Turk could clearly understand a savage language better than a Roman could. While an insult, it would prove to be a boon, when hard work would see this language translated. For these few men would become the first Natives of this strange land to visit Constantinople.

First contact, at least with the Ramaytush people, would prove to be a relatively bloodless affair. It would only be later that Roman and Native alike, learned just how little resistance these people would have to disease and cultural change...



1. Demir the Turk would, in later years, become something of a popular folk hero in the Native populations of Rome. A man from a hated minority, who had the good fortune to be the first person to meet any Native. A man who proved that you didn't need to be Greek to be an important figure. For all that he would become lost to history in later years, this only fed a convenient myth for those Natives who wanted to cling to their cultural identity in the Empire.

2. A Greco-Roman 'mile', the mílion is roughly equivalent to 1.5 kilometers.

3. The Ramaytush are the subdivision of the Ohlone people that were native to what would be OTL San Francisco. The name 'Ramaytush' is a relatively modern invention, however, it is difficult to find what this group would have actually called themselves. I use Ramaytush for convenience.


(Apologies for how long this took to get up. Work has been...less than kind to my energy, lately.)
 
Chapter 3
Chapter 3
Constantinople The Great

Oh, grand Constantinople! Even in her fading days, few cities could hold to her glory. Her gilded halls and mighty palaces. The magnificent Theodosian Walls, protecting all inside from any adversary. Beautiful Hagia Sophia, rising above all else, resplendent in the glory of God. No matter the ruined buildings, no matter the widespread farmland, Constantinople was still a jewel of the Lord. A city beyond peer. Even more so, inside such a godless wilderness as Elysium Bay1​. A shining beacon for all who approached. Was it any wonder that the natives who first visited our grand City were in awe? They lived in plant huts and had no context at all for how glorious it truly was...

--- Ecumenical Patriarch Heraklios, 1675


Imagine, for a moment, that you are a member of the Ramaytush tribe at the moment of contact. You have lived a harmonious life, a simple existence among your close family. On the rare occasions you saw someone outside your immediate group, it would be members of other Ohlone tribes. The largest building you were likely to have seen, would have been the central hut in a village. Stone masonry is almost unknown, as is metal working. This is the life you had lived, the life your father and his father had lived. It was simple, yes, yet it was what you knew.

Until you met strange light-skinned men, in even stranger clothing. Men who brought you to a massive vessel, that could comfortably fit several of the canoes you were familiar with. A vessel that sailed up the bay, until out of the fog, you saw it. Massive stone walls. Buildings the likes of which you had never even imagined as possible. So many people that you couldn't even begin to pick out individuals. Men wearing metal as clothing and carrying weapons that were unimaginable. A tall man, dressed in shimmering material you had never seen before and wearing glowing metal upon his brow.


That, is what it was like for the men that Demir the Turk and Moretti the Venetian had brought to Constantinople.

As a people, the Ohlone- in this specific case, the Ramaytush -were simple and primitive. Compared to the great cities of Mēxihco or the Tawantinsuyu, they barely qualified as a 'civilized' people. Men who had lived in villages that were mobile and never stayed in one spot? Who rarely saw more than a hundred people in any one location? They had no frame of reference or ability to comprehend Constantinople. Even ruined as the City was at the time of the Relocation, it utterly dwarfed anything in the region. Anything on the west coast of what Europeans would dub 'America', in fact. The more civilized tribes up the coast or further inland did not even come close.

When the first group of Ramaytush were brought to the City, they were greeted by Giovanni Giustiniani, the famous Genoese soldier. He had been waiting for the return of the scouting parties, and was quite curious of what the Venetians had brought back. The language barrier remained insurmountable, of course. A few hours attempting to communicate in languages that had no common ground, did not make for an easy task.

Even if it were impossible to understand what was being said, it was quite easy to see the awestruck looks upon the faces of the dark-skinned men.

Giustiniani, more curious than wary, was quite willing to show these men the City. A few primitive barbarians with not a scrap of steel between them? Dressed in ill-fitting clothes the Venetians had given them to make them presentable? These were no Turkish warriors. They were too busy chattering in their strange language, pointing at the buildings and placing hands on the stonework, to be a threat. It was almost like he was herding children, as his memoirs would record this day. Curious children who had never seen something such as this before.

The Ramaytush would record much the same, in their vocal traditions. These men were especially impressed by the Theodosian Walls and the Hagia Sophia. As the largest and most imposing stone works in the City, it is hardly surprising. The Sophia, in particular, would enrapture many a native who came to the City in the early days of contact. The domes, reminiscent of the homes they were familiar with, greatly impressed the visitors. To build something so large, out of rock and stone? It boggled the mind. It was familiar in design, yet so alien in scale.

This curiosity and awe spread both ways, of course.

The citizens of Constantinople, most of whom had no idea they were no longer in Europe, had no idea who was in their streets. Curious children and worried women watched as the long procession of soldiers escorted these strange men with their dark skin. The words they spoke to each other were strange and frightening. More than a few panicked, and thought they were Turks. This, thankfully, was limited to already scared citizens who had never seen nor heard an actual Turk.

It was a testament to the loyalty that Giustiniani commanded in his men that none of them panicked. They had no idea how to react to the men they were escorting, but they did not comment on it. Not where their beloved Commander could hear it. Giustiniani, in his own way, allowed them to talk. His curiosity about the strange men tended towards outweighing anything else.

As well it should, considering he was bringing the aforementioned men to see the Emperor himself. An honor that few indeed, back in Europe, would have been given. It would have been unheard of for random men to be taken off the street and introduced to the Emperor. Even one such as Constantine, who spent so much time among his flock during the Siege. If it were not for the situation the City was in, these men would not have been taken down streets reserved for the military. Past intact and well-built buildings, instead of the farmland that- in its own way -would have impressed the natives.

Constantinople, past her prime or not, was not a city that just anyone could wander through. Not in the ways the Ramaytush were, in their journey to the Palace of Blachernae 2​. Sitting upon a hill, waiting for visitors that would never have seen it, in another lifetime.


1. 'Elysium Bay' would be the later name given to the Bay. Most non-Roman sources simply refer to it as 'Constantinople Bay'.

2. The Palace of Blachernae was the residence of the Roman Emperors following the short-lived Latin Empire. The original Palace would later be expanded upon, when wealth from the nearby mountains filled the coffers of the City and Empire. Little remains of the Palace that the Ramaytush visited.


Apologies on the delay. Work is...yeah.

At any rate, the first few chapters will be a lot of focus on the initial relocation and reactions thereof. Once we get past this bit, it'll jump forward a bit and continue doing so in a lot of chapters. It will be major events (like the initial ISOT) that justify multiple chapters for the specific event covered. It'll also probably get longer in later chapters, once I'm past the initial hurdles.

Also, yes, 'Elysium Bay' is a reference to Third Odyssey. Though I note that mod doesn't remotely inspire this.
 
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Chapter 4
Chapter 4
Constantine XI of Rome

Emperor Constantine was a man of many virtues, and many flaws. He was only human. There is a certain tendency to present the man as a second messiah, chosen by God himself to lead the Roman people towards Elysium. The fact he was the reigning Basileus when the City was relocated feeds into this myth. He had prayed for salvation and been given it, complete with a new land for his people. It was, and is, easy to see him as an almost mythological figure due to this. Doing so forgets that Constantine had his share of mistakes and flaws. He was no more a perfect man than any other King or Emperor. He simply had the good fortune to be the ruler at the time...

--George Jameson, University of Oxford, 1943


Constantine Dragases Palaiologos, later rendered as Constantine XI by European historians. A man who had come late to his throne, after a conflict with his younger brother over his right to it. At forty-three years of age on taking the throne, Constantine was not a young man. He was a man who, in his youth, had fought many conflicts. With Latins and Turks alike. A man who would do anything to restore Rome to her past glories, even if it were beyond the resources he had. He had felt the joy of victory over the Latins in Morea. The sting of defeat to the Turks in the same place. Constantine, when he took the throne, was shaped by these events. A patriot to the end.

It was his desire to see his nation strengthened, and his dislike for the Turks after the disastrous invasion of Athens1​, that almost brought ruin upon the Empire. Constantine was not a man who reacted well to slights, real or perceived, when they came from the Turk. When the Sultan Mehmed came to the throne, Constantine saw an impetuous boy who was obsessed2​ with nothing more than the destruction of everything the Emperor loved. Constantine did not react favorably. His reaction was simple. If Mehmed persisted in his desire to take Constantinople, Constantine would free Prince Orhan3​ and support him as a rival contender to the Sultanate. There is some argument if this decision was a major mistake on Constantine's part, or merely an excuse that Mehmed was looking for.

Regardless of if Mehmed was obsessed with the City to the point that nothing would sway him, the threat of releasing Orhan was all he needed to declare any and all agreements with the Romans null and void. Thus, began the Siege of Constantinople.

Constantine gained much respect from his people and some in the West, for standing up to the Turk in such a way. He also gained the anger of Mehmed, in a way that few others had. It is widely believed, though impossible to state for sure, that Mehmed's offer to allow Constantine to rule Morea in exchange for Constantinople was a ruse. A temporary reprieve, only to allow the Ottoman armies to eventually march into Greece and string the entire Palaiologos dynasty from a tree. Certainly, Mehmed gave no quarter in his attack on the City. Constantine rallied his people and lead them as few Emperors ever had.

Yet, it was not enough.

Mehmed's attacks were ever closer to breaking the walls, with each passing day. It is widely believed in contemporary sources- Giustiniani's From Certain Death to Salvation a notable example -that the Roman forces were close to breaking. Constant repairs, constant attacks and constant wakefullness were draining the men. It was only a matter of time until a wall broke and was taken, or until there were no men left. Even Constantine, despairing of his chances, had resigned himself to a glorious final stand. The Latins were not coming.

It was that moment, as we now know, that God spoke.

For Emperor Constantine, it was a miracle to surpass all miracles. His prayers had been answered, and he had been chosen by God to lead his people to a new life. It was both a blessing and an immense pressure. In the journals that have survived, Constantine confessed to the fact that this pressure nearly broke him, at times. His miraculous survival- and that of his City and Empire -had placed a unique task upon him. To take what he had been given, and make certain that Rome would survive in this strange New World. It was not an easy burden to bear. For Constantine, despite everything, had never been a truly egotistical or prideful man.

Yet now, his people worshiped him as if he were the Second Coming of Christ. Perhaps, not quite to that extent, to be truthful.

However, he was still seen as proof of divine blessing and providence. He knew that he, and his line, would be revered for as long as Constantinople and Rome endured. It was this knowledge that prompted him to take risks he wouldn't have taken. To send even the Turks of Orhan out to find other civilizations. To allow the Ramaytush into his City. Into his Palace itself. He could hardly afford to fail. If this was a land given by God, and if he was chosen to lead his people, he must accept that he would lead all his people.

Roman, Turk, Italian, and now...the Natives of this new land. If they were truly in Eden, then he was destined and anointed to lead all people who lived in this land.

And so, Constantine would bring the Ramaytush and their neighbors into the Empire. It was difficult. Even past the language barriers- and the need to convert them to Christianity -the Ohlone people, as a whole, had no concept of Kings or Empires. Promises of metal and stone housing meant little to semi-nomadic tribes. Rome had limited ability to force the issue as well. Were it not for Constantinople herself, a true sign of an act of some divine figure, it was probable the Ohlone would merely have moved to new lands. The presence of the City and the earnest belief by Constantine that it was his burden to lead these people, were the only reasons that the Ohlone would integrate relatively easily into Roman society.

Even so, many would die of disease. Many more would be resistant to giving up their traditional beliefs. It was not an easy task or a quick one.

Constantine took to this task with an almost manic fervor, once the shock of the Relocation had worn off. He worked tirelessly to integrate the Ohlone- and the Italians and Turks -into Roman society. He truly believed that it was his divine duty, once the task had become apparent to him. In the waning years of his life- for Constantine was not a young man -he spent much of his effort on these duties. It is entirely probable that his focus on his Burden prevented him from finding a wife in time to produce an heir. His journals certainly indicate as much, with an almost resigned tone when the topic came up. He knew his age and mortality, and he knew he would not produce a child. Not if he were to also focus on the people and the City.

In the twilight days of his reign, Constantine declared that his elder nephew would take his place. Alexios Palaiologos4​, himself a much younger man, would be the heir to Holy Constantine.

With this established, and the knowledge that his people would follow anything he proclaimed, Constantine would retire to his Palace in his last few years. He spent much time with his journals, his fears and hopes. Even more planning expansions to the City and Empire. Choosing leaders for expeditions further down the coast and inland from Elysium Bay. Writing his regrets for attempting to unify his Church with that of the Pope, when it had brought no aid. Giving instructions to the Patriarch on how to best convert the Ohlone and any others they should find.

It was during one of these sessions that Constantine passed peacefully. He would be discovered by a servant, bent over his desk as if still working tirelessly.

The image of an Emperor who never gave up, who never stopped working, who had lead his people through the worst and best of times? This image has become the legacy of Saint Constantine Dragases. Many churches and streets have been built in his honor. The port of Dragases was named after his second surname, that of his beloved mother.5​ Constantine's image decorates many buildings and has become a revered part of Roman society.

Perhaps his greatest legacy, however, is his effort to integrate the Ohlone. His policies of tolerance and paternalism would serve Rome well, in the coming days.
Saint Constantine Dragases Palaiologos
Emperor of the Romans
1405-1474



1.
While Despot of Morea, Constantine lead an invasion of the Latin Duchy of Athens. While the invasion itself was successful in many ways, it brought down the attention of the then-Sultan (Murad II) upon Morea. Constantine and his brothers lost the resulting conflict, though they avoided capture. It is probable this event haunted Constantine for the rest of his life, looking at how he reacted to Mehmed.

2. Mehmed was obsessed with conquering Constantinople. It was such an obsession, that the first thing he did upon taking the throne, was start planning how to take the City. The 'Carthage Myth' is generally seen in Europe, prior to the rediscovery of Constantinople, as a symptom of this obsession. Mehmed couldn't take the City, so he destroyed it in a fit of rage. To those who believed his stories and the Myth, it was all too easy to believe.

3. Orhan was a cousin of Mehmed, and a potential claimant to the Sultanate. In the aftermath of the Relocation, he became the leader of the Turkish community inside Constantinople. With only a few hundred men to his name and the love Constantine had from his people, Orhan remained a fairly- if unhappily -loyal servant of the Roman throne until his own death, a few years before Constantine.

4. Alexios, here, is the original Greek name (though an original creation) of one of the Palaiologos brothers captured by Mehmed, OTL.

5. OTL San Diego.


(For this one, I chose to focus on Constantine. I will write a little side story from his Journals later on. For now, I chose to continue along the route I had started, and focus on him after focusing on the ISOT, initial exploration, and Constantinople)


 
Chapter 5
Slight time skip this time, though we're still in Constantine's reign:

Chapter 5
The Roman Empire in 1463

In the first decade of life in Elysium, the Roman Empire was a state in flux. Later historians make a point that the Empire had been functionally reduced to Constantinople, even when in Europe. This is not inaccurate, as the Morean Despots were functionally independent of the Empire. However, the Empire still controlled trade through the Bosporus. It was still connected to Europe and the markets therein. There was a certain respect afforded to the City, even if most in Western Europe considered it the 'Empire' of the Greeks. The Patriarch was still the nominal 'First Among Equals' in the Eastern Church. An Empire in a City it may have been, Constantinople still had the potential to prosper, were the Turks to leave it be.

Following the Relocation, this was not the case. The Roman Empire had indeed been reduced to a single, underpopulated and ruined, City. They were still the equal of any city in Arcadia1​ and more advanced than any civilization they could feasibly encounter. Constantinople was still in ruins. Demographically, the Romans were not able to take advantage of their new land. Sixty-Five Thousand Romans- it was rather hard to make distinctions between Greeks, Italians and Turks after the Relocation -were not enough to expand rapidly. Even policies put in place by Constantine to encourage expansion could only do so much. Even a relieved baby boom could only do so much. This is why the policy of integration was so important...

--- 'From the Dardanelles to Elysium', Georgios Galanis, 1960




Upon arrival in 1453, Constantinople was a ruined city. A shadow of its former glory. Empty of many of its previous inhabitants, and cut off from all the trade it had thrived on. A city that, in many circumstances, would have struggled to survive.

Fortunately for those who called the City home, it was not many cities. With enough farmland inside the walls to sustain the existing population until more could be created, it gave less of a sense of urgency to expansion. As the population inevitably grew, it was simple to move farmland beyond the Theodosian Walls and reclaim land for housing. The relative friendliness of the Ohlone people aided this effort immensely. Constantine's policy of integration allowed the Empire to expand relatively painlessly, down the peninsula to the south of the City. This expansion, the primary thrust for much of Constantine's early reign in Elysium, was critically important for the Empire.

Constantinople had arrived in the New World with sixty-five thousand souls. A pittance of the many hundreds-of-thousands the City had held at her peak, however, still more than it had possessed prior to Mehmed's siege. Many of these refugees, Greek and Italian alike, had little to their names. They had fled into the City to escape the Turk, many hoping they may go home when the siege concluded. Their homes no longer existed. While it was certainly possible to house them in previously ruined homes within the Theodosian Walls, many of these refugees desired lives outside the City. They had lived in rural homes for a reason, should they be confined within the walls?

Had the Ohlone been at all threatening- as other Natives would later prove to be2​ -the Emperor would likely have forbade them leaving Constantinople. However, the Ohlone proved remarkably non-violent and accepting of the Romans. Many were eager to learn about their new neighbors, and welcomed the former-refugees into their land. For as much of 'their land' as any could be. The Ohlone, as a people, were migratory. They had their defined borders between groups. The Ramaytush, in particular, being the closest to Constantinople. However, these borders were rarely more than a hunting denomination, and there were rarely enough Natives inside the territories to overcrowd them. In fact, for much of the first decade in Elysium, there was more land than people. Even inside Ohlone 'territory'.

The first outbreaks of disease amongst the Natives only emptied the land further.

It came as a rude surprise to Roman and Ohlone alike, when the first visitors returned home sick. Not all. Those who did, however, were ill beyond all comprehension. Romans were not unfamiliar with the effects of disease. The Black Death was not far out of cultural memory. The strange thing about the Natives, was how relatively mundane diseases crippled them. Many Ohlone died before anyone in power realized what was happening. To the credit of Constantine and the Romans, efforts were rapidly put in place to attempt to help the Natives. Many more would have died- and this would indeed happen, in European colonies -had this effort not been made.

However, the mass deaths still heavily damaged Ohlone society. Those who survived were easier to integrate, perhaps, due to smaller numbers and weakened leadership. As well as the honest attempts by the Roman population to aid the survivors. Regardless, this was but the first taste of how vulnerable the Natives truly were.

It has been said, in myth and legend, that Emperor Constantine wept over the body of an Ohlone child brought before him. Wept for the primitive people that he saw as his subjects. He saw his Burden given by God himself, as protecting these people and showing them the light of Christ and Roman civilization. To see them dying like this? It is not hard to believe that something similar did, in all actuality, happen. Though no one knows for sure.


By 1463, through a combination of movement outside the City and integration of the remains of the Ohlone populace, the Roman population had ballooned. Modern estimates tend to fall around one-hundred thousand, with some debate on if this is too generous.3​ This population boom was fueled by a desire to explore the new land and find resources for the City. Constantinople, even with the many ruined structures to strip, did not have an endless supply of gold or iron. The Ohlone, once communication became possible, spoke of other tribes. None so advanced as the Romans, yet, other tribes nonetheless. Constantine, in the twilight of his life, pushed for expeditions to continue. Mapping the Bay was not enough. Efforts to explore inland and down the coast would be needed, though the former would prove to be more viable for the short term.

The mighty ocean that lapped at the coast was massive. Land may have stretched as far to the North and South as the eye could see, however, the Romans did not possess ships designed for such long voyages. With the need for experienced sailors and explorers closer to home, expeditions into the Ocean were lower priority. After all, iron was more important than exploring a wide sea.

This focus on the inland would soon pay dividends. Early Roman explorers- almost universally Italian or Turkish, with some adventurous Greeks -came across a vast valley. Grasslands and marshes stretched as far as the eye could see, with mountains raised into the sky in the distance. Mountains that were both familiar and alien all the same. Constantinople hadn't been sent to a place completely unfamiliar to the Romans. As well, mountains were potentially rich in resources that would be useful for the City and the Empire, moving forward. While direct control was likely impossible until the population had further expanded, these mountains would in later years, become critically important to the Roman Empire.

As of 1463, however, the direct control of the Empire was still largely limited to Ohlone lands and other areas around the Bay. No tribes nearby could militarily stand against Rome, even with a bare six thousand or so professional soldiers. The bottleneck remained population and Constantine's unwillingness to risk his City again. Direct control of the Empire was limited, while indirect control still focused on the area around the Bay. Explorations and expeditions continued, well past this territory. However, they would not be able to truly claim the land for some time yet. Claims were made, yet, not enforced.

The Empire was safe and secure, it merely needed more time to grow and recover from centuries of foreign depredation. When the time was right, and the population had restored some of its former greatness, Constantinople and her Empire would spread wings over much of this new land...


1. Elysium is the name for the area the Romans initially settled. The Bay and the surrounding area for hundreds of miles (roughly OTL California, though obviously not exactly this). Arcadia is the Roman name for the Continent they found themselves on, what European settlers would later name 'North America'. There was, in the aftermath of the Relocation, a certain desire to appeal to classical thought in naming their new home. Arcadia, as a utopia of harmony with nature, was seen as befitting the society of Natives that Rome first encountered. However, Eden was a step too far, even for Constantine.

2. The Romans would have rude awakenings, when encountering tribes beyond the peaceful Ohlone. The peoples of Mēxihco, in particular, would be a shock to the entire Roman Empire.

3. It is hard to truly judge the Roman population, in the days before proper Censuses. 100,000 is generally seen as the accepted figure, taking into account the Post-Relocation baby booms and the integration of the Ohlone and other Natives around the Bay. Even with this, there is some argument on if this figure is too generous.



The Map is a work in progress. A map maker I am not, and I improvised a fair bit on Constantinople itself. The areas of Roman control are something I debated quite heavily with myself on. In the end, I figure something about this extent is likely after a decade. The Roman control is hardly ironclad, considering the lack of population. However, it is hundreds of miles away from any real Native threats, so the loose control is less of an issue than it otherwise might be.
 
Sidestory: Early Explorers
Sidestory I
Early Explorers of Elysium

I do not believe that anyone quite knew what to expect, when we explored our new home. Out of the foggy land that Constantinople rested, was a garden. A garden that could put Eden to shame, in its untouched glory. With the Natives as ill-inclined to permanent settlement as they were, the natural beauty of the land was untouched. I am certain my family and friends in Genoa would have paid a fortune, just to see this land. Great trees rise in forests the envy of any I have heard of. Strange animals and even stranger people live in these forests and along the shores of fair Elysium. I often find myself jealous, of the men granted the chance to truly explore this land. With my duties as the Strategos keeping me in Constantinople, I found my time to explore...limited. In my last years, I know I will never be able to join such august company. Such is the price to pay, for my skill in command and the trust of the Emperor.

Still, there are days I long to have joined Demir or Cappelli or any number of other explorers. These are the men who truly saved the Empire. I merely kept it together for them.

--Giovanni Giustiniani, 1471



In the heady days following the Event, the Roman Empire found itself in unexplored lands. The area of Elysium Bay, from the fog to the massive forests lining it, was truly alien. To those who considered it an Eden, they could point to the unspoilt lands and the primitive nature of the Ohlone people. To those who looked with hunger upon new land to colonize, they could see resources. Endless supplies of trees for buildings, of fish for hunting, and miles upon miles of free land. With the only Turks or Latins living inside Constantinople and- at least notionally -loyal to the Emperor and not foreign lords? There was no danger in these lands, from enemies of the Empire. The only danger was the unexplored nature of it.

Even the Ohlone, themselves natives of the land, could only explain so much. Their people had lived on the shores of the Bay for longer than the oldest Elder could recall. They had seen no need to go elsewhere. Ohlone guides would prove useful, to be sure, yet the majority of exploration would be left to the brave men who struck out on Constantine's order. These early explorers, from all walks of life and all cultures in the Empire, would often become inscribed in history. Their names and feats passed into legend. These men, more than any other, truly brought the Empire into the light. They gave it new land to colonize. They proved that, even in such a strange time, that Romans of all cultures could work together. It didn't matter if one were Greek, Italian or Turkish.

That, more than anything, is where these men stand apart from later explorers.1​ They gave the framework for later men to follow. There are too many to name, of course, as Constantine pushed to know the land. However, a few of the most important are listed here:

Demir the Turk: B. 1432, D. 1465 (Presumed)

Famous for his first contact with the Ramaytush people, Demir the Turk was a young man when the Relocation occurred. A common soldier under the command of Prince Orhan, in any other circumstances, his name would have been lost to history. As a mercenary, he was not a member of any Nobility. He was not a heroic figure akin to the great Greeks of old. Nor was he wealthy or influential among his comrades. A perfectly average Turkish soldier, in a position where he likely would have perished in the Siege.

Demir is remembered, to this day, due entirely to his presence at the first meeting between Roman and Ohlone. As a plainly hypocritical and biased gesture, the Italians leading his scout party believed that an 'uncivilized Turk' would be perfect to understand the language of the primitive people they had discovered. Demir had no more ability than any Roman, however, he became quick friends with the Ramaytush and was instrumental in translating their language. This friendly relationship continued with the scouts the Ohlone promised for expeditions. On these expeditions, the legend of Demir became codified.

'Demir is forever exploring and making friends for Rome. He's right there, in that city. In that man, holding a hand out to help a stranger to his feet. He's in the hunter in the forest, who saves a lost child. In the explorer meeting a new tribe. Demir the Turk is forever exploring, forever making friends, forever helping.'

Unfortunately, Demir's ultimate fate is lost to history. He was a member of the doomed Katopodis Expedition to the Chióni Vouná2 ​range, and very few records speak of the end of that expedition. None survived. As such, the legend of Demir has no true ending. Did he die in the Mountains? Did he choose to live among natives? No one truly knows. Yet, his legend persists among the Natives and those Romans descended from them and the original Turk mercenaries.

Angelo Cappelli: B. 1438, D. 1510

Angelo Cappelli, the Great Mariner, is famous for his voyages up and down the coast of Elysium. Hailing from Venice, he had been a young sailor aboard one of the Venetian warships caught in Constantinople during the Relocation. During the early days after the move, he had continued to serve in this role. It would only be when he was an adult, that he ended up in command of the Salamis. This ship, based upon Western European designs of Carrack 3​, was the first proper ocean-going vessel in Roman service. In command of the Salamis, Cappelli would set out on his first voyage of discovery in 1468. There was no better man for this mission.

Cappelli was an adventurous soul, who put great faith in his crew and ship. He sailed to the South, on this first voyage. It was Cappelli, operating on little more than a hunch and trust in his crew, that would discover the location of the future port of Dragases. The sailor went ashore himself, exploring much of the land surrounding the city. It was here where the first evidence of natives outside of the Ohlone would be found.

However, it was when returning to his ship, that Cappelli would make his greatest discoveries.

It was sailing further down the coast, into what would eventually be discovered to be Mexica lands, that Cappelli found the first evidence of the people of Mēxihco. He, perhaps fortunately, did not go ashore. Instead, he simply recorded the location and returned to Constantinople. His reports would shape much of the desire to consolidate on Elysium, to prepare for contact. Cappelli's further voyages would, in some ways, be nearly as important. That, however, is for another time.4​

Georgios Xiphias: B. 1480, D. 1544

If Demir is famous for his contact with natives, and Cappelli for his voyages of discovery, the Roman explorer Georgios Xiphias is famous for his adventures in the forests. In popular culture, he is the quintessential 'outdoorsman'. A man who spent much of his time exploring at the foothills of the Mountains and through the Valley. It was Xiphias, so the stories go, who hunted the first of the Elysium Brown Bears. The tale of that hunt resonates with many Romans to this day, and is a large part of why the Bear is so heavily featured in local folklore of the Valley. Xiphias, himself, downplayed the Hunt and said it was 'just another day on the job'.

For him, perhaps, it was.

Xiphias was responsible for much of the knowledge of the Valley. He is famous for, along with his Ohlone friends, mapping the land and creating some of the first settlements outside of Elysium Bay. It is said that Xiphias was always in the right place, at the right time, to protect these small villages from roaming wildlife. The stories tend to drift on if he used weapons or his bare hands.

It is well-known that the Xiphias Musket was one of the first designs for an easily usable firearm, though it would prove to be quite outdated compared to the European models when contact was made with colonizers. Xiphias and his muskets were a common sight on the frontier, from his teenage years, until his eventual passing of old age. Even this, unsurprisingly, was on his own terms. The famous hunter died in the woods, with his musket propped beside him, and no one but his closest friends around. It is said that he was, even then, preparing another expedition.

These three men, all of them, are just some of the many famous explorers of the Roman Empire. It would be impossible to cover them all in one setting, though it is certainly a valid task to undertake. Many of them will be covered at some point, to explain how the early expansion of the Empire progressed.



1. Later explorers, operating on an existing framework and support network, took rather fewer risks. This is not to downplay their own accomplishments, however, the early few were taking much greater risks and reaping much greater rewards.

2. Chióni Vouná roughly translates as 'snowy mountains'. The Spanish would call the mountains the 'Sierra Nevada' range, for much the same reason.

3. The Salamis, based on Genoese designs, was a small compared to many European exploration vessels. She was still very much a coastal vessel, though one that could make long enough voyages to explore much of the coast of Elysium and, indeed, western Arcadia.

4. Much as with Demir and First Contact with the Ohlone, Capelli will receive a chapter all his own. As will Xiphias.


(This one was...difficult. I decided to do a sidestory on some early explorers, in order to tide everyone over while I work out more of the details for the next proper bit. Which, hopefully, should take less time. Hopefully. >.>)
 
Chapter 6
Chapter 6
Religion in the Roman Empire (Part 1)

While never an out-and-out theocracy, akin to the Papal States in Rome, the Empire of the Romans has always been a deeply religious state. For the Emperor was the voice of God on Earth. As well, the power of the Ecumenical Patriarch was, if not technically the level of the Pope, not to be underestimated. It is true that this power varies according to the Patriarch or era in question. At times, the Emperor would push the Church down. Or appoint their chosen Patriarch. The back-and-forth between Church and State reflected the changing political climate in the Empire. On some level, it could be said that no one ever really knew who held the most power in Constantinople. The Patriarch, or the Emperor. It could change with every Emperor or every Patriarch.

This would remain largely true, right up until Saint Constantine himself. It is little known, in modern times, that Saint Constantine had attempted to reunite the Catholic and Roman Churches. He was willing to subordinate himself and his Church to the hated Pope, in exchange for support against the Turks. This is, understandably, not well-known. It was a moment of weakness.

In any case, with the arrival in Elyisum, the situation changed. No Patriarch ever stood against any Emperor of Constantine's line on temporal matters, unless they desired the scorn of the people. The line of Constantine- through his nephew Alexios -became even more intertwined with the Church and God. After all, was it not God's work that moved the City? That blessed the Emperor and his descendants? Even the gradual changes to the Church, reflections of the rapid influx of Native converts, were taken as a sign of God. The Roman Church would never be quite the same, nor quite recognizable to even the Russians or Greeks.

The less said about the Patriarchate of Qusqu 1​, the better...

-Hans von Seydlitz, Professor of Religious Studies, University of Königsberg, 1962



Religion in the Roman Empire had always been tied to the Empire. Where the Catholic Church gradually moved away from the Holy Roman Emperors and towards the Pope- if one could ever claim the Emperors held real power over it -the Eastern Church was always tied to the Eastern Emperor. The seat of power, even in the days of the Pentarchy, was indisputably in Constantinople. While not divine in the sense that, for example, the Chinese Emperors were...the Roman Emperor was still central to the Church. Ecumenical Patriarchs were, in theory, subordinate to the Emperor and the Empire. The Emperor ruled over all Christians as God's representative on Earth. There was no Orthodox Church, without the Emperor of the Romans. There was no Empire, without the Orthodox Church.

A gross oversimplification? Perhaps.

It is necessary to understand how the Church and Empire developed, upon entering Elysium. While the Emperor had always been seen as tied to God, this belief took new life with Constantine. It has already been discussed, how this clear Act of God had changed Constantine as a man. What is equally important, however, is how it changed the perspective of his people. Constantine had, admittedly, been less well-loved than he might otherwise have been. Prior to Elysium, he had upset many in the diminished Empire by his moves towards reunifying the Churches. While he was merely continuing his predecessor's actions, it was still a slap in the face to many Orthodox Christians. That it was a ploy to keep the Turk at bay mattered little, in that regard. His actions in standing up to Mehmed did gain some measure of love and respect back, at the least. It is really impossible to say how the Romans would have felt, if he had died in battle or defeated Mehmed.

What can be said, is that after arriving in Elysium, Constantine- and through him, the Palaiologoi Emperors -became revered overnight. Once more, the Emperor found himself at the heart of a religious revival the likes of which had never been seen before. That will likely never be seen again. For a deeply religious people such as the Romans, such an obvious sign of God's will was...transformative. Even the least devout member of the population in Constantinople, found themselves moved by what had happened. God had chosen them to save. It was not some random city in the middle of nowhere, filled with unimportant people. It was the City of World's Desire. It was the Romans. They had been saved from death and destruction, and moved to a paradise. Was it any surprise that religion was what the Romans turned to, to explain what had happened?

This was true of the Italians and Turks, as well. Most of the Italians were quite ready to believe that Orthodoxy was, in fact, the true way to see God. After this, there was little denying it. Those of the Turks who held to Islam were something of a minority, and held to their faith out of a desire to not lose what they were.2​ Even then, they could hardly deny that God had clearly chosen the Christians. They were along for the ride, in a matter of speaking.

In the days, months and years after arrival, the Hagia Sophia became the center of the City in a way it hadn't in decades. Emperor Constantine and the new Ecumenical Patriarch would spend many a service in the Church, telling the people of their holy duty. A duty that Constantine, shrewd as he would prove to be, turned to his own agenda. Saint Constantine is known, primarily, for his belief that the Natives were people that should be brought into the fold. Cared for and shown the glory of God and Roman civilization. Not savages to be killed, but children to be taught.

He used the near-holiness of his position to make that belief into law.


This would, in many ways, become a core tenant of the Roman Church.3​ Missionary action and converting non-believers had long been at the core of Christianity. It was how Europe had abandoned paganism, and how the Orthodox Church spread into Russia. However, this was often done by the sword. Crusades into the Baltics against pagans. Crusades in the Levant against Muslims. Crusades against fellow Christians, as the Romans knew all too well. Rarely was there any real effort to convert peacefully, in living memory of the City that came to Elysium.

Constantine changed that.

Romans, as a whole, became more interested in integrating and converting peacefully. The Ohlone were the first, of course. Bishops spread among their population, crippled by disease and brought into Roman society. They were test subjects, if one wanted to look at it that way. A successful test in most respects. As the Ohlone integrated relatively painlessly into Roman society and Roman Christianity. Having Constantinople appear out of thin air made it rather easier to convert them, than some other later tribes would be. However, this does raise a point on Roman Christianity that should be discussed.

Efforts to integrate instead of to conquer, historically, can tend to lead to the culture being integrated 'leaking' into the culture absorbing it. This is evident even in Rome itself, as the culture of the East was always more Greek than Latin in nature, even before the Schism. The Roman Empire in Arcadia is no different, as it would turn out. Integrating the Ohlone and other native people's would, gradually, lead to certain facets of native culture and religion seeping into the fabric of society. It was inevitable, in some ways. While the Empire would always maintain a Greek core, the fringes would often have much of the culture of the nearest tribe visible.

Nowhere is this more true than in the Church itself. While it would be untrue- and a stretch in any case -to claim that paganism is present in the Roman Church, there are certain stories of native beliefs being brought in to make conversion easier. Spirits and other beliefs of the native tribes would, often, be justified in terms of Christianity. Angels and demons alike. This syncretic system was, admittedly, on the fringes of society. Constantinople saw little of these superstitions. On the border territories, however, it remains. Even to the modern day, it is not hard to find a church with native items lingering in alcoves. Or find a Roman citizen who, in their personal life, still looks to their ancestor's for guidance.

Christianity may have been the dominant religion, with new Patriarchs in the far-flung Empire- and certain other nations, nearby.4​ However, outside the most heavily Hellenized areas of the Empire, it was a Christianity that developed to serve the needs of a new Empire. Rome was a multicultural society, and not even the holy Orthodox Church was resistant to this fact...


1. The Patriarchate of Qusqu is one of the more...eclectic...Patriarchates of the Roman Church. Relations are genial enough with the Ecumenical Patriarch, though it is as much out of common dislike for Catholics as anything else. Both Patriarchs tend to 'don't see, don't tell' on certain lingering beliefs in Qusqu.

2. A minority that grew smaller and smaller as years went by, though never entirely fading away. Generally ignored by most Romans as stubborn old fools, in modern times. This includes those of Turkish descent, who converted in the aftermath of the miracle movement of the City.

3. Not to be confused with the Roman Catholic Church. While the Church in Constantinople remains fairly similar to how it was on the Dardanelles, the various differences in the Empire has generally lead to a low-level schism with the Orthodox Churches in Greece and Eastern Europe. They are still in communion, however, it was decided that the Church was different enough to be considered a separate entity for most cases.

4. These nations will be covered in more detail in later chapters. Examples include Mēxihco and the Tawantinsuyu.


(apologies for the delay.

Though, now that I'm at a (generally) less stressful and tiring job, I should be able to update more regularly. Hopefully. >.>)
 
Chapter 7
Chapter 7

Natives in the Early Roman Empire

The native people of Arcadia were, in many areas, a simple people. This is not to say they were somehow inferior nor that they could not develop civilizations the envy of any in the rest of the World. However, in the case of the Ohlone and many like them, it was hardly necessary. Living off the land and in small groups had worked for centuries and would likely have continued to work, until such a day as it became necessary to merge into larger groups. Those who lived along the rivers in the center of the continent did this, with their great cities and mounds. The Haudenosaunee certainly had a civilization of their own. As did the Zuni, the Hopi and the Haida. These people, no matter how advanced they may have been, were completely unprepared for Constantinople and the Roman Empire. How could they have been? No one could have prepared for such an event.

To this day, the oral traditions of many of these Native People relate to their first encounter with the City and her people. Both those absorbed into the Roman Empire, and those on the fringes of it.

Very little survives in writing, of these early meetings. Even my own ancestors left very little behind, as they likely never learned to write. It is these oral stories, passed from parent to child, that tell the tales. Almost universally, they talk of the glory of Constantinople and how difficult it was to understand it at first. Is that too hard to understand for a modern audience? Perhaps. However, it is important to understand the perspective here. How would you react, if you left your wooden hut and saw a massive stone wall with glittering churches and mighty palaces? It is certainly something that only someone there, at the time, could ever understand...

-Hector Diakos, 'Arcadians and Romans: Oral Histories of Arcadia.' 1952



The reaction of the Ohlone people to the City has already been covered, in some detail. Awe and disbelief. An almost childish curiosity, upon seeing stone used for such massive structures. This reaction was, in many ways, perfectly understandable.1​ What little stonework the Ohlone understood was simple. Tools and hunting instruments, perhaps some minor use in construction. The vast forests of Elysium, with massive old trees, provided everything that a simple people could need for buildings. Why build in stone when your settlements were always temporary? This feeling would cause some level of friction, in the initial relations between Natives and Romans. The Ramaytush and those like them, were not a people prone to a sedentary lifestyle.

Disease and Roman settlers did, on some level, empty out the already sparsely-populated land. This made it relatively simple to leave, for those who wished it. Remarkably few did, unwilling to abandon their ancestral hunting grounds.

For those who remained, it was a deluge of culture clashes. Historians sing the praises of Saint Constantine and his benevolent practices. For good reason. However, in the early days, many Romans looked at the Natives as primitive barbarians. Memories of the Turk remained strong. The Ramaytush and other Ohlone were so very different, that some level of disdain was almost certainly inevitable. It was not racism, not in the sense that it would later become in European colonies. Romans, as a general point, were among the least racist of any society on Earth. They had become separated from Europe before cultural racism truly came into being, and with the integrationist policies of Constantine, it became very common to see mixing of the population.2​

Roman disdain for the Natives, before Saint Constantine could truly stamp down upon it, came from more traditional corners. The Greek, and Roman, tendency to see those of different cultures as 'barbarians'. Not inferior due to the color of their skin or the ways of their people, but due to not being 'Roman'. Being outsiders. This was a fairly common belief, after so long under siege. It would take more than a few years to truly remove it. Even in the newly formed settlements outside the Theodosian Walls.


If learning to live in permanent, stone settlements was strange to the Ohlone, it was even more strange to adapt to new religions. Very little survives of the pre-contact Ohlone faith. So little, that beyond certain beliefs in spirits, few have bothered to study or learn of it. The waves of disease and the new homes were accompanied by, as strange as it was for the Roman Church of the time, missionaries. Saint Constantine's desire to convert the natives was one of the few things that nearly everyone in Constantinople felt strongly for. Even the Ohlone could not, would not, deny that a miracle had taken place. No power weaker than a God could possibly have moved a city of this size so far away from home. It wasn't possible.

That Constantinople was already a Holy City, in many ways, merely reinforced this notion.3​

Romans, channeling their ancestors, pushed this belief. This paradise was a gift from God and it was their duty to show the light of God as a result. Perhaps, in the long run, it was lucky for the Ohlone that they lacked an organized faith. Or that it was the Romans, and not other Europeans, who had met them. They converted by the word, and not by the sword. At least, when the people being converted refused to fight back. The Ohlone equally lacked soldiers of any form. Even if there had been a desire to fight, they would have been completely incapable of it. As it was, conversions were relatively painless. The first few generations had some resistance, holding to certain practices that some believe still exist today, if well-hidden. However, as more and more churches were built and more and more Romans were born, this resistance gradually faded.

It is generally believed that, by the time the Romans would enter Tzintzuntzan4​, the Ohlone had completely converted to Christianity. In later years, in fact, many missionaries to other states- such as the Haida and Hopi -were Ohlone natives. This process of conversion was one of the great success stories of Roman relations with the Arcadian natives. It would not be so painless in other areas, though that is for the future.


Another case of culture shock could be found in the presence of livestock animals. The idea of domesticating animals was almost alien to the Ohlone and many other Native groups. Dogs were not unknown, in some areas. Creatures the like of cows or horses, by contrast, were strange at best. The Ohlone had never seen the like, as the great herds of bison that existed in the Plains were completely unknown to them. It must have seemed very strange, indeed, to see cattle grazing deforested land. Or to see Turkish cavalry practicing inside the Walls of the City. It was only the bravest of the Ohlone who attempted to ride themselves. Very few in the Roman military would ever be from those tribes, especially in the cavalry arm.

However, the food that cattle provided- and, indeed, the milk -revolutionized the society of the Natives. When the population began to recover from the ravages of disease...it boomed. Easy access to food, provided by both crops and cattle, created a situation where the Ohlone could grow. Hunting and gathering was never able to support a large population. It had never needed to.

With the Romans attempting to restore their population, in addition to the natural growth that more stable food supplies provided? It was little wonder that the Roman population- which included the Ohlone, by this point -continued to grow rapidly. It was this, more than anything else, that truly integrated Natives into the Roman state. The provision of bountiful food supplies and a population that welcomed them. The first men who had ventured into the City would not have recognized their descendants, even as short as a few decades later. In the end, this may have been for the better. Certainly...

It was far better to be a Roman, than to be the unfortunate soul who lived in the Spanish or English territories.

___________________________________________________

1. To a society for whom 'stonework' amounted to tools and firepits, this should come as little surprise. The Ohlone were more curious than anything else, in awe of such buildings as the Hagia Sophia.

2. While it is fair to say there has always been a firmly 'Greek' core to the Empire, many in the population are what the Spanish would term 'Mestizos'. This is more common for those of Native descent than for those who immigrated from Ming- and later, Huai- China, in large part due to preexisting populations.

3. Home to the Hagia Sophia, the greatest Church in Christianity, and founded by Constantine. Constantinople was already a Holy City in many ways, even before it was moved to Elysium. Afterwords, it has, to some, become as Holy as Jerusalem or Rome themselves. If not more so.

4. Tzintzuntzan is the capital of the Purépecha people. Their story will be covered in greater detail later, however, their relationship with Rome shaped both societies greatly.


I intended for this to be longer than it was...but that seemed like a good point to end it. And I'm very much of the opinion that it is best to end at a natural point, than to pad the word count. Hopefully it's still good.

Also, several hints for later here.
 
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