Purple Phoenix Reborn (Constantinople ISOT)

[Renko]

This story always not fail to entertain me.

 

[Skywalker_T-65]

Chapter 34
Eastern Europe in the Age of Discovery
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Eastern Europe, from the Balkans to the Baltic, saw less immediate changes in the aftermath of Constantinople's rediscovery. Polish nobles- if one considers Poland 'Eastern' European -cared not one bit for Constantinople. A peasant in Livonia couldn't even tell you where Constantinople once was, and no amount of shared religion would make it matter more than their next harvest. Even the leadership of these states often showed little real reaction, nor interest, beyond the chance to rub it in the Turk's face. What difference did Constantinople surviving, an impossibly far distance away, matter to an Estonian count? This was not Western Europe, where colonialism necessitated interest in the Roman state in Arcadia.

The exceptions to the rule were, of course, those leaders with a vested interest in Ottoman weakness. The king of Hungary, the Khan of Crimea, the Prince of Wallachia and more. That is not to say these states were without issues of their own. Wallachia would never be a nation with a large population. Hungary was torn in multiple directions and with interests ranging away from the Balkans. Crimea warily watched Muscovy to her north.

Nonetheless, these states and their rulers keenly watched the news of Constantinople. Not for any real interest in the Queen of Cities, save perhaps in Muscovy, but for the impact it would have on the Ottoman Empire.

- The Age of Discovery - Eastern Europe, First Aired, 2003

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While the Ottoman Sultan wrestled with self-doubt, before eventually making one of the most famous speeches in history, the news of Constantinople's survival spread throughout Eastern Europe. Perhaps unsurprisingly, it was met with even more doubt than it had been in Western Europe, outside of Greece. It was certainly true that Wallachians or Hungarians or Serbians were every bit as doubtful of the Carthage Myth as the Greeks had been. While the idea of the Turk lying was easy to believe, the idea of Constantinople surviving was much harder to swallow. Especially it being given a new Eden.

For good reason, of course, because 'doubting the Turks' and 'Constantinople was given a promised land by God' were not mutually exclusive.

Yet, as it became apparent it was true- both from word out of the West and from the Turks believing it -this viewpoint gradually began to shift. At least in the halls of power in Târgoviște, Buda, Kraków and Bağçasaray. [1] For in the seats of power of the various states around the Ottoman Empire, pragmatism began to win out. Even the most skeptical of rulers or nobles could see the benefit in believing the story of Constantinople's miraculous survival in Arcadia. What did it matter if the King of Poland, as an example, personally believed the stories? The Sultan of the Ottomans clearly did, and if he believed the story, then the story could be used against him.

This logic began to prevail, as hungry eyes turned on the stumbling Ottoman state. It was fortunate for the Turks that their Sultan was as brilliant a man as he was, and that the Ottoman Empire's enemies were not positioned to take immediate advantage. For all the hungry looks, for all the scheming and planning, the plain fact remained that the Christian powers- and the Crimean Khanate -lacked in the ability to act on their desires.

The reasons for this fact varied, depending on which particular state one is talking about. Take Wallachia, as a prime example.

Few states were as firm enemies of the Turk as the Wallachians.[2] Vlad the Great had been an implacable foe of the Ottoman Empire even before he had slain Mehmed in personal combat. In the aftermath of that act, the mutual hatred on both sides became a defining trait of their relationship. Wallachia had often jumped in when the Ottomans struggled through their various civil conflicts, chipping away at the lands of the Bulgarians all the while. This had never once reached the level of 'existential threat', nor of 'an army of Wallachians marching on Istanbul'. However, the Wallachians had gradually established themselves in their heartland, as well as the northern Bulgarian lands.

The border country between the two states was often subject to raids, by either party, but it had largely stabilized by the time Suleiman came to power. This remained true, even as the Ottomans withdrew in on themselves in the aftermath of Constantinople's return to the world stage.

The Wallachian Prince, Vladislav III, is recorded as dearly wishing he could march on Istanbul. However, this was an impossible dream for a number of reasons. The most important simply being that Wallachia lacked the ability to do so. The Wallachians remained fine warriors, some of the best in the Balkans, but there were never that many of them. Wallachia was a land of hardy people, yet not a land of many people. Even the addition of many Bulgarians did not change this simple calculus. The Wallachians could defend their lands ably. They could raid the border country. But they could not, alone, march on Istanbul.

It was with this calculus in mind, that Vladislav looked to his south and pondered. The mutual hatred between Wallachia and the Ottomans made it a given that the Wallachians would try to take advantage of any weakness. The question became, in this instance, how to take advantage? Chip away at the border? Claim more Bulgarian lands in the hopes that Suleiman would prove too distracted?

In the end, the Wallachians did not act. They looked to their neighbors, in the hope that one or more would join any hypothetical conflict. This was a vain hope. One need only look at Hungary, as a further example to understand why.

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The Kingdom of Hungary held the potential to become the most powerful state in the Balkans, rivaled only by the Turks themselves. Hungary was a rich and populous land, stretching from the border of the Holy Roman Empire, to the northern territory of the Ottoman Empire in the South. The Hungarians had proven every bit as fierce of warriors as the Wallachians, in spite of the brutal defeat in the Crusade of Varna. Under first John Hunyadi and then his son, Matthias Corvinus, the Hungarians had pushed the Ottomans back and secured their lands. For a time, even, the Hungarians occupied Vienna and laid claim to the throne of Bohemia.

This glorious time had vanished, by the time Suleiman came to the throne in Istanbul.

King Matthias had died in 1495, with only one legitimate heir to his throne, in a young boy named John. [3] This boy would not, as it turned out, be anything near the equal of the grandfather he had been named for. John, the first of his name to directly rule as King of Hungary, was by no means a failure of a King. He was a perfectly adequate ruler, with no real strengths, nor any serious flaws. Had Hungary been any other state, this would have been perfectly fine and secured his line for the future.

However, his father's great talents would prove the bane of John's rule. With the Hungarians compelled to return to their core lands and give up their claim to Bohemia and occupation of Vienna, the Holy Roman Empire looked with greatly annoyed eyes on the young ruler of Buda. The Archduke of Austria, Leopold I, held his own designs on the Hungarian throne. Borne out of a desire for vengeance for the occupation of Vienna, and equal desire to absorb the rich Hungarian lands, Leopold would constantly put pressure on John. More than one border conflict would erupt between the Archduke- and Holy Roman Emperor, it must be said -and the King of Hungary.

These conflicts, in addition to civil unrest at home, kept all of John's attention. He was an able enough King to stamp down on dissent from ambitious nobility, but not to defeat Leopold decisively, nor deny his claim to the Hungarian throne. This sapped the strength of Hungary, and the wealth of the Hungarian throne, and kept most of Buda's attention focused in the North. Just enough money and troops were spared to keep a wary eye on the Turk and to keep Hungary's Serbian vassals in line, but no more than that.

As a direct result, while King John took note of Constantinople's survival and began to see ways to work it to his advantage, he was not able to act. Not directly and certainly not enough to please Vladislav's envoys, even ignoring that Wallachia and Hungary had border disputes of their own in relation to Transylvania.

Hungary, plain and simple, lacked the means to attack the Ottomans without critically weakening the border with the Holy Roman Empire. Not even in the face of such a golden opportunity as was presented by Constantinople's return.

That simply left two major powers that could, hypothetically, have made moves on the Ottoman Empire. From Eastern Europe, at any rate.

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Of the two, the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was by far the larger and more powerful. While technically still two different crowns, one man wore both, even if the lands of Poland and Lithuania had yet to be formally unified. That man was, in 1530, Sigismund I of the Jagiellon Dynasty. He was a shrewd ruler, albeit one who was rapidly approaching the twilight years of his long life.

Perhaps more importantly, he was a man who was far more interested in consolidating his rule, and not in going off on adventures in the Balkans.

While the court in Kraków watched events to their south with great interest, this would prove to go nowhere. Neither Poland, nor Lithuania, bordered the Ottoman Empire. Even their own direct southern neighbor, the rowdy Moldavia, did not border the Turkish lands. Wallachia, the eternal enemy of Istanbul, had long blocked Moldavian ambitions in that direction. The sister principalities often came to blows with one another, though Wallachia would always come out the ultimate victor. The resultant weakening of the Moldavian state left it vulnerable to exploitation from the north.

With the result that, in 1530, Moldavia was a surly subject of the Polish crown. One that could not, at all, act towards the South.

Sigismund, for his part, proved supremely uninterested in warring with Suleiman. He saw much to risk, with little to gain. The only way for Polish and Lithuanian forces to march on Ottoman lands was to either construct a formidable fleet, or march overland through Wallachia. And while Vladislav would have certainly appreciated Polish military might supporting his own forces, Sigismund did not see any value in such an endeavor.

The Ottomans were no existential threat to Polish fortune. Supporting Wallachia gained nothing for the Jagiellon crown, save for surly Moldavians growing ever more restless. What reason did Sigismund have to support Vladislav, save for religious fervor? It was hardly likely that the Wallachian Prince would subordinate himself to Polish rule in exchange for the aid.

As such, Poland and Lithuania watched events unfolding in Suleiman's realm with interest yet made no moves to influence it. For better or worse.

The same could not be said for the other power that could, hypothetically, have moved on the Ottomans in that moment. That being the Crimean Khanate, the sole Islamic power in what was generally considered 'Eastern Europe'.

Crimea, while a pale shadow of the heights of its ancestors, remained a formidable power in its own right. From a base in the namesake peninsula, the Khanate ruled the steppes to their north and east. Their border stretched from the southern reaches of Lithuanian lands, to Circassia. While not the most populous or powerful state in the world, the Crimean Khans could be content in ruling a firm and strong heartland.

After, of course, a civil war that had ended roughly when Mehmed fought his final battle with Vlad the Great.

In the aftermath of that civil war, Crimea had consolidated into a state that resisted all foreign incursions. Be they from the Christians to the north, or from the Turks to the South. Crimea stood largely alone, with a foreign policy that played off all those around. One year, the Khans may pay tribute to the Polish Kings. The next, they could send mercenaries and gold coin to the court of Istanbul. Crimea made no major expansive moves, and simply played those around them off against each other.

This did, often, lead to punitive raids from annoyed neighbors. The Tatars proved quite adept at throwing these back, on the strength of their cavalry and the money they brought in as a window between the Slavic steppe, and the Black Sea trade. It was largely for this reason, in fact, that the Khans allowed both Genoan colonies and the tiny Principality of Theodoro to endure in Crimea. These little Christian enclaves provided a neutral trading ground and one that brought in far more money than would have been the case, had the Crimeans outright annexed these lands.

Everyone involved, from the Prince of Theodoro on down, knew the truth of course. Theodoro and the Genoan colonies were Crimean vassals, subject to the Khan in every way that mattered. Even if they weren't directly ruled from Bağçasaray, these Christian zones had no illusions of who held the reigns. Independent foreign policy was a polite fiction.

With all of this in mind, it is one of the great historic ironies that the Crimean Khanate held better relations with Poland and Lithuania, than it did with the Islamic Ottoman Empire. Part of this could be tied to the close relation between the ruling Giray Dynasty and Lithuania, one of the stranger relationships in that part of the world.[4]

However, the truth of the matter was simply that the Crimean Khans remembered Mehmed looking towards intervening in their affairs. The Sultan had perished before he could, yet the signs had been there. Bayezid and his successors had, similarly, tried to use their shared religion as a reason to dictate terms to the weaker state. This had never been viewed favorably in Crimea and had strained relations with Istanbul. Never to the point of outright warfare, never to the point of ignoring the shared religion, but certainly to the point of the Crimeans looking more favorably to their north.

Though it is worth noting that the thriving Crimean slave trade remained fully in force, and this did strain relations with Poland and Lithuania at times.

In any event, the Crimeans were not in any position to truly take advantage of Suleiman's indecision. Militarily, that is. They were quite capable of resisting inroads to their own lands, but they lacked the naval power to strike at the Ottomans, even had the political will been present. Economically, they could flex their considerable influence on the Ottoman state, though Suleiman was skilled enough to work around this.

Nonetheless, the Crimeans still took full advantage of the indecision and issues in the Ottoman realm to secure their own interests for years to come. Many an Ottoman noble took Crimean gold in the 1530s, for example.

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Only one state remains to look at, in this glimpse at Eastern Europe in 1530. The state that had only recently reached its greatest peak, and the state that greedily looked at her neighbors.

Muscovy, the Grand Duchy and rising power of the Slavs.

The Muscovite state had been undergoing steady growth and expansion for many years, at that point. It had gradually subsumed other Slavic princedoms, as well as the Republic of Novgorod, once its great rival for rule. By 1530, Moscow had turned greedy eyes towards Lithuania and Crimea and had been gearing up for a war with the former. This rather effectively ground to a halt upon the arrival of news of Constantinople. Muscovy had, of course, the distinction of being one of two states where the Palaiologos family still ruled in Europe. By technicality, that is, as only in Montferrat did the Palaiologos family endure under that name.

However, through the marriage of Zoe Palaiologina to Ivan III, the family line had continued in Moscow as well. Indeed, her son Vasili III was the current ruler of the Grand Duchy when word of Constantinople arrived.

This news put Muscovy in something of a bind. There was absolutely no conceivable way for Moscow and Constantinople to interact, let alone form a meaningful relationship. However, even in those early days, there had already been some rumblings of Moscow being the successor to the Roman state. The 'Third Rome', as it were. Through the line of Zoe, a claim could have been made to a vacant throne, when it was generally believed that Constantinople was either destroyed or vanished in some other manner.

As could be expected, this belief was somewhat awkward now, with the realization that the City endured and had forged a new Empire.

It was this that led to the paralysis in the Muscovite court. Vasili was an old man, though his son Ivan was already showing signs of being incredibly ambitious. Some whispers began to take shape that Moscow could form a counter claim, based on Zoe's lineage, to the Roman throne. After all, word would eventually spread that the line of Alexios was descended from one of Constantine's brothers.

The same as Zoe, herself.

In fact, the line of Zoe and the line of Alexios could be considered direct rivals for the Throne of Constantinople. [5] Thomas, Zoe's father, was the younger brother of Constantine and had been recognized as the legitimate claimant to the Roman throne in Europe. He had never been able to use that claim to any real effect, but it remained in place. While Zoe would not have been able to use the claim for herself, her children were another matter entirely. Especially as her line remained the only one of Thomas' children to remain in recorded history.

It remains one of the great historic ironies, in this regard, that Constantine never had children and- as a result -had left the throne to his nephew, Alexios. A child of another brother and a cousin of Zoe.

This would leave the ruler of Moscow, Vasili, as a cousin of Heraklonas. Of the same generation, in fact, considering Zoe and Alexios' relationship.

Of course, no one in Constantinople would ever take a Muscovite claim seriously. While the rulers may have been cousins, it had been Alexios' line that ruled in Constantinople. Zoe's line had fled the city and had no room to make such claims, to the Romans themselves. It would have been more likely for Demetrios and his children to take the throne, had something happened to Heraklonas and Leo.

Nonetheless, some in Moscow still whispered about it. For the moment, the argument remained mostly on if the rulers of Moscow should look to their Palaiologos legacy, or that of the Rurikids. It was enough, in combination with Vasili's advanced age, to curtail moves on Lithuania and leave Moscow nearly as paralyzed with indecision as Istanbul, in those hectic years. Vasili's young son, Ivan, would grow up with these whispers in his ears.

That is, however, a story for another time.

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Through all of this, Suleiman was given the chance to consolidate his rule and fortify the Ottoman Empire to any threats from the north. Threats that would, largely, fail to materialize. The same could not be said for the east and south, however.

Where Persian and Egyptian eyes greedily looked upon their weakened neighbor.

---

1. The capitals of Wallachia, Hungary, Poland and Crimea, respectively. These were the European states, if one considers the Crimean Khanate 'European', with the greatest interest in Ottoman affairs. The ones with the closest borders and the strongest relations, positive or negative, with Istanbul.

2. Wallachia and the Ottomans had a strong, mutual, disdain for one another. Outright hatred, in fact. The Ottomans remembered well that Vlad had slain Mehmed, curtailing their expansion at a critical juncture. And the Wallachians remembered well that the Ottomans dearly wished to destroy them for it. This mutual dislike would, more often than not, lead to border clashes between the two.

3. John had been a young man upon his father's death. A young man who, may or may not, have been an illegitimate son. If he was, his father had buried that quite well, and John would ascend to the Hungarian throne with relatively little issue. This process would soon become more difficult, though, with the conflicts with Austria. It was these conflicts that would define John's reign, not his own skills, or lack thereof.

4. The Giray dynasty had taken shelter in Lithuanian lands, at one point, and that relationship had endured. While the Crimeans and Lithuanians (and Poles) often had strained relations due to slave raids, it never completely collapsed. This led to one of the strangest relationships, between Christians and Islamic steppe raiders, that ever existed in European lands.

5. Zoe and Alexios were cousins, though they never met one another, as the former was born well after the latter. Nonetheless, the fact that they were first cousins remains notable, in regard to claims on the Roman throne. Had Constantine had children of his own, this would have never been in question. However, ambitious nobles could make a very realistic argument that Thomas- and through him, Zoe -had been the legitimate claimant to the throne in Europe. And Alexios, as a nephew of Constantine, had no better claim- save for living in Constantinople -than Zoe, a niece of Constantine.

It was a weak claim, but one that could be pushed by certain kinds of people, nonetheless. Even if Vasili and Heraklonas, cousins of the same generation, never once met each other.


AN: HAAAAAAH

This one fought us. Hard. Took way longer than we wanted, and way more work. Hopefully it still turned out well enough, but by no means are we entirely satisfied with it. Even with little in-jokes like the 'hey, Vasili and Heraklonas are actually second cousins' thing. Fun little historical irony, there.

In any event, hopefully this worked well enough, delay or no delay. One more update on this side of the world, to look at Persia/Mamlukes/North Africa. Then back to Arcadia, to look at the Maya...and then the Inca, soon enough. Fun.

 

[XL-ent42]

I think you forgot to threadmark this update

 

[SouvikKundu]

I am more interested in how it will impact Christian Theology and Papacy.

 

[Admiral Halsey]

Oh I'm so looking forward to Ivan the 4th now.

 

[PrognosticHannya]

Even with little in-jokes like the 'hey, Vasili and Heraklonas are actually second cousins' thing. Fun little historical irony, there

Click to shrink...

Why is it a historical irony?

 

[Skywalker_T-65]

Chapter 35
The Lands of the Maya

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The land of the Maya was unlike anything I had seen before. In my travels, I had ventured far from my home. I had traveled north, to deserts as far as the eye could see. I gazed upon the home of the Aztec, insular and mistrusting of all outsiders. My feet carried me to Vera Cruz, where the Spanish made their home. There I saw great ships that made my Uncle's fleet look like a child playing with toys. Even at my young age, when I first visited, I could already see the Spanish distaste for my people. Their greedy eyes, only held back by treaty and knowledge they lacked the capability to force the issue.

I fear for the future. I truly do.[1]

However, it was when I traveled South that I truly found my calling. My father had made our home among the Purépecha and I would, in turn, make my home among the Maya. I gazed upon their crumbling cities of stone, rising from the jungle. Imposing pyramids and wide streets that would have been every bit the equal of Tzintzuntzan in their glory days. Cities that rivaled beautiful Tenochtitlan. Even when I arrived, these crumbling and overgrown edifices were old. Ancient, even. Most knew little of why they had been abandoned.

The Spanish would have been content with that. They would have looted what remained and ignored the thriving civilization around the old cities. I did not, as I came upon various smaller kingdoms. What they lacked in the grandeur of their ancestors, they made up for in their dogged resistance against Spanish conquest. I am not the warrior my father was, I am afraid, but I helped where I could. Little did I know I would end up spending most of my life in these humid lands...

- Journals of Theodoros Palaiologos-Tzintzuntzan: Published in the Original Context, 1932

Spoiler

Rebuffed by the Aztec and other native civilizations in northern Mesoarcadia, the Spanish Empire licked its wounds. Vera Cruz began to take shape as mixed military outpost and trading outpost, a city unto itself. A crucially important outpost, that allowed for a penetration into the Mesoarcadian interior. As well as a center of trade with the Romans and their native allies, even with the mistrust between the two sides. The Spanish outpost was, after all, the eastern endpoint of the 'Roman Road' through Aztec territory.

Although 'Aztec territory' was fluctuating every year, as vassals broke off, were reconquered, and broke off again.[2]

However, for all that Vera Cruz flourished, the Spanish were stymied in attempts to gain further ground. Be it by the Treaty of the same name, or simply due to lack of resources. Where they could enforce control, it was enforced. For instance, control over the islands of the Caribbean solidified, with colonists settling in Cuba with the aim of either seeing the Roman Empire or partaking of its massive supply of gold. Cuba saw a massive influx of money and a smaller, but still notable, intake of colonists.

Expeditions by the Spanish Crown, meanwhile, focused on the north of the Aztec or to the South. In the former case, desert and inhospitable lands were the first sight that greeted the explorers. It was why the Treaty of Vera Cruz had made no mention of these lands, although it would eventually become a zone of competing interest in later years. As for the lands of the South?

In the latter case, following in the footsteps of earlier explorers, the Spanish would find the fractured and disunited lands of the Maya.[3] Where the Aztec, Purépecha and even Tlaxcala were unified states of some description, the same could hardly be said for the Maya. Even at the height of that civilization, it had been a loose confederation of allied city states competing against one another. Grand cities, such as Mayapan or Tikal, had long since been abandoned. Others remained, in vestigial state, with villages surrounding crumbling centers. There was no 'central' city, no great King or Emperor. This was especially true in the Yucatan, where Mayan society warred with each other as much as with outsiders.

The civilization the Spanish encountered was far from its lofty heights, though city states endured in the jungles and plains.

Early Spanish expeditions to the area, predating even the doomed attempt at the Aztec, had generally suffered. Unfamiliarity with the land and with how the Maya fought combining with a general lack of interest in the area to result in heavy losses. This general theme would, surprisingly, not change much when the first post-Treaty of Vera Cruz expeditions took up the metaphorical torch.

The Maya fought nothing like the Aztec. Bloodied by the Romans and Purépecha, the Aztec had taken on a certain European flair, along with their existing organized armies. They formed spear formations, backed by archers. In richer Aztec settlements, the first basic cavalry began to develop, as horses spread from Demetrios' initial stock. And, of course, the Aztec had a centralized authority controlling these armies.

Not so in the south. The Maya fought by ambush, using their familiarity with the terrain to wear the Spanish down before fighting pitched battles. In so doing, early Spanish expeditions were pushed out. A lack of manpower, hostile natives and general misunderstanding of the local terrain combined to ruin many an expedition. This is not to say the Mayan armies were unorganized hordes. Far from it.

However, the Spanish were familiar with European combat and combat against the gradually Europeanizing armies of the Aztec.

Nonetheless, it was only a matter of time until a similar foothold to Vera Cruz was established. The Spanish would, in the early 1530s, establish a foothold in Chakán Putum- Champotón, to the Spanish. This foothold was gradually expanded upon, as successive conquistadors reinforced the Spanish hold, in the hunt for gold and other riches. In this, they would be disappointed, as the Mayan lands were nowhere near as wealthy as that of the Aztec. [4]

This coastal settlement was expanded upon, with the conquest of Can Pech- Campeche -by Francisco de Montejo, who avenged an earlier defeat by his father of the same name. With this strip of coastal land established, the Spanish set about shipping in cannon and men from Cuba to reinforce it. Forts modeled on those springing up along the Roman Road were constructed, as the colonizers focused on maintaining what they had.

The lesson of Hernan Cortés remained a bitter one on the Spanish tongue. They had experienced the painful reality of rushing headlong into hostile lands.

As a result, attacks by the Maya were repulsed as the disunited lords couldn't muster enough forces to drive the Spanish into the sea. It should not come as a surprise that, gradually, some more opportunistic Maya lords and city states looked to convert to the Catholic Church. They hoped to take advantage of the new arrivals to their own end. This process, beginning in the late 1540s, would see Maya pitted against Maya in a way the Spanish hadn't quite managed to the north.

Existing disputes and conflicts were fueled by colonizers all too happy to bleed their enemies in such a manner. There were no Romans, here, to warn against trusting the Spanish. At least, not yet.

Spoiler

During this period of internecine warfare, fueled by Spanish coin and weapons, the first Roman expeditions began to arrive. Demetrios had, earlier, visited some of the further flung Mayan settlements. The heart of the Yucatán had eluded Roman eyes, however, as attention largely remained focused on the Aztec and other neighbors of the Purépecha. That would change, however, with Demetrios' eldest son.

That was Theodoros Palaiologos, who looked on this conflict with dismay when he visited the lands of the Maya. He saw the Spanish corralling Maya into cities and away from their ancestral lands. He witnessed disease ravaging their population as it had the Aztec and Purépecha in his father's day. The coastal strip of Spanish control gradually expanding further inland and further along the coast, in equal measure. The Mayan people fought hard, yet they simply lacked the unity necessary to force the European colonizers from their lands. For every coalition of small city states arrayed against Spain, others would convert to the Catholic Church out of a misguided belief it would help against rivals.

Understandably, suspicion greeted the son of Demetrios, until he promised to explain more of the Spanish and how they operated. His dusky skin tone, and his command of the language of the Aztec, served him surprisingly well. Where a man like his father might have had difficulty, the small and scholarly Theodoros flourished. As did his clear awe, when he visited the ruins of once mighty cities, buried in the jungle. His sorrow when gazing upon the lost glory of the ancient Maya endeared him to the modern descendants of those great architects.

None more so than Chichén Itzá.

While largely abandoned by the time Theodoros arrived, this grand city remained inhabited to some extent. The grand construction projects were a thing of the past, but it had not fallen completely to ruin in the way so many other Mayan cities had. Even so, most of the local population lived in outlying villages, with the city center largely unused. It was no less impressive for that.

"I have never gazed upon a city quite like this, in my long travels. Tenochtitlan, for all the darkness of its religion, has a beauty like no other. My home, Tzintzuntzan, has a certain charm to it as well. It has become the beating heart of a grand Empire, that is ever expanding under my father and uncle. However, even in its collapse and decay, Chichén Itzá speaks to me.

It tells of a proud people, who had built grand monuments to their gods. Men who forged a society every bit the equal of any I have seen. I would have dearly loved to see these crumbling edifices in their glory days. I can imagine the pyramids glistening in reds, blues and other colors, much like those of the City on the Lake. Bustling crowds selling their wares and visiting for games, as their voices echoed from stone walls.

Even now, as I stand in the heart of this aging, dying city....I hear their voices. Perhaps it is silly of me to say that, but Uncle and Mother have rubbed off on me a bit. Good Christians we all may be, some of their old legends endure. I imagine I can hear the voices of the long departed, even as I hold a bible in my belongings, to spread the word of Christ to those in the darkness. My father would roll his eyes, I'm sure.

Nonetheless, I shall endeavor to preserve this place. Perhaps, if I can convince father to support these people, this city might one day be inhabited again? The grand temple turned into an equally grand church? I know it has a bloodstained past. I have seen the Maya perform ceremonies not unlike those of the Aztec or Mother's people. However, if moth--if my people can change, surely the same could be said for these people?

I must try. I have to."

So, Theodoros wrote, after visiting the decaying heart of Chichén Itzá. His clear reverance for the site and its history did much to endear him to his hosts. Even so, he had to use every inch of his charisma and diplomatic skills to talk down those who worried about his intentions. In the end, the young prince would prove up to the task.

Unfortunately, he would prove less useful to helping the Maya militarily, as his talents had never gone in that direction. Theodoros was a small, weak man. His brain was the envy of all who met him, but his ability with a sword was...

Lackluster.

Regardless, Theodoros set about his task. He met with local leaders, primarily of a coalition based on the area around Chichén Itzá. One province in particular, Sotuta, proving quite keen for any advantage against the Spanish. Where Theodoros was of limited help in military matters, he was quite keen to help diplomatically. And his escort, primarily old veterans of Demetrios' 500 and those trained by them, were able to help the Mayan warriors. It wasn't much. It couldn't be, when he had come to explore, not help a resistance against Spanish encroachment.

The Maya appreciated it, nonetheless, once past the initial mistrust. Even if they were displeased by the idea that the Romans and the Purépecha could not help in the way they desired. The Treaty of Vera Cruz cut both ways, and while not an area of interest in the treaty...

Well, Theodoros knew diplomacy. Were the Romans and Purépecha to march south, it would trigger the Spanish to complain. Peace between the parties remained fragile. Both were aware that they were rivals, at best. Trade partners, yes, but rivals nonetheless.

It woud likely not escalate to war. The Spanish simply lacked the ability, and were they to try, it was entirely likely the Tlaxcala would take advantage to siege Vera Cruz. However, it would set a poor precident, as other European powers began to appear in small- but growing -numbers. Particularly the Portugese, who were expanding trade with the Romans, proper. Even ignoring the diplomatic issues, it was a long journey, through lands of people that were not friendly with the Purépecha.

Simply put, while Theodoros was hopeful his father would provide what support he could, that support would never be what the Maya wished. Not so long as the Treaty of Vera Cruz remained in effect, and the Purépecha and Maya were divided by less than friendly powers.

The Maya would have to stand on their own, for the most part.


As such, when Theodoros left for home, the Mayan leaders he had met with made a promise. A promise to form a war council with all those who stood against the Spanish and their vassals. When Thedoros returned, ideally with further military aid, they would be ready to talk. One thing had been made perfectly clear from Theodoros' talks with the leaders, and his stories of how the Aztec had beaten the Spanish back. Of how the Romans and Purépecha had, in turn, beaten the Aztec before the Spanish even arrived.

Unity. They could not hope to triumph alone, or even in small coalitions. Even if unwilling to join under a central leadership, with too much bad blood for that to be possible, the Maya must unite. They could only hope to defeat the hungry wolf on their doorstep, by building a strong foundation to stand against it. It would take time. It would take conflict and arguments. But, in the end, it was a necessary act.

Theodoros, as he left, could only hope they were able to set aside their differences. Perhaps, one day, they might even elect a leader from among their number. A man to sit in Chichén Itzá or another ancient city, to unite the Mayan people. The Aztec had managed. The Purépecha and Tlaxcala had also done so. Was it so hard to believe the Maya could, in the face of an external threat to their very way of life?

The son of Demetrios knew no answer to that question. He also knew that he was as much Purépecha as he was Roman. If not moreso, as he had never visited Constantinople or gazed upon its cleaming churches and mighty walls.

And as a proud son of Tzintzuntzan, Theodoros Palaiologos hated the idea of any native people being abused like the northern Maya were. They were not his people. They did not speak his language, they didn't follow his customs- either native or Roman -and they were 'devil worshippers' in the same way the Aztec were.

But, in the end, they were simply a people living as they had for centuries. To Theodoros, it would have been a greater crime to see their grand cities burnt to the ground and their people scattered to the wind, even if most were already abandoned. His aid and that of his father could, eventually, bring them around from their sacrificial way of life. Yet, that could only happen if they resisted the Spanish.

They would need assistance for that.

...of course, local legends do state that Theodoros had caught the eye of the daughter of a powerful lord. Perhaps that had influenced his decision, though his writings make no mention of it. [5]

Like father, like son, as the saying goes.

---

1. Theodoros was right to fear for the future. Spanish, and other European, settlements would only grow as the years went by. Conflict between these colonizers from across the Atlantic, and the Romans- plus their allies -was inevitable. Some titanic battles would come, in the years after Theodoros was long dead and buried.

2. While the Aztec worked to restore control over their lands, it remained a fragile thing, outside the confines of Tenochtitlan and its immediate surroundings. Vassals fought and bled for their freedom, before being conquered by vengeful armies. The Aztec Empire contracted, yet, became more secure for that. It formed a stronger hold on its existing lands, instead of expanding. Regardless, it was a wounded beast, lashing out as all wounded beasts do.

3. The Mayan Civilization had never been a truly united land. Even at the height of its grand cities, they had warred endlessly with one another. No one city state ever rose to dominance, like had happened to the north. In the twilight of those great cities, this only grew worse. The Spanish would find a land ripe for the picking...were it not for the tenacity of the Mayans to rule themselves.

4. This is not to say the Maya were poor, nor lacking in gold. However, they were nowhere near as resplendent in their wealth as the Aztec had been. Certainly not in the state the Spanish found the Mayan lands in the north.

5. It is commonly accepted that Theodoros was simply embarrassed and not intentionally hiding anything. It would, of course, not do for his motivations to be put in question. And, in the end, his stated motivations were- largely -his main reasoning.



AN: Right. Apologies. We've been bashing our head against the Mamluks and Persia for a bit now, and in the end, decided to leave that for later and do the Maya update instead. This is building off an old Patreon post, though it is largely new material.

Don't expect a massive war again, for the reasons in the update, though

On the other hand, who doesn't love a good old Proxy War? Peak Cold War Vibes.

(joking aside, while the Maya will be a focus moving forward, the same goes for the Inca and for the Romans continuing to expand up north. We'll be sticking around Arcadia and America (North and South America, respectively) for the next bit. With the odd look at Europe as needed. Asia will wait a bit longer, though, because we're trying to keep to areas the Romans have interactions with.

Once they can reasonably interact with Asia, well, we'll look over there.

 

[Sheo Darren]

The spotlight's on Theodoros, and he's shaping up to similar yet different from his father. Always interesting to see such contrasts in multi-generational stories. I look forward to seeing how the myriad conflicts develop in the future.

 

[Sesparra]

That was really interesting! Honestly I'm very excited to see how you display the Inca and their interactions with foreign powers, cause of all the powers native to the Americas, they're easily the toughest nut to crack if properly forewarned.
Thanks for writing this <3

 

[CrowQrowKrow]

Thanks for the chapter! Well written as always, and nice seeing a chance for a Mayan renaissance.

Gotta say though, can't come to care much for Demetrios extended family and their Purépecha lives over the development of Constantinople and the Empire proper.

 

[0th Law]

Thanks for the chapter! Well written as always, and nice seeing a chance for a Mayan renaissance.

Gotta say though, can't come to care much for Demetrios extended family and their Purépecha lives over the development of Constantinople and the Empire proper.

Click to shrink...

Eh, the Empire isn't really doing that much expansion, and I don't see that changing anytime soon.

 

[Skywalker_T-65]

Basically, yeah. We'll cover it (and Leo will soon ascend the throne) but…

There's not a lot to say that we haven't already covered. Until the Roman Navy really gets into gear for sailing the Pacific, anyway. It's still going to mostly be 'gradually expanding the borders' until they run into more organized natives.

Still a bit away from that…other than the Northern fringes. Let's recall an exiled prince up there

 

[Sesparra]

Basically, yeah. We'll cover it (and Leo will soon ascend the throne) but…

There's not a lot to say that we haven't already covered. Until the Roman Navy really gets into gear for sailing the Pacific, anyway. It's still going to mostly be 'gradually expanding the borders' until they run into more organized natives.

Still a bit away from that…other than the Northern fringes. Let's recall an exiled prince up there

Click to shrink...

Completely forgot about him tbh
Wonder what they've gotten up to

 

[SzechuanSauce]

So it's been a long period of peace for the Romans? Seems like, aside from a few royal dramas, there isn't much domestic unrest and they're just going about their business.

 

[Sesparra]

I think so? There haven't been a lot of exterior pressures to cause internal problems and they haven't had any *bad* rulers as of yet. Plus they have native friends and exterior foes to focus upon so…

 

[Skywalker_T-65]

They've only had three rulers, period. And only a little less than a century since arrival.

Constantine, who has the whole 'chosen by god' thing. Alexios, who was a lawmaker focused on consolidating what he was left.

And Heraklonas. Who, whatever other flaws he has, remains a consummate political animal. He is nearing the tail end of his reign/life, though.

(Plus the population was, for most of that time, small and concentrated in Constantinople)

It won't last forever, but we feel putting in major civil unrest would be…doing it for the sake of doing it? At least at this point in the narrative.

 

[chriswriter90]

And Heraklonas. Who, whatever other flaws he has, remains a consummate political animal. He is nearing the tail end of his reign/life, though.

Click to shrink...

For better or worse he's a 'don't rock the boat' kind of guy.

It would be wrong to say he'd stick his head in the sand, but he is reactive rather than proactive.

 

[Revan Skirata]

Very interesting to see how the Palaiologos family relates to the Natives. First there was Constantine and his benevolent paternalism towards the natives of the region Constantinople ended up in. Then Demetrios and his adoption into the Purepecha. Now we have Theodore's and his respect and awe for the Maya.

 

[Sesparra]

Very interesting to see how the Palaiologos family relates to the Natives. First there was Constantine and his benevolent paternalism towards the natives of the region Constantinople ended up in. Then Demetrios and his adoption into the Purepecha. Now we have Theodore's and his respect and awe for the Maya.

Click to shrink...

Personally I'm awaiting the Adventurous Princess archetype family member. I know it's historically accurate, but this has been a bit of a sausage fest so far. I expect if it happens it won't be until their navy actually gets off the beach.

 

[Skywalker_T-65]

Shanarani was fairly important, as these things go. But yes. At this point in history, a lot of the metaphorical movers and shakers would be male.

That said, won't always be that case.

If nothing else, Lenea would kill me

Lenea: Damn right.

 

[chriswriter90]

One of the early chapters indicated that the Palaiologos line won't be 'winning everything forever' and there will be one or more rulers who just aren't up to the standards set by Constantine, Alexios, Heraklonas & Demetrios.

I'm waiting for the shoe to drop and the train wreck to start.

 

[Sesparra]

Shanarani was fairly important, as these things go. But yes. At this point in history, a lot of the metaphorical movers and shakers would be male.

That said, won't always be that case.

If nothing else, Lenea would kill me

Lenea: Damn right.

Click to shrink...

*amused kitsune noises*

Yeah I get it, no worries, just another thing about humans I find… distasteful.

I am very curious to see where you go with the navy of the twin empires in the end… Greek fire filled cannon rounds anyone? Or… hmm that might work better as a primitive rocket, like those Chinese ones, over trying to stuff super napalm in an iron ball.

 

[Crayz9000]

Speaking of horses:

The Shared History of Wild Horses and Indigenous People

Horse sanctuaries along the Native American Horse Trail are working to save America’s last Indigenous horses and rewrite official histories that claim they don’t exist.

www.yesmagazine.org

New Research Rewrites the History of American Horses

Native Americans spread the animals across the West before Europeans arrived in the region, archaeological evidence and Indigenous knowledge show

www.smithsonianmag.com

Tl;Dr according to indigenous histories horses never actually died out in the Americas, and the official narrative of their extinction was mostly due to bad archeology and general attitudes of European superiority. This is of course still hotly debated by Western archaeologists, but they are at least coming around to the idea that the horses probably preceded the Europeans at least starting in the 15th century.

Now as to the mention of Roman horses spreading through the Americas, given the Roman use of cataphracts their stock is bred to be much sturdier and carry heavier loads then any other horses on the continent, whether descended from Spanish stock or indigenous.

But anyway, it would be interesting to see the Roman reaction to large herds of horses when they eventually reach the Plains Nations.

 

[Chloe Sullivan]

Speaking of horses:

The Shared History of Wild Horses and Indigenous People

Horse sanctuaries along the Native American Horse Trail are working to save America’s last Indigenous horses and rewrite official histories that claim they don’t exist.

www.yesmagazine.org

New Research Rewrites the History of American Horses

Native Americans spread the animals across the West before Europeans arrived in the region, archaeological evidence and Indigenous knowledge show

www.smithsonianmag.com

Tl;Dr according to indigenous histories horses never actually died out in the Americas, and the official narrative of their extinction was mostly due to bad archeology and general attitudes of European superiority. This is of course still hotly debated by Western archaeologists, but they are at least coming around to the idea that the horses probably preceded the Europeans at least starting in the 15th century.

Now as to the mention of Roman horses spreading through the Americas, given the Roman use of cataphracts their stock is bred to be much sturdier and carry heavier loads then any other horses on the continent, whether descended from Spanish stock or indigenous.

But anyway, it would be interesting to see the Roman reaction to large herds of horses when they eventually reach the Plains Nations.

Click to shrink...

That smithonian mag article talks about horses brought to the Americas by the spanish that spread into Native American hands a century or so before previous histories had thought. It's not about indigenous horses.

The Yes Mag article does claim surviving indigenous horses, but it doesn't cite sources for the indigineity claim.

 

[Crayz9000]

That smithonian mag article talks about horses brought to the Americas by the spanish that spread into Native American hands a century or so before previous histories had thought. It's not about indigenous horses.

The Yes Mag article does claim surviving indigenous horses, but it doesn't cite sources for the indigineity claim.

Click to shrink...

As I mentioned, it's something that is supported by various Native American oral histories, which of course have been disputed for years by "proper" archaeologists. I don't remember if this is in the Yes Magazine article or not, but I had read that any excavations that discovered horse bones outside of the expected soil level (i.e. in pre-Columbian digs) would tend to immediately write them off as the result of soil movement, burrowing creatures, etc, even if there were no other actual indications of such damage to the site.

Evidence, it turns out, doesn't matter very much if it's ignored due to bias.