Excerpts from Geliy Rokitansky, Serve and Protect (Metropolis: Bantam, 1979)
"There are no cops in our Republic. There are comrades and then there are dead men."
General Order 142, effective 1 June 1933, had ordered the suppression of all extant police organizations in the UASR as counterrevolutionary groups. All peace officers who had not submitted to soviet authority were to be arrested henceforth. Those who had collaborated with revolutionary forces would be investigated by the Main Directorate for the Political Commissariat, to winnow out any unreliable opportunists.
During the state of war emergency, the states' Red Guards were to assume the primary role of maintaining public safety. The states were required to establish Public Safety Groups within the Red Guards, to be staffed by politically reliable officers and NCOs.
As the war drew to a close, pre-war police trickled into the Red Guards, zealously watched by political commissars. As the emergency gave way to a new normalcy, the Public Safety Groups transformed from an ad hoc force into a permanent institution and the primary law enforcement body in each socialist republic.
[...]
As part of the Red Guards, the Public Safety Groups are a paramilitary gendarmerie. All members must have completed Universal Service before induction into the Red Guards. Additionally, applicants to the Public Safety Group must maintain impeccable conduct records. Upon acceptance, applicants attend one of several federal Public Safety academies. Since their first establishment in 1935, these academies train public safety troopers in their legal duties, conflict de-escalation and resolution, criminology and forensics. Applicants to the federal Proletarian Guard face similar background and education requirements.
Upon graduation, troopers will be assigned to a local or a mobile group. In a local group, troopers provide security in a defined geographic area, and serve as the leadership cadre to any local volunteer elements. Mobile groups, sometimes referred to as special tasks groups, provide more specialized work such as forensics, firefighting or traffic control.
British Commonwealth observers occasionally recoil at the paramilitary nature of public safety in the UASR, seeing it as a sign of despotism. Domestically, this paramilitary system is seen as a means of protecting the public
from the police. Public and civilian oversight is strict, and the conduct of public safety troops, like the rest of the security apparatus, is regulated by the Uniform Code of Military Justice.
Infractions by public safety troops are punished more severely than the equivalent civilian crime. In addition to non-judicial punishment for minor breaches of discipline, severe infractions are tried and punished by court-martial.
Troopers convicted of major crimes by court-martial are subjected to a public degradation ceremony, during which badges of rank and honor are stripped from their uniform. After this humiliation, troopers are discharged from service and receive whatever punishment, up to and including the death penalty, which was abolished for civilians in 1955.
[...]
Most of the pre-revolution Federal Bureau of Prisons continued to operate with few changes in 1934. Most of the state prisons were put under temporary federal control. Some of the large federal or military prisons, such as the Alcatraz Citadel and Leavenworth were converted into camps for political prisoners and high level criminals, including white war criminals, counterrevolutionaries, and targets of political repression. Most others, especially local ones, continued their functions for low level offenders.
A general amnesty was promulgated for most property crimes, as well as for crimes the revolutionary regime had chosen to decriminalize. This had effectively emptied the prison system of most of its population. Recipients of amnesty returned to their families, or were given berths in the Works Progress Administration programs. Former prisoners were euphemistically referred to as "liberated prisoners of war", and given a clean slate, with the records of their crimes sealed.
The Eastman Reforms to the corrections system effectively created two separate prison systems: the joint-union/republican Main Directorate for Prisons under the Secretariat for Justice, and the Special Prison Administration under the Secretariat for Public Safety.
Conditions in the main prison system were greatly reformed following the report of the Frankfurter Commission. Existing prisons buildings were scheduled for closure, and new camp complexes were put into construction by the WPA. The new prisons much more closely resembled civilian life or a
WPA public works camps. Prisoners would live in smaller barracks, with attached kitchen, laundry and bathrooms. Guard presence would be minimal, and resources for education and training would be provided. Prisoners would be encouraged to complete their education or pick up a trade. Paying work was provided, which would allow prisoners to purchase things from the prison commissary, or to save up for their release.
Prisoners who continued to be violent while in prison would be sequestered into single person shacks until they showed signs of reform. Good behavior while in custody would be rewarded with reduced sentences or parole. Supervised contact with friends and family was encouraged to aid in the reform process.
[...]
J. Edgar Hoover, once the head of a small, underfunded anti-pornography and anti-prostitution agency (and, ironically, a one-time persecutor of socialist agitators during the Bienno Rosso), quickly took on his role as the new Secretary of Public Safety with an extreme zeal. He extensively studied and dissected the Soviet state-security system as a model, taking particular note of the secret police forces under "Iron" Felix Dzerzhinsky, from which he would build the Main Directorate for State Security. The paramilitary nature of the Public Safety Groups came from his attempts to imitate the Militsya system in the USSR.
Hoover's biggest innovation was his focus on standardization and the emerging field of criminology. During the days of the
NBI, he was forced to compete with the US Marshal Service and local police forces in his investigations. Through the Public Safety Academies and the Militia Agency, Hoover now exerted more influence on local militias and Red Guards, and enforce these staunch rules of conduct, preventing any competition or hindrance between the varying police branches. Hoover would use a network of reformed sheriffs and former NBI associates to bring the Red Guards into line, and subsequently, use the Commissariat to ensure they kept to this standard.
Hoover attempted to resist public oversight into this new system, but pressure from Attorney General Crystal Eastman forced him to include them in said rules of conduct.
To ensure that all local militias were working under the same standards of forensics and scientific research (as part of the standardization process), Hoover both established the federal "Public Safety Laboratory," and had branches of established in each republic. Modern criminology was given emphasis, with a modern, scientific approach to investigation.
Hoover would utilize this new system of militias to help stabilize the new Republic and bring down elements that would threaten it, many of whom were listed in the "Enemies of the People" publication. A number of White remnants and reactionary cells across the nation were organizing attacks under the banner "The Sons of Liberty". Along with secret infiltration and disruption in the MDSS, Hoover also organized more public attacks and raids through coordination between the local Public Safety groups and the federal Proletarian Guard, most notably in Charleston in 1935, where the "South Carolina Sons of the Confederacy" attempted to seize control of the ANFR [African National Federal Republic] capital .
The coordination of local and federal groups also helped in bringing down various organized crime gangs across the nation. Public Safety groups (and agents like John Dillinger, Melvin Purvis, and Charles Floyd) would gain popularity bringing down infamous criminals like "Machine Gun" Kelly and groups like the Barrows and Baker Gangs. After a botched assassination attempt on Metropolis Attorney General Joseph Brodsky by
Undzer Shtik enforcer Dutch Schultz, Hoover began a very public attack on the "National Crime Syndicate" alliance of Italian and Jewish organized crime, taking down its leaders and organization through infiltration, public arrests and trials,, and raids on various gambling and smuggling operations, the latter done through local militias.
[...]
The establishment of the Proletarian Guard centralised most federal law enforcement into a single agency. Inheriting the jurisdictions of the pre-revolution Marshals Service, National Bureau of Investigation, and the Secret Service, the Proletarian Guard streamlined federal coordination with republican authorities and provided a measure of transparency and accountability to the state's repressive functions.
But the Guard was also the public face of the Main Directorate for State Security. A major function of its existence, the suppression of counterrevolution, defied political transparency and accountability.
Following the abortive insurrection in Charleston, the Guard assumed primary jurisdiction in ongoing efforts to defeat counterrevolution and protect the regime from internal fifth columns. The local, ad hoc Extraordinary Commissions were dissolved into the federal hierarchy. In their place, the Proletarian Guard established a field battalion in each member republic, with investigative, enforcement and liaison groups. These battalions were not fixed in size; each field office had resources and personnel in proportion to the geographic size and population of the republic.
These battalions were grouped into numbered regiments, each one assigned to geographic district corresponding to one of the ten Collegium of the Review Tribunal [the ten circuits of the U.S. courts of appeals]. Each regiment is able to rapidly mobilise a motorised rifle battalion support republican authorities in the event of a state of emergency.
The 11th Regiment was established organize customs enforcement and border guard on the northern border with Canada and the major ports of entry, in cooperation with the Red Coast Guard and the Maritime Secretariat.
The Watch Brigade, comprised of the 12th and 14th Regiments, guards and polices the federal capital as well as major federal installations such as dams or federal academy cities like Phoenix and Los Alamos. Due to the high profile hostage-taking during the Charleston Putsch, the Watch Brigade also established a rapid-response group to train for hostage-rescue operations, the forerunner to the modern Special Applications Cadre.
[...]
The Main Directorate of State Security (or "StateSec") was heavily influenced by the Soviet OGPU and its successor GUGB (the latter having the exact same name in Russian). By design, StateSec operated outside the accountability of the Proletarian Guard, and worked for the political aims of the Workers' Communist Party, or rather, against the political enemies of the government, whether foreign or domestic.
StateSec was effectively joined at the hip with the Proletarian Guard. Most agents were recruited from within the Guard, and some would continue to hold duties within the normal apparatus. Organizationally, StateSec was the 13th Regiment in the Proletarian Guard, absent from the public organizational charts. Publicly, its existence was not acknowledged and continued to be protected by the State Secrets Act until 1947.
Not only did recruits have to meet all the normal requirements for membership in the Guard, they needed evidence of political reliability: a recommendation from an elected official, vetting from a current agent, and active membership in a "vanguard party", either the WCP or the DFLP. To help supplement the new ranks, however, Hoover brought in several of his former G-Men as "advisors"
StateSec was split on the same lines as the Proletarian Guard, with ten sections dedicated to a specific function to ensure peace in a more covert fashion:
Section 1 was Foreign Intelligence. Initially, Section 1 primarily monitored foreign governments deemed "hostile", (mainly Germany, Italy, Brazil, and Nippon) and the large "White" American emigre community. A fake magazine called
The Patriot was set up specifically for emigres, with a fake subscription address. Subscriber information was sent directly to StateSec, to accurately gauge who was where. Agents also recruited within left leaning circles all over the world. Over time, with the fascist threat in Europe rising, more focus was given to observing the Nazi threat, and preparing. German leftist anti-Nazis were recruited to secretly infiltrate the German government, and either attempt to subvert or relay future plans. Agents also helped smuggle out prominent figures the Nazis had targeted (notably several scientists later affiliated with
Daisy Bell). Similar programs were instituted in Italy and Nippon. SecOne would later play a prominent role in the overthrow of the Iranian Shah and the establishment of socialist Iran.
[...]
Perhaps the most notorious, Section 9 handled the most direct form of repression, through infiltration and internal subversion. Section 9 Hoover would turn this weapon loose on the Sons of Liberty. Along with the public raids by the Proletarian Guards, famously photographed with their Thompson Guns and sharp, modern uniforms, the Sons were inundated with new members, who would leave meetings suddenly, before a raid came to break them up. And when members were interrogated, they were given the opportunity to turn informant in exchange for a lower sentence.
This infiltration was very thorough, with at least one agent or informant in every branch of the Sons throughout the nation. As a result, any form of collaboration between the branches was sabotaged, making it easier to repress them, and prevent them from forming larger alliances. The strategy proved immensely successful at breaking the power of the Sons and leaving them ineffectual. Indeed, there were reports of Sons branches made entirely of informants or undercover agents.
Of course, the infiltration extended to what many considered the Sons' political arm, the True Democratic Party. StateSec had party meetings infiltrated. Both Chairman John Nance Garner and General Secretary Martin Dies were heavily investigated, and they, along with other TrueDem politicos, were regularly arrested when news of their ties to reactionaries came out. The TrueDems, after a harsh split that saw its conservative faction join the Sons, slowly hemorrhaged members because of this investigation.
Hoover also targeted the Democratic-Republican Party, especially for its members tied to the old order, like Robert Taft and Charles Hughes. Because the DRP had longevity and had thoroughly disavowed anti-state terrorism, the infiltration ultimately became a long game. In 1972, former Rep Howard E. Jones* revealed he had been an informant from 1947 up to his retirement in 1970.
Of course, counterintelligence involved fighting foreign espionage on domestic soil. Given his role in subverting fascist governments, Hoover kept an eye out for them attempting to subvert the revolutionary government. The Friends of New Germany had been formed during the Civil War, specifically as a pro-White, pro-Hitler group for German Americans. After the war had ended, the group was reconstituted as a paramilitary group called the German American Bund under German Great War veteran Fritz Julius Kuhn. While small and mostly ineffectual, Hoover became convinced that Bund was a courier between deep undercover spies and the German government. He extensively investigated the potential of German spies throughout the government. Ironically, after Kuhn's capture in 1938, Kuhn revealed that Hitler had actually cut off the Bund financially because they hadn't made any significant progress, and assessments had shown most German Americans were fully supportive of the new government. Hoover also failed to find any spy network among Japanese American communities, despite exhaustive investigation.
Hoover had more success proving the connection between Fascist Italy and the Sons of Liberty via the Italian-American mafia. Many Italian weapons were recovered during various raids, and during the anti-Mafia sweep of 1936, it emerged (through Sec9 informants) that Commission head Luciano had been corresponding with one of his lieutenants, Vito Genovese, now in exile in Italy, and had negotiated to have the weapons sent to support the reactionaries (This deposition, with his long litany of other crimes, lead to Luciano's conviction and sentence to death for treason and murder).
If convicted of crimes "of a political nature", one would be sentenced to one of the prisons administered as part of the Special Political Administration.
[...]
In spite of their general enthusiasm for the Red Terror, the body-politic remained deeply wary of the formation of any special bureaucratic caste. The old wounds made by state repression in the old United States were freshly remembered even amidst the carnage of the civil war. As the extraordinary measures of the civil war were retired, workers agitated for restraints placed on the new state apparatus to maintain its organic relationship to the working-class.
One of the most pivotal of these institutions was the establishment of the state security juries. While it was recognized that combating counterrevolution remained a major concern, of equal importance was preventing StateSec or the military from becoming a state-within-a-state, the small gear turning the large gear.
The state security juries would be the popular check on the state's powers of espionage and repression. Citizens chosen by lot would be vetted and assembled. Once sworn to secrecy, they would be organized into commissions in various geographic localities. All planned acts of domestic espionage and political repression would be reviewed by these commissions. The jurors would be briefed on the case matters, and would issue warrants only if they were satisfied the government met its legal burdens. Additionally, the classification of all state secrets would be made by the state security juries.