Reds! A Revolutionary Timeline

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The Boy Commandos
Originally drew this as part of "JackTober" a month long Inktober type celebration of comic artist Jack Kirby, where every day is a drawing prompt for a Kirby character

For yesterday's prompt, it was The Boy Commandos, originally created by Kirby and Joe Simon in 1942. Given they've been mentioned, I figured I could post the Reds version on Twitter. So here's the drawing I did of the Reds version of the Boy Commandos
 
Marxism-DeLeonism in Reds! in my opinion developed in this way.

The most important to note is that this is an American reaction to the codification of "Marxism-Leninism" that's happening at a similar time in the Soviet Union by the early to mid-1930s.

It is also important to note that this is not a "rival thought" as imagined but merely a version of the prevailing Marxism-Leninist orthodoxy adapted to American conditions. I think it's full name might be more accurately described as "Marxism-Leninism-DeLeonism" in its most codified form.

It doesn't help that Vladimir Lenin himself in Reds! might even consider himself a "DeLeonist" more publicly rather than just in a letter to someone, at least just for show, while criticizing DeLeon's syndicalism at the same time in this timeline's version of "Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder".

Sorry, I might have missed that in the timeline. Do you mind pointing out where it says that Lenin did those things? If that's the established canon, then fine I guess. But even if Lenin did proclaim any affinity for DeLeon that doesn't necessarily imply he will be accepted by American socialists and officially made part of doctrine (he is already, I just don't believe that he occupies a visible position as you imagine). I am sure that he will be revered and honored by socialists throughout the world, however.

DeLeon's death and the Great Slaughter changed everything. There's a vacuum left in the ideological command apparatus of the SLP that was filled not by Americans but by events and people abroad through the Bolshevik Revolution. Even Eugene V. Debs noted the changing scene and opted to offer pragmatic support to the SLP's entry to the Comintern by 1921. By doing so, Debs kept his status as one of the greats of American socialism in his final years but as an equal to the now-dead DeLeon and the main star of the day, Vladimir Lenin.

I don't contest that the WCPA or even "Marxism-DeLeonism" wasn't influenced by the Russian Revolution, Lenin or Bolshevik-Leninism. Absolutely, you're right. But from my reading of the timeline, it seemed to me that American socialism succeeded and evolved mainly on its own and not entirely because of practical innovations they borrowed from other countries. I do believe these borrowings were necessary and helpful, but I don't believe that makes "Marxism-Leninism-DeLeonism" in the grand way that you envisage, actually a thing.

I imagine many people in-universe making an imagined Mt. Rushmore of sorts surrounding "great socialist thinkers" (not because of the Comintern's own making) but it's going to look like Marx and Engels passing the torch to this troika of DeLeon, Debs and Lenin (and a special mention to Nikholai Bukharin) before this troika passes on their seats again to the troika of Foster, Browder and Stalin (and special mentions to John Reed and Chen Dixiu) before it passes on to the duo of Bordiga and Mattick in the early Cold War years. Then it's likely to go to Bookchin, Chomsky, Buckley and Hampton, which stands above all else into the 21st century.
The 1920s is a weird transitional period due to the increasing isolation of the world revolution and I think this was felt in the Old United States through Solon DeLeon's oppositional stances to the mainstream of the Party, which sidelines him and leaves a vacuum in the ideological command of the Party filled by the bland orthodoxy of "American exceptionalist" tendencies through Jay Lovestone's leadership of the party and C.E. Ruthenberg's and Browder's own orthodox beliefs influenced by the DeLeon-Debs-Lenin troika.

No thank you to this kind of historiography ... American socialism learned how to fight and survive in the red biennium, don't forget that. I object to this great man style historiography.
And then 1933 happened and Foster and Browder's decisions during the establishment of the North American DOTP influences the codification of this new DeLeonist-Leninist orthodoxy right into the World Revolutionary War that is also influenced by the trends that happened in the Soviet Union (despite the fact that "High Stalinism" as we know wouldn't exist ITTL and that these trends within the Soviet Union include the irony of taking positions that a few years ago would have been considered "Trotskyist", which also sidelines Trotsky in the process).

Well, a "ideological unification" has yet to be 'officially screamed out' in the canon as far as I know, but I would support future thinkers in Reds! reinterpreting the Leningrad Treaty and its effects to be such an ideological unification.

That is definitely an interesting historiographical take which I wager will happen. But as for what I actually think of it? I think it's entirely too oversimplified and like OTL will be either at best a lie or at worst damn communist movements to failure for mechanically applying the formula 1-1 everywhere. In my heart of hearts, both Marxism-Leninism and Marxism-DeLeonism are trite. Really. Very trite. Even Marxism-Leninism-DeLeonism. What's wrong with ideological innovation and differentiating yourself? What's wrong with finding a new formula, that works for your use-case?

Like boy, all this really is just political lip service (which it was OTL tbh, and that principle is the same reason Marxist philosophy was doomed in the USSR -- see the problem of diamat that Francis K mentioned)

So it's not accurate to see this as an imagined ideological separateness where the UASR has a Maoist variant that separates or distances itself from the Marxist-Leninist line of the Soviet Union, this separation that we know now being a product of the Sino-Soviet split and the Cultural Revolution and there is nothing close to both in Reds! Sufficient Velocity incarnation.

I don't think that's a fair comparison.

To begin with, Marxism-DeLeonism was never a splinter off the ML geneaological line, it developed on its own. I will not contest again, that it borrowed from Marxism-Leninism, just as the other has. Whether there has been an ideological unification is entirely down to future Reds! events (and I doubt there will be an official, major, world-encompassing unification). Damn man, they don't have to be seen as heresies in Reds!, and don't forget that Mao went to great lengths to distance himself and Maoism from ML and the USSR. He was part of the Sino-Soviet split just as much as Khrushchev. In Reds!, there is nothing like that happening, on the contrary, the opposite is in fact happening with the UASR going to great lengths to support the Soviet Union.

Does that mean they have become one in thought? No.

I'll leave you with George Orwell's "A Homage to America", from Miss Teri's post

In my travels through America, I've come to see that conventional narratives of American communism; from the Commonwealth Workers' Party militants on the left, or the reactionaries on the right, are both fundamentally and inescapably wrong. Since the reasons for rejecting the Tory official history on the subject are all too clear, I shall dismiss this right out of hand, and focus on the Left's ideological shibboleths. It has not been because of the leaders of the Workers' Communist Party like Premier Foster and Chairman Browder themselves nor having utilized the tools of Marxist-Leninism that America achieved socialism. Rather, the leaders and the masses have worked in tandem to help bring about the advent of left-leaning communism in America.
 
Drat, is triple-posting okay here? Because I've been meditating on what I wrote in my previous post, and it occurs to me that in some ways OTL would be absolutely incomprehensible to the UASR and the Reds!-world. The impression that I have (correct me if I'm wrong) is that there's something rather "classicist" or "modernist" about the general Reds!-world, because even the FBU is comprised of Keynesians, which means that the affects of "late capitalism", like fragmentation are no longer there.

In the absence of the social transformations that led to post-modernism, it is naturally tempting to assume that in the world of "Reds" high modernism is never meaningfully challenged. However, I think this is a mistake; compared to OTL, there are much more drastic and thoroughgoing changes in many euro-american societies, which might very well mean a more robust and thoroughgoing change in cultural and aesthetic forms.

In OTL what we have as "postmodernism" comes from the double whammy of intensified capitalism and modern information technology, you can see in, in theory, in the work of Lyotard, Baudrillard and Jameson, and at the same time in both literature and popular culture, especially the Internet. The plot of Neuromancer would be comprehensible in the UASR, but not the general mood and tone of it, which issues from "late capitalism", "postmodernism", whatever you call it. I'm not even sure The Matrix would come across the same way in the UASR.

The Communism of the Reds!-verse is definitely a throwback when compared to OTL; I shudder to think what they'd think of "Western Marxism" (another poor name). Fredric Jameson talking about the loss of cognitive mapping, Mark Fisher talking about Capitalist Realism, none of this would be comprehensible. But on the other hand I wonder if Marxist philosophy might paradoxically be poorer than in OTL, given that most of the innovations in Western Marxism came from trying to fix it up in new contexts after the failures of OTL in the 1920s and 30s. Marxist philosophy in the UASR would probably be closer to the Marxist-Leninist classics, and might still hold onto some of the scholastic apparatus of "dialectical materialism". Perhaps Karl Korsch and György Lukács might be read, the latter perhaps being rehabilitated in the Comintern (would Lukács still be attacked as an ultra-leftist in TTL?) But I doubt that you're going to find something akin to the Neue Marx-Lektüre's "value-formist" reading of Marx. I suspect that Marxism would find itself to be pre-psychoanalytic, say, pre-structuralist, pre-..., after it was essentially vindicated in its 1930s form. The Marxisms of Althusser, Badiou, Deleuze, Lyotard, Derrida might not even be genuinely recognizable as Marxism; at the very least, I suppose there'd be backlash against it (or maybe not). At best, though, I can't imagine them having much of a readership in the Reds-world. At the same time, OTL Marxists with a loathing for Western Marxism might find the UASR vindication for the relevance of "classical Marxism" above and over its modern psychoanalytic, structuralist, post-structuralist, etc. variants. Which I'd think is a genuine shame, to be honest.

I mean, a number of the thinkers you've listed (Badiou, Deleuze, Lyotard, Derrida) are not Marxists and have never claimed to be Marxists.

It's certainly true that the Marxism of Fisher, Jameson, and Badiou is deeply conditioned by the fact that they live in a world in which few believe in any sort of communist horizon. A world in which communism is much more of a live possibility is a world in which communist theorizing in capitalist societies will be markedly different. I'm not sure that means that it will be more "classically" Marxist, however; the amount of ideological diversity likely to be present in American academia probably means that there will be just as much eclecticism as there is today. But I suspect that it will be of a more grounded and empirically-informed sort.

Francis K. said:
I'm of two minds as to what happens to philosophy in ATL America and the USSR, because on one hand, despite liberalization, it might be possible to argue that post-Marxist philosophy is going to be sutured to the programmatic scholasticism of something like "diamat", like how Stalin infamously defines it, though it might be less engrained in the US. But when Marxist philosophy is directly connected to the government, it just might inhibit creativity, without much space for any Ilyenkovs you might like to see. On the other hand, of course, as you point out, there are probably going to be millions more working out theory themselves.

This depends on the actual institutions in which Marxist philosophy is created and practiced. American academics are typically afforded a good deal of freedom, with interest groups accumulating ideological power through funding think-tanks, research projects, endowed chairs. The nature and relative power of these interest groups themselves might change, but I actually think that the basic dynamic might stay fairly similar after the revolution. More concretely, this means that it is exceedingly unlikely that Marxist philosophy would be wedded to any form of programmatic scholasticism; unless a "department of Marxist studies" is created, it's much more plausible that those who think about and want to develop Marxist thought will be embedded in a variety of different disciplinary frameworks with pre-existing histories.

In terms of the more longue-duree development of academic philosophy, several things seem quite likely to me:

1) There will be no definitive break between analytic and continental schools. With an interest in Marx and German philosophy likely revived by the events of 1933, it seems exceedingly unlikely that analytic philosophers could win their gambit to expel the old guard from the departments. Given the much more reactionary character of the English government, it's actually not entirely implausible that more of the Vienna circle and figures like Russell end up in America, which might butterfly away analytic dominance at Oxbridge.

2) Academics from different disciplines will have markedly different understandings of Marx's work. In Sociology, it would not be surprising if Marx is understood first and foremost as a scientific thinker concerned above all with the iron laws governing social development. In philosophy, it is much more likely he is understood instead as a moral philosopher. More emphasis is likely to be placed on the writings of the 1844 manuscripts.

3) Assuming that the 1844 manuscripts are indeed published, I wouldn't be surprised if we at least temporarily see a reemergence of a Marxian-Aristotelian perfectionism in moral-political philosophy, which fits well with the sensibilities of many academics.

4) In America, the hegemony of philosophy of language probably either never emerges or dies a much earlier death. Positivism is out, materialism and empiricism are in.

5) I would not be at all surprised to see a heretical rebirth of idealism somewhere around the 60s and 70s, at the same time as the student unrest. For many reasons, a "left-hegelianiasm" would be well-adapted to speak to the needs of the student generation, and would also be pleasingly unorthodox.
 
That reminds me, I could be forgetting but I don't think TTL Chomsky has been mentioned yet. I can certainly see him as still being a great political philosopher but I wonder if it might be interesting to have a version of Chomsky who, in the absence of an American capitalist society to critique, mostly focuses his career on analytic philosophy, linguistics, and cognitive science? (although on second thought, the guy is definitely on the wrong side of history when it comes to linguistics lol)

He was mentioned in the old semi-canon post about the Social Ecology Union and his role in founding it.

I have personal plans on Chomsky's ideological development and his role in founding that organization. A lot of it is going to look like a synthesis of Gilles Dauve, Kohei Sato and Murray Bookchin. Eco-Marxist communization, basically.

Chomsky grew up a militant anarcho-communist but became more critical of American foreign policy and became closer to peace anarchists. He'll eventually became alienated from them as well and by the time he wrote "American Power and the New Mandarins", he's already a "Marxist".

Murray Bookchin, as Aelita already decreed, is going to remain in the Liberation Communist Fraction. He didn't experience the same alienation from Marxism and anarchism that his OTL counterpart did. He did develop most of the same stuff, though, but he sees them best applied not through "libertarian municipalism" but through the existing structure of soviet councils and congresses. Liberation being the party closer to the ideas of Paul Mattick became a permanent home for him.

I envisaged an original Social Ecology fraction remaining with Liberation along with Bookchin. That's missing in the old update.

Bookchin's "social ecology" is going to be widely embraced throughout the spectrum that the "Chomskyites" decided to borrow the term and use it as the name of the new organization.

Bookchin will accuse Chomsky of being a "modernizer" in the process though but it's not going to be bad blood.

Sorry, I might have missed that in the timeline. Do you mind pointing out where it says that Lenin did those things? If that's the established canon, then fine I guess. But even if Lenin did proclaim any affinity for DeLeon that doesn't necessarily imply he will be accepted by American socialists and officially made part of doctrine (he is already, I just don't believe that he occupies a visible position as you imagine). I am sure that he will be revered and honored by socialists throughout the world, however.

Lenin said it IOTL to a letter to someone whose name I can't remember. This was written in this link that you can read. Witness to a century : encounters with the noted, the notorious, and the three SOBs : Seldes, George, 1890-1995 : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive

The bigger presence of the SLP meant that Lenin might more publicly associated himself with the ideas of DeLeon, at least for show, and establish closer relationship with people like Eugene Debs, which is not impossible. He is well-aware of Debs' work and advocacy. Meanwhile, Debs wrote Lenin in 1922 IOTL about his disapproval of the Bolsheviks' execution of dissidents.

You also underestimate the impact of the Bolshevik Revolution in this time period and are looking at this from a more distant 21st century American exceptionalist lens of OTL, even with the bigger 1917 that is 1933.

I understand the reflex of distancing American communism from its "more authoritarian" counterpart given the history that we know but it just doesn't look that way this early in the timeline.

I think the most important thing to explain all of this from a Doylist perspective is the fact that two of the Troika that co-writes most of Reds! are left communists with positions that align or overlap with the positions of the International Communist Party and its off-shoots rather than with councilists of Mattick, KAPD. That should inform you about how their/faer views permeate in terms of how the timeline looks over the years since its AH dot com days. It just doesn't look like it because they played very little role in those outdated American political party posts in the past. One of the members of the old Troika who just returned recently, Illuminatus, was also a former leftcom.

I am also not speaking of this as a casual "Marxist-Leninist" so I hope we are just having a good conversation and not doing casual reflexive gestures of dismissal of anything that screams "Russia" or "Bolshevik".

I don't contest that the WCPA or even "Marxism-DeLeonism" wasn't influenced by the Russian Revolution, Lenin or Bolshevik-Leninism. Absolutely, you're right. But from my reading of the timeline, it seemed to me that American socialism succeeded and evolved mainly on its own and not entirely because of practical innovations they borrowed from other countries. I do believe these borrowings were necessary and helpful, but I don't believe that makes "Marxism-Leninism-DeLeonism" in the grand way that you envisage, actually a thing.

You are speaking of two contradictory things in the same sentence here. You can't say that Marxism-DeLeonism was influenced by the Bolsheviks while saying American socialism also evolved independently on its own. The 1918 General Strike and the Biennio Rosso wouldn't exist without the Bolshevik Revolution. The UASR wouldn't exist without the USSR.

I think the reason why it's not apparent to a lot of people including yourself is because it's not being made apparent by the main people who co-created the timeline but make no mistake that Lenin can be found all over the place in this timeline, far more than DeLeon. DeLeon's work has been finished by 1934. His vanguard party, which doesn't even look like the same one that he died on leading, succeeded in getting elected to bourgeois government and then do a general strike (it almost failed to do the latter, though). At the end of it, the form of government that was established is not a DeLeonist industrial republic as he envisioned but a form of government closer to the Soviet Constitution of 1924.

There's a reason why DeLeon died earlier in Reds! than in real life. It is by design. I was told of this. DeLeon's and Debs' roles in this story is to keep an American socialist movement intact going into 1917. But they're not going to take the movement to a revolutionary point. That's not their role in the story.

Some people here would talk about the visible impact of labor unions (the Solidary Federation) in the current structure of government and their presence (a form of syndicalism) but they don't even know how to elaborate on it. I can do it myself if you want but I assure you, it's nothing but a supplementary role, not a primary one.

No thank you to this kind of historiography ... American socialism learned how to fight and survive in the red biennium, don't forget that. I object to this great man style historiography.

A bad historiography or not (it is bad), this is not something that will just disappear because there's "American socialism", whatever that is. We'll see this expressed more by Western Europeans, I'm sure. American communists ITTL have their own reflexive attitude in dismissing things like this. They don't like "isms" associated with "great socialist thinkers" anyway. That's already established.

Well, a "ideological unification" has yet to be 'officially screamed out' in the canon as far as I know, but I would support future thinkers in Reds! reinterpreting the Leningrad Treaty and its effects to be such an ideological unification.

The Leningrad Treaty has nothing to do with this (a treaty of economic integration and military alliance) and there's no "ideological unification". However, if you missed this, there's a party school called the "Institute for Scientific Socialism". They're the best candidate to create an Americanized codification and ideological canon similar to what the Soviet Union did.

That is definitely an interesting historiographical take which I wager will happen. But as for what I actually think of it? I think it's entirely too oversimplified and like OTL will be either at best a lie or at worst damn communist movements to failure for mechanically applying the formula 1-1 everywhere. In my heart of hearts, both Marxism-Leninism and Marxism-DeLeonism are trite. Really. Very trite. Even Marxism-Leninism-DeLeonism. What's wrong with ideological innovation and differentiating yourself? What's wrong with finding a new formula, that works for your use-case?

Like boy, all this really is just political lip service (which it was OTL tbh, and that principle is the same reason Marxist philosophy was doomed in the USSR -- see the problem of diamat that Francis K mentioned)

I'm not sure what you are talking about here as if we are looking at it from a mid-1930s view.

What I said is just an analysis of what's already happening in the timeline. It's a Doylist view from our vantage point looking at the 1930s when the timeline is already at 1943.

It's not something that "will happen". It has already happened. So it's just fair to look at it from certain OTL comparisons for "differentiation" and "distinction" that you're probably looking for.

And why do you want an overly complicated abstract philosophical explanation over something that can be "overlysimplified" explained historiographically? And what formula are you suggesting that I'm applying?

This doesn't make any sense to me at all.

I don't think that's a fair comparison.

To begin with, Marxism-DeLeonism was never a splinter off the ML geneaological line, it developed on its own. I will not contest again, that it borrowed from Marxism-Leninism, just as the other has. Whether there has been an ideological unification is entirely down to future Reds! events (and I doubt there will be an official, major, world-encompassing unification). Damn man, they don't have to be seen as heresies in Reds!, and don't forget that Mao went to great lengths to distance himself and Maoism from ML and the USSR. He was part of the Sino-Soviet split just as much as Khrushchev. In Reds!, there is nothing like that happening, on the contrary, the opposite is in fact happening with the UASR going to great lengths to support the Soviet Union.

Does that mean they have become one in thought? No.

Again, please stop with the casual dismissal reflexive gesturing surrounding the Soviets/Bolsheviks.

Marxism-DeLeonism OTL "developed on its own". It never even borrowed from "Marxism-Leninism" IOTL. It's so insular of a movement that there's just no interaction.

We are talking about ITTL. This is not the same "DeLeonism" that many people are thinking about. It's one thing to accept the idea that it's not the same, but I don't think most people thought about how it is not the same.

At the same time, this is not an attempt to create a Red ideological monolith or "ideological unification". We are talking about conditions of the 1930s and 1940s.

If you want to think about it this way, the codification of "Marxism-Leninism-DeLeonism" by the Workers' Party establishment can be seen as an attempt to explain how different 1933 is from 1917. But this is definitely not about countries. We are not doing a "tale of the tape" boxing match here.

This is also about making you and others realize that we're trying to create distance between the UASR and the USSR here when none exists. The two countries are different, sure, but let's stop doing something that the Troika has already stopped doing years ago in comparing these two countries and to think that they're so different when they're not while being so overly conscious and careful about this given our preconceived biases about OTL's USSR. Please stop being "American exceptionalist" about this.

This is communist internationalism. I don't know if this is ripples of Cold War anti-communist conditioning that got passed through generations or part of the current anti-Russian sentiment and environment that we live in but this is probably subconscious at this point. Let's be careful about this.
 
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If @Chamarmur is an American Exceptionalist, he assimilated awfully fast.

When I say "American exceptionalist", I don't say it as American liberal/bourgeois nationalism. It's a translation problem as a secondary English speaker. I say it in a way that Jay Lovestone or Earl Browder IOTL say it. Something closer to that. I don't know how much difference between the two is, though.

Again, as I'm saying, it's trying to create a sense of distance between the good guy America (even if it's a commie America) vs the bad guy USSR (even if it's not the same USSR) when none exists.
 
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Fair enough, I will check that out myself.

The bigger presence of the SLP meant that Lenin might more publicly associated himself with the ideas of DeLeon, at least for show, and establish closer relationship with people like Eugene Debs, which is not impossible. He is well-aware of Debs' work and advocacy. Meanwhile, Debs wrote Lenin in 1922 IOTL about his disapproval of the Bolsheviks' execution of dissidents.

I concur there -- the Red Biennium and the greater relevance of the SLP and WCPA do make American communists a vastly bigger force in international communist politics, after all.

I understand the reflex of distancing American communism from its "more authoritarian" counterpart given the history that we know but it just doesn't look that way this early in the timeline.

That wasn't my intention at all. I'm not a champion of "American communism" or whatever else. I don't give a rat's poop about "Socialism with X characteristics" if it doesn't even end up working and succeeding. I'll quote myself here:
The historical environment in Reds! was far more amicable and forgiving for these ideologies of praxis. OTL, they were not. We unfortunately live in a more harsh history and thus these weaker ideologies have, like extinct species, been consigned to history due to natural selection. The path forward therefore, is to learn our lessons and plan something new, which will be better suited to our circumstances, and which will not repeat the mistakes of before.

I think the most important thing to explain all of this from a Doylist perspective is the fact that two of the Troika that co-writes most of Reds! are left communists with positions that align or overlap with the positions of the International Communist Party and its off-shoots rather than with councilists of Mattick, KAPD. That should inform you about how their/faer views permeate in terms of how the timeline looks over the years since its AH dot com days. It just doesn't look like it because they played very little role in those slightly outdated American political party posts in the past. One of the members of the old Troika who just returned recently, Illuminatus, was also a former leftcom.

Yes, that would significantly influence the timeline insofar as how the writers would perceive certain strategies of praxis to be more successful than others.
I am also not speaking of this as a casual "Marxist-Leninist" so I hope we are just having a good conversation and just not being too casually reflexive about this.
Libertad I know perfectly you're not a "casual Marxist-Leninist" and that you're also a left-com (or at least as far as I remember, you were currently prodding around in that area). Don't worry.

You are speaking of two contradictory things in the same sentence here. You can't say that Marxism-DeLeonism was influenced by the Bolsheviks while saying American socialism also evolved independently on its own. The 1918 General Strike and the Biennio Rosso wouldn't exist without the Bolshevik Revolution. The UASR wouldn't exist without the USSR.

...

It's not apparent to you because it's not being made apparent by the main people who co-created the timeline but make no mistake that Lenin can be found all over the place in this timeline, far more than DeLeon. DeLeon's work has been finished by 1934. His vanguard party, which doesn't even look like the same one that he died on leading, succeeded in getting elected to bourgeois government and then do a general strike (it almost failed to do the latter, though). At the end of it, the form of government that was established is not a DeLeonist industrial republic as he envisioned but a form of government closer to the Soviet Constitution of 1924.

...

Some people here would talk about the visible impact of labor unions (the Solidary Federation) in the structure of government and their presence (a form of syndicalism) but they don't even know how to elaborate on it. I can do it myself if you want but I assure you, it's nothing but a supplementary role, not a primary one.

Fair enough, you've got me guilty of misremembering just how truly independent the American communist movement was. I concede.
I suppose, from a "Doylist" perspective you are right, in the sense that a left-com writer might attempt to organically evolve the SLP into a more Leninist (which I know is considered close to organic centralism by the ICP) organization. At the same time, from a Watsonian perspective, this would look like convergent evolution.

The bulk of that work was accomplished when the SLP became the Workers' Party. Once they had accepted the 21 Conditions and entered the Comintern, any last vestiges of bona-fide DeLeonism straight from the man himself was finally expunged from the party's structure.

I see you. Yes, the moniker of "Marxism-Leninism-DeLeonism" is very apt, considering.

I do have to say that the Biennio Rosso was pre-TCI membership. The primary spark of the red biennium was not the Russian Revolution however -- it was the arrest of Morris Hillquit despite his electoral victory for the mayorship of New York City. The background was World War I coming to a close, and the guilt of the government's involvement in it. What also served to worsen, and as a systematic cause behind, the Biennio Rosso was the 'perfect storm' of different factors -- the policy fuckups on the part of the government, the demobilization economic crunch and the following deflationary recession. The Russian Revolution and the establishment of the USSR were also absolutely necessary and served as great victories to background the SLP's rise in popularity here, but I don't think they were terribly of much practical (praxis) relevance.

I think you're forgetting one major difference between the American and the Soviet system -- multiparty elections. That is a feature which was baked into the American system and one which the Soviets did not develop until 1950 (according to wiki canon). True, I won't disagree that the WCPA had its own totalitarian tendencies like the VKP(b) but even the WCPA had its own factions, some of which outlived the party itself remaining mostly unchanged (again according to wiki canon).

That is a very big difference between the American communist movement and the Soviet one. And I believe that came down to the fact that the SLP/WPA/WCPA did not give up on electoralism, leveraged it successfully, and in the end used it to legitimize itself -- hence the multiparty elections. Because American conditions permitted for that.
A bad historiography or not (it is bad), this is not something that will just disappear because there's "American socialism", whatever that is. We'll see this expressed more by Western Europeans, I'm sure. American communists ITTL have their own reflexive attitude in dismissing things like this. They don't like "isms" associated with "great socialist thinkers" anyway. That's already established.

I have to apologize. These remarks were directed at you personally.

If there's one accusation which you could make against me it is that I genuinely thought this was your own treatment of the history here. Forgive me.

The Leningrad Treaty has nothing to do with this (a treaty of economic integration and military alliance) and there's no "ideological unification". However, if you missed this, there's a party school called the "Institute for Scientific Socialism". These are the most likely candidates to create a codification and ideological canon similar to what the Soviet Union has attempted to do.

So you're denying that the Leningrad Treaty had no political importance, no massive political and ideological effect? What about the overturning of the Moscow Consensus? How come?

But yes, the ISS would be a very good source of a 'codified' ideological union here, you're right.

Marxism-DeLeonism OTL "developed on its own". It never even borrowed from "Marxism-Leninism" IOTL. It's so insular of a movement that there's just no interaction.

We are talking about ITTL. This is not the same "DeLeonism" that you are thinking of. At the same time, this is not an attempt to create a Red ideological monolith or "ideological unification". We are talking about conditions of the 1930s and 1940s.

When have I ever talked about OTL DeLeonism?

Marxism-DeLeonism for me is more or less just the name for the ideological line which was developed in the SLP and later the WCPA, continued until through the present. I am not talking about what DeLeon himself thought. I suppose I'd say that I'm thinking about it in the sense that one would think about "Marxism-Leninism" as separate from what Lenin himself thought.

This is communist internationalism. I don't know if this is ripples of Cold War anti-communist conditioning that got passed through generations or part of the current anti-Russian sentiment and environment that we live in but this is probably subconscious at this point.
Jeez, Libertad, I think you're overstepping here with that kind of *psychoanalysis* . True, I'm not a very big fan of the Soviet system given that it undisputedly failed. My lack of love come down to ideological differences cooked up by my own very mind, thank you very much. Being accused of Russophobia is very funny given this convo's origins, being generally just about philosophy in Reds!, and... coming down to this.
 
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I slightly edited my posts because I don't want to sound so obnoxious and harsh to a person that clearly knows a lot in philosophy (a field that I respect a lot) more than myself, aimed at @Chamarmur

I'll start with this.

Jeez, Libertad, I think you're overstepping here with that kind of *psychoanalysis* . True, I'm not a very big fan of the Soviet system given that it undisputedly failed. My lack of love come down to ideological differences cooked up by my own very mind, thank you very much. Being accused of Russophobia is very funny given this convo's origins, being generally just about philosophy in Reds!, and... coming down to this.

If that is the case, then I have to apologize from the bottom of my heart.

It's a weird "psychoanalysis" thing, definitely. But unfortunately, there's a lot of people that I've talked to that goes in that direction without conscious thought as to why they're doing it. And I can't help to ask as to why. I guess I can say that I'm talking more to myself out loud when I did that. I think now that we're deep into this conversation, I do think you are not one of them, though, and for that, I want to say sorry. I'm not going to edit that part out, because I own that mistake.

I'll reply to your other points.
 
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That wasn't my intention at all. I'm not a champion of "American communism" or whatever else. I don't give a rat's poop about "Socialism with X characteristics" if it doesn't even end up working and succeeding. I'll quote myself here:

Yeah, at least part of that statement is not necessarily aimed at you. You are right at that quote. From a certain perspective, @Curby is right in replying to @Francis K. that the Marxist canon ITTL is a lot more "classical", whatever that means, but it's compensated by a diversity of thought that's not present IOTL.

Libertad I know perfectly you're not a "casual Marxist-Leninist" and that you're also a left-com (or at least as far as I remember, you were currently prodding around in that area). Don't worry.

I believe that I am a left-com now, but I know a lot of left-coms that will not accept me as a Marxist. It is what it is. But part of my change is not necessarily the man, Bordiga himself, but EndNotes and Camatte and Marx's "Gemenweisen". ICP docs helped me a lot though as well as the subreddit r/leftcommunism. Gilles Dauve's "When Insurrections Die" explaining the Spanish Civil War is an eye opener. So yeah, a "left-com" through the branches that originated with Amadeo Bordiga but not tied to a particular tendency/organization.

Fair enough, you've got me guilty of misremembering just how truly independent the American communist movement was. I concede.
I suppose, from a "Doylist" perspective you are right, in the sense that a left-com writer might attempt to organically evolve the SLP into a more Leninist (which I know is considered close to organic centralism by the ICP) organization. At the same time, from a Watsonian perspective, this would look like convergent evolution.

A different version of this convergent evolution was also created way before Aelita became a leftcom herself but quite similar. I suppose a sizable carcass of that old corpse was reanimated and brought into version 2 in AH dot com that then was also further expounded here in Sufficient Velocity.

The bulk of that work was accomplished when the SLP became the Workers' Party. Once they had accepted the 21 Conditions and entered the Comintern, any last vestiges of bona-fide DeLeonism straight from the man himself was finally expunged from the party's structure.

I see you. Yes, the moniker of "Marxism-Leninism-DeLeonism" is very apt, considering.

Yeah, that's exactly what I mean. The original DeLeonism was expunged once the 21 conditions were accepted.

I do have to say that the Biennio Rosso was pre-TCI membership. The primary spark of the red biennium was not the Russian Revolution however -- it was the arrest of Morris Hillquit despite his electoral victory for the mayorship of New York City. The background was World War I coming to a close, and the guilt of the government's involvement in it. What also served to worsen, and as a systematic cause behind, the Biennio Rosso was the 'perfect storm' of different factors -- the policy fuckups on the part of the government, the demobilization economic crunch and the following deflationary recession. The Russian Revolution and the establishment of the USSR were also absolutely necessary and served as great victories to background the SLP's rise in popularity here, but I don't think they were terribly of much practical (praxis) relevance.

Yeah, I'm not saying that it's the Bolshevik Revolution that sparked the Biennio Rosso but the international environment that the 1917 Red October created helped a lot in making Biennio Rosso look the way it was and helped shaped a wave of radicalization that brought not only the rank and file but even prominent party leaders into contact with the Third International and eventually joining it.

I think you're forgetting one major difference between the American and the Soviet system -- multiparty elections. That is a feature which was baked into the American system and one which the Soviets did not develop until 1950 (according to wiki canon). True, I won't disagree that the WCPA had its own totalitarian tendencies like the VKP(b) but even the WCPA had its own factions, some of which outlived the party itself remaining mostly unchanged (again according to wiki canon).

That is a very big difference between the American communist movement and the Soviet one. And I believe that came down to the fact that the SLP/WPA/WCPA did not give up on electoralism, leveraged it successfully, and in the end used it to legitimize itself -- hence the multiparty elections. Because American conditions permitted for that.

Now that I think about it, an attempt to codify a "Marxism-Leninism-DeLeonism" is further hammered by the point that Daniel DeLeon's strategy of industrial action and political action kind of worked out at the end. A workers' party got elected to bourgeois government and then a general strike forced the issue that lead to a workers' government and a proletarian revolution.

It's partly mythological in content, as part of a country trying to create its own mythos. I think it's inevitable as long as there are states or countries, even if it's a "workers' state".

As for multiparty elections, there's a growing agreement, which the leftcoms in the Troika support, of allowing an appearance of party unity to continue after Liberation Communist and Communist Labor Fractions decided to establish their own separate camps and elect their own separate leaderships, effectively becoming de facto separate political parties.

Nonetheless, the Workers' Party of America may have been gone, but a "North American Section of the Communist International" replaces it. The Secretary-General of the Presidium of the UASR acts as the de facto Secretary-General of a skeletal body that represents this successor Party. I guess what it means is that the leadership of the Party (this NASCI) is always the leadership of the Fraction that won the general election.

It's still a "closed system", somewhat, because it's still the same Party that wins every election, though in this case its main fractions are in open warfare against each other. It's a different kind of "organic centralism" that IOTL Bordiga will cringe at.

Now, this is a system that needs a little tweaking due to the planned rise of the Social Ecology Union but I have personal plans for it that may be or may not be adapted so that this rise wouldn't be as disruptive to the established organic centralism of the constitutional order. No change of "Basic Laws" or other pieces of paper eliminates that.

And I think the plan is to change the role of the SEU into a major party but into more of a supportive role like that of UK's Liberal Democrats and the Federal Republic of Germany's Free Democratic Party and the Greens.

So even the SEU is considered a major Fraction of the North American Section of the Communist International. It's a Fraction full of what may consider be "misfits" but their presence is crucial to a functioning and vibrant organic system.

This is all so far in the future though.

However, I don't want to speak for the Troika, but I remember that it's always in Aelita's mind for a number of years that both Liberation and Communist Labor change places in government until at least year 2000, which makes sense, while they hold off the tide during occasional rise of "third parties" through "grand coalitions". I haven't heard anything yet from Aelita that sounds a disapproval that this ideal outline has changed.

It's very German.

To continue on my point, the DFLP and the DRP are both "junior partners" of the Party on paper, as is already been established, but since the start of the Cold War, they are not going to be reliable partners in Cold War policy and they're not to be trusted with communization at home, so they are only reliable as governing partners in the republics and in localities, not in DC. Confidence and supply is another matter though.

The SEU is way more reliable and accepted (since I'm going to make it happen via Chomsky) but that is still going to took time to develop and they're not going to have the numbers to upset the Liberation-Communist Labor balance of power until the 21st century and even then I doubt it's going to stay long.

All of what I said could change but I think that's mostly the trajectory for the future, who knows.

I have to apologize. These remarks were directed at you personally.

If there's one accusation which you could make against me it is that I genuinely thought this was your own treatment of the history here. Forgive me.

You don't need to say sorry anymore. This time, I think I have more to apologize for.

So you're denying that the Leningrad Treaty had no political importance, no massive political and ideological effect? What about the overturning of the Moscow Consensus? How come?

But yes, the ISS would be a very good source of a 'codified' ideological union here, you're right.

Not necessarily. What I'm saying is that the Leningrad Treaty officially transformed the relationship between the Soviet Union and rest of the Comintern. But I don't think it has anything to do with what you're trying to make a point about in regards to "ideological unification". In fact, the growing integration of the Red bloc through the Leningrad Treaty may have created an opposite effect towards establishing conditions that allow a "Red ideological monolith" to develop ironically though I doubt that it's going to happen like America and the USSR sharing a common state ideology.

When have I ever talked about OTL DeLeonism?

Marxism-DeLeonism for me is more or less just the name for the ideological line which was developed in the SLP and later the WCPA, continued until through the present. I am not talking about what DeLeon himself thought. I suppose I'd say that I'm thinking about it in the sense that one would think about "Marxism-Leninism" as separate from what Lenin himself thought.

To be clear, it's not necessarily a statement that's aimed at you. If I made it look like that, then I'm sorry. It's about making a point that's aimed more to other readers that can also read and see our conversation. However, the point stands and I don't think you necessarily disagree.
 
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So how do I process that in terms of thinking about counterfactuals?

I mean, it really comes down to what you see as the relationship between necessity and contingency; if you take the more Hegelian line, necessity is only discovered "retroactively" after contingency (which I understand is the rather misunderstood place of teleology in Hegel; it is not that Hegel would claim that history is marching in a particular way, but that in hindsight, with the Owl of Minerva, we can see how the chain of contingencies "necessarily" leads ...) I think that this is probably where to start thinking about this in a vaguely Marxist way, but I can't tell how to fit alternate timelines in it. Žižek's own argument is ... he has an argument drawn from Hegel's Logic on the "necessarily" transition from Marxism to Leninism to Stalinism, but all the more affirms that there's a kind of Leninism which is irreducible to "is a precursor/vanishing mediator before Stalinism", I think that this is probably a start of how to analyze it.

Now, eclecticism is a very brown taint on philosophy (I will spare you my rant on Deleuze) and unfortunately, history has proven that philosophers do tend to be drawn to it like chocolate. But hey, at least, we have the fortune of existing within the Anglosphere, and thus, be primed for Eclecticism with English characteristics.

Lmao I'd like to hear the Deleuze rant sometime, though I really do love his work. Admittedly I prefer his late work like What is Philosophy?, over the uber-eclectic Capitalism and Schizophrenia duology that everyone loves.

However, I think this is a mistake; compared to OTL, there are much more drastic and thoroughgoing changes in many euro-american societies, which might very well mean a more robust and thoroughgoing change in cultural and aesthetic forms.

This makes sense, I suppose that I've been thinking about this in too OTL a way, which is why I can't super imagine the thoroughgoing change in cultural and aesthetic forms in the UASR. Yet.

I mean, a number of the thinkers you've listed (Badiou, Deleuze, Lyotard, Derrida) are not Marxists and have never claimed to be Marxists.

I'm going to dig up references but I know that Badiou has claimed himself to be a Marxist/communist, and so did Deleuze, and it was Deleuze's and Guattari's statement of their Marxism that influenced Derrida for Specters of Marx, he talks about it somewhere. Lyotard too I think might have said something on these lines, but he's the most iffy of all four of them.

Given the much more reactionary character of the English government, it's actually not entirely implausible that more of the Vienna circle and figures like Russell end up in America, which might butterfly away analytic dominance at Oxbridge.

Yup, I mean, Carnap wasn't called the Red Professor for nothing, I wonder if this might even herald a closer dialogue between the Vienna Circle and the Frankfurt School (it almost happened in real life, but then it got torpedoed because of Horkheimer getting into Lukács. There's an excellent essay on it.
 
Francis K. said:
Lmao I'd like to hear the Deleuze rant sometime, though I really do love his work. Admittedly I prefer his late work like What is Philosophy?, over the uber-eclectic Capitalism and Schizophrenia duology that everyone loves.

I find much of his work either unintelligible or badly written, but he does have an exceedingly beautiful and compelling little book on Proust. If all his work had a similar level of lucidity, I feel as if he would have a much larger readership.

Francis K. said:
I'm going to dig up references but I know that Badiou has claimed himself to be a Marxist/communist, and so did Deleuze, and it was Deleuze's and Guattari's statement of their Marxism that influenced Derrida for Specters of Marx, he talks about it somewhere. Lyotard too I think might have said something on these lines, but he's the most iffy of all four of them.

Oof, that's my mistake on Badiou - I am not sure why I listed him there. I probably forgot Platonists could be Marxists too :).

Francis K. said:
I mean, it really comes down to what you see as the relationship between necessity and contingency; if you take the more Hegelian line, necessity is only discovered "retroactively" after contingency (which I understand is the rather misunderstood place of teleology in Hegel; it is not that Hegel would claim that history is marching in a particular way, but that in hindsight, with the Owl of Minerva, we can see how the chain of contingencies "necessarily" leads ...) I think that this is probably where to start thinking about this in a vaguely Marxist way, but I can't tell how to fit alternate timelines in it. Žižek's own argument is ... he has an argument drawn from Hegel's Logic on the "necessarily" transition from Marxism to Leninism to Stalinism, but all the more affirms that there's a kind of Leninism which is irreducible to "is a precursor/vanishing mediator before Stalinism", I think that this is probably a start of how to analyze it.

Pace someone like Zizek, I personally don't find Hegelian philosophy of history to be a particularly useful tool for actual historical reflection, even if I do accept that distinguishing between the necessary and contingent is an important task for historians.

For one, I think it's fairly obvious that teleological systems, however nuanced or broad-minded, have the tendency to impute far more necessity to historical processes than is actually present. I think this is very much the case with the argument that Leninism leads "necessarily" to Stalinism; not that much has to change in the leadership struggles of the 20s for Stalin to never come to power in the first place...

Also, it appears on first blush that the claim about "necessity and contingency" is just a straightforward confusion of epistemology and metaphysics. We might only be capable of understanding the necessity of historical events after the fact, but insofar as that understanding is a veridical one, wasn't the unfolding of those events necessary all along? If they weren't, then in some sense it must be our understanding of those events which made them necessary (which I think is closer to what Hegel qua Idealist meant).

Of course, this runs into the problem that there are many possible explanations of why certain historical patterns are necessary (there are multiple stories one could tell of why Stalinism followed necessarily from Leninism). Imagine two worlds in which historians (and ordinary people) come to a different consensus about why identical historical events are necessary. It seems that, according to Hegel's own logic (if we are understanding him qua idealist), the historical events themselves have a different internal structure in these two worlds solely because of the way that later thinkers understood them. This is, to put it mildly, utterly unintuitive.

We might want to understand Hegel as making the simple epistemological point that we only discover the necessity in these historical patterns until after they've happened. In which case, fair enough. But this isn't a profound insight into the nature of history; it's just a comment on the paucity of the human intellect.
 
I find much of his work either unintelligible or badly written, but he does have an exceedingly beautiful and compelling little book on Proust. If all his work had a similar level of lucidity, I feel as if he would have a much larger readership.

The shorter works are exceptionally clear, especially the monographs, Bergsonism is the clearest book I've read on Bergson, and Kant's Critical Philosophy flows excellently. And I've said this before but I'd also class What is Philosophy? as another "exceedingly beautiful and compelling little book".

Oof, that's my mistake on Badiou - I am not sure why I listed him there. I probably forgot Platonists could be Marxists too :).

Or vice-versa! Mikhail Epstein points out in the introduction to a book on late Soviet/post-Soviet thought about how the USSR ends up being thought or conceptualized as a kind of Platonic State. You definitely see this as a liberal anti-Communist cliche (like Popper), but I think there's a rational kernel here.

Pace someone like Zizek, I personally don't find Hegelian philosophy of history to be a particularly useful tool for actual historical reflection, even if I do accept that distinguishing between the necessary and contingent is an important task for historians.

I'm not sure that I'd consider myself well-versed enough in Hegel so that I could respond to you here (though I admit that I'm marvelling; I never thought that I'd be discussing Hegel on Sufficient Velocity, so that's novelty for me). I do feel like you're, in trying to "steelman" Hegel, are assimilating him to a kind of modern empiricist point of view, which is why you try to distinguish epistemology and ontology, the knowledge of the human mind, etc. And that's a valid kind of ... I mean, behind philosophies there's a kind of fundamental choice, it's about whether you choose it or not, and I feel like most people today do choose a kind of "rational" empiricism (I know it because I used to, I mean.)

And maybe it's possible to get some value reading or thinking of Hegel in that way, but I think it misses the point ... I mean, it's not a position that can be really argued in or out of, it's something that you get in or not. So I suppose that the kind of Marx you have is probably a less Hegelian Marx, and presumably closer to "analytic Marxism" than ... than Žižek or whoever, which is why you "personally don't find Hegelian philosophy of history to be a particularly useful tool for actual historical reflection".

I mean, I'm not a Hegelian, but I'm not a kind of ... positivist? empiricist? in the kind of way that is definitely common, that I was and is common, and Hegel is definitely one of the forebears of this trend, which is why even non- and anti-Hegelian Marxists like Althusser or Deleuze, they're no assimilable to a standard Anglo genus of intellectual standards. You can see arguments against empiricism (I mean empiricism not in the sense that ... of course Hegel would agree that to eg. do physics, you have to do experiments, you can't deduce the laws of physics or whatever by thinking about it, you can't meditate and figure out how history goes, then again I don't think any "rationalist" or "idealist" has thought this way. But as a kind of implicit philosophical doctrine.) And there's direct arguments against this, and Hegel has a kind of ... paradoxical? relation to truth and so on, he thinks that, like Lacan, iirc, there's a distinction between truth and knowledge, and so on, and that's the kind of baggage here. And I think it's something you get only if this sort of thing is meaningful to you, which it wasn't for a long time for me. And this is why ultimately as much as I would disagree with them, I'll take the side of Hegel and Deleuze, because I think that while most empiricist-y sort of normal intellectuals don't super get the content or even the point of them, I feel like at least the weird phil guys can at least in part comprehend the empiricisty sorts.

And when it comes to Hegel and his relation to Marx, I mean I think it's valid to choose a more Hegelian Marx, or to choose a less Hegelian Marx, but there really has been a long laundry-list of pernicious myths that have cropped up in the last century, like the people who say that "so Hegel was an idealist and Marx is a materialist", for those who end up taking "idealism" that's a nonsensical slurry of Berkeley, Kant and Hegel, with woo mumbo-jumbo thrown in for good measure, which leads you to silly works like Lenin's Materialism and Empiro-Criticism. (Oops.)

There's this really good book by James D. White, Karl Marx and the Intellectual Origins of Dialectical Materialism, it goes all the way from Kant and Leibniz to Stuve, I think you might find it interesting because it does go into the kind of "motivation" behind Hegel and even Marx (in the sense that mathematicians motivate theorems) and gives an account of some of the topics you bring up here, like history and teleology and idealism, very accessible book. (White's own reading of Marx is a kind of de-Hegelianizing one, but I really like it still, it was honestly a kind of intellectual bombshell for me.)

Anyway god I've gone on too much, I just hope that you find what's written here of interest lol. Too lost in the sauce, as they say.
 
... but I can't tell how to fit alternate timelines in it.

The entire point of Marxism is that it is a materialist philosophy, which means it is very allergic to fitting alternate history timelines, which are virtual and unreal, in of it.

However, you can do it in Hegelian metaphysics (at least, if you suppose that Hegel believed in a progressive march of history, which I would say is the case).

You take the dialectic, logically conclude that sublation does not necessarily always happen -- that the opposite of sublation (lack of solution, remaining contradictory, unsolved) occurs at the same time that something sublates. This immediately branches history in a binary way, continually spawning new timelines based on the idea that a contradiction which in our history was solved instead went unsolved in the other. At the same time if we take this to its extreme we also get even more binary branching in which all "unsolved" or imperfect timelines get second chances to overturn their contradiction, third and fourth, and so on. They have an infinite amount of chances to redeem themselves. (At the same time, solved timelines or more perfect timelines essentially, have an infinite amount of chances to un-redeem themselves).

You can think about this in a visual graph where there is a two-dimensional plane. There is a central node, the Big Bang or the beginning of time or whatever, which branches out to other nodes (moments of sublation/unsolution). This tree ends at some kind of finite distance (history ends when the Absolute Idea has been achieved, and the most perfect timeline achieves that in the shortest possible way). However, the other branches can continue off into infinity, with three kinds of attractors -- the attractor of the Bad, in which unsolute timelines infinitely continue to reject sublation, without end -- just like a Hegelian bad infinity. There is then the attractor of the Mid, which is infact another bad infinity. The Mid attractor would compose timelines that alternately unsolve and sublate themselves, so they go off 45 degrees from both the attractor of the Bad and the horizontal horizon of the Good, in which timelines finally redeem themselves and cross off into the horizon of the Absolute Idea.

As for where our reality lives? We probably currently sit somewhere inbetween the Mid and the Bad.

Oh, and you might ask "what does the worst timeline ever look like, the one that didn't ever redeem itself?" -- It's the one that's still stuck at the beginning of the time, not ever creating anything, just frozen there. So the worst timelines are the ones that are just pretty undetailed. You might also be asking yourself how is it that historical divergence here happens and not just some insane weird way to talk about how some write pretty good timelines, how some write really bad timelines, and how nothing compares to reality itself? Well, simple -- suppose that in an "unsolute" timeline, it rejects the chance to redeem a prior original contradiction but does instead solve another contradiction and go on from there. This irrevocably changes history in the timeline, as events spiral out from there. In other words, this is a "PoD".

In a sense, we have accidentally made all alternate history timelines, by the virtue that we are all imperfect human writers and thus sneak in our "unsolution"s, one of the most Hegelian things possible.

I first talked about this with a bonafide self-proclaimed Hegelian guy on Discord like months and months ago, who seemed supportive. But to be honest, in all the end, it's kinda just mental masturbation.
 
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Of course, this runs into the problem that there are many possible explanations of why certain historical patterns are necessary (there are multiple stories one could tell of why Stalinism followed necessarily from Leninism). Imagine two worlds in which historians (and ordinary people) come to a different consensus about why identical historical events are necessary. It seems that, according to Hegel's own logic (if we are understanding him qua idealist), the historical events themselves have a different internal structure in these two worlds solely because of the way that later thinkers understood them. This is, to put it mildly, utterly unintuitive.

I would say you have a misunderstanding here and that is the introduction of pluralism here where it shouldn't be. Hegel believed in God. The Absolute Idea is Hegel's proof of God. And It's simply that there is one God, who is triply the universe starting, the universe that is thinking itself, and has already thought itself. Our original sin is that we are all simply facets of God, little tiny sentient parts of them, and we're part of God thinking themselves into existence.

In other words, this is simply resolved by not assuming all understandings are equal, and that there is fact one supreme understanding which understands all (the Absolute Idea). We all just have imperfect understandings.
 
Yup, I mean, Carnap wasn't called the Red Professor for nothing, I wonder if this might even herald a closer dialogue between the Vienna Circle and the Frankfurt School (it almost happened in real life, but then it got torpedoed because of Horkheimer getting into Lukács. There's an excellent essay on it.

It's probably not likely because of the Cold War divide between Frankfurt (in West Germany) and Vienna (in East Germany) and it's very likely that we see the repatriation of both schools back to their places of origin. West Germany is more of a return of Imperial Germany, albeit more as a Franco-British vassal state with greater democratic freedoms rather than a diet Nazi Germany, so most of the Frankfurt School can possibly return back there. If that's what will happen, then a lot of what may become Reds! version of "Western Marxism" may originate from Frankfurt. The Venn diagram between "Frankfurt School" and "Western Marxism" ITTL becomes a circle.
 
I first talked about this with a bonafide self-proclaimed Hegelian guy on Discord like months and months ago, who seemed supportive. But to be honest, in all the end, it's kinda just mental masturbation.

Yeah to be honest this doesn't really feel like any Hegel that I'm familiar with.

It's probably not likely because of the Cold War divide between Frankfurt (in West Germany) and Vienna (in East Germany) and it's very likely that we see the repatriation of both schools back to their places of origin. West Germany is more of a return of Imperial Germany, albeit more as a Franco-British vassal state with greater democratic freedoms rather than a diet Nazi Germany, so most of the Frankfurt School can possibly return back there. If that's what will happen, then a lot of what may become Reds! version of "Western Marxism" may originate from Frankfurt. The Venn diagram between "Frankfurt School" and "Western Marxism" ITTL becomes a circle.

This makes sense, but wouldn't there still be Lukács and even Korsch? They're post-POD but still pre-UASR so I don't think they would be butterflied away, and I do recall that the Frankfurt School had an ambivalent relationship with Lukács.
 
This makes sense, but wouldn't there still be Lukács and even Korsch? They're post-POD but still pre-UASR so I don't think they would be butterflied away, and I do recall that the Frankfurt School had an ambivalent relationship with Lukács.

They'll still be around but I don't think there's consensus for their whereabouts and would-be contributions to Marxist ideology/economics/political economy/philosophy in Reds!. I do seem them having roughly the same roles that they did IOTL but not sure how similar.

I know that Paul Mattick and Karl Korsch are friends IOTL but Paul Mattick, in case people noticed, is a different kind of Marxist ITTL (Much of Marxism ITTL is really sui generis). The German-Dutch communist left has synthesized its ideas with the Italian communist left because of 1933, with the capture of the North American beachhead of the world revolution. I think that's why I said that the Venn diagram between "Western Marxism" and the Frankfurt School ITTL is a circle.

Lukacs' "reification" is interesting because of how it influenced the Frankfurt School despite the ambivalent relationship that you mentioned. But I think the most important thing to keep in mind here is the fact that these thinkers would be influenced by a world where Marx's ideas are not only embraced by millions but also with the degeneration of the Soviet project halted by the international proletariat's capture of North America. That changes a lot of things. I can't even imagine how big of a change it really is.
 
Lukacs' "reification" is interesting because of how it influenced the Frankfurt School despite the ambivalent relationship that you mentioned. But I think the most important thing to keep in mind here is the fact that these thinkers would be influenced by a world where Marx's ideas are not only embraced by millions but also with the degeneration of the Soviet project halted by the international proletariat's capture of North America. That changes a lot of things. I can't even imagine how big of a change it really is.

Yep, absolutely. I've been throwing around some ideas for low-key OTL/Reds! crossovers, and one that came to mind was a bookseller or publisher or whoever from OTL trying to sell a catalogue of modern left theory in the UASR and getting confused reactions
 
Here's a list of storylines that I've been mulling over, by the way.

  • Supposing of course it is the UASR, or the Reds! world in general who have cross-time technology, which they have under wraps, have a group of hapless UASR agents in OTL trying to scout out what went wrong and how to ferment a revolution. This might perhaps be easier if OTL was in the 1970s or the 1980s, with a present-day UASR, though of course 2024-UASR agents in 2024-USA would have lots of potential
  • Of course, if the UASR can do this, so might the FBU, so perhaps with FBU agents in OTL Britain and France; I suspect that OTL Britain would be uncanny valley more than anything, the UK would presumably be capitalist in the same way that they are/
  • If there's both FBU and UASR agents, it might of course be ripe time for Cold War; again, setting OTL in the past might make it easier to model the changes they're doing ... I suppose the UASR agents might end up ambivalently supporting the USSR if in the Cold War, while trying to support the American Left, while the FBU would stick to their bases in France and Britain, and meddling in the USA. But I think that this would be profoundly weird for both sides, I don't think it would be as eas
  • If we're going with the first, a kind of documentary series based on OTL in the UASR or even the FBU ("Look at the fruits of our most recent cross-time investigations, a world where the Second American Revolution failed..."), which I can imagine would depress the Americans and make the FBU ambivalent, with the USSR being incredibly upset.
  • To reverse it, perhaps with OTL secret agents trying to figure out the Reds!-world and being incredibly confused ... I like the idea of perhaps some deciding to defect to the UASR, really.
 
Here's a list of storylines that I've been mulling over, by the way.

  • If there's both FBU and UASR agents, it might of course be ripe time for Cold War; again, setting OTL in the past might make it easier to model the changes they're doing ... I suppose the UASR agents might end up ambivalently supporting the USSR if in the Cold War, while trying to support the American Left, while the FBU would stick to their bases in France and Britain, and meddling in the USA. But I think that this would be profoundly weird for both sides, I don't think it would be as eas
  • If we're going with the first, a kind of documentary series based on OTL in the UASR or even the FBU ("Look at the fruits of our most recent cross-time investigations, a world where the Second American Revolution failed..."), which I can imagine would depress the Americans and make the FBU ambivalent, with the USSR being incredibly upset.

I feel like compared to OTL, Reds! is a veritable Britwank. I don't know that much about the state of TTL's Britain in 2024 beyond what's been written here, but the FBU is a global superpower ITTL while IOTL Britain's economy fell behind Italy and experienced some of the most sluggish, anemic growth in all of Europe for much of the postwar era. And now social services and wages are both collapsing, with the country facing a terminal crisis of direct investment.

If anything, I feel like the average Brit would see OTL as an indictment of free market capitalism and neoliberalism, which seem to be currents that are gaining strength amongst British conservatives ITTL but don't yet have enough support to really seize power and restructure the economy.
 
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I feel like compared to OTL, Reds! is a veritable Britwank tbh. I don't know that much about the state of TTL's Britain in 2024 beyond what's been written here, but the FBU is a global superpower ITTL while IOTL Britain's economy fell behind Italy and experienced some of the most sluggish, anemic growth in all of Europe for much of the postwar era. And now social services and wages are both collapsing, with the country facing a terminal crisis of direct investment.

Absolutely, I'd think that FBU agents in OTL might actually end up supporting more liberal movements (not leftist, of course), I can see them not liking Americanism (which they might see as having suffocated Britain and causing it to collapse), so perhaps trying to prop up Europeanism
 
Absolutely, I'd think that FBU agents in OTL might actually end up supporting more liberal movements (not leftist, of course), I can see them not liking Americanism (which they might see as having suffocated Britain and causing it to collapse), so perhaps trying to prop up Europeanism

I think it was said earlier that - due to maintaining much greater state capacity and maintaining Cold War levels of militarization into the 21st century - the FBU would roll over the OTL US, EU, Russia, India, and China with relative ease both militarily and economically.

Certainly with large scale proxy wars being a regular feature ITTL, it isn't going to be a surprise to anyone ITTL that 'everything will die if you shoot it enough times' is still the commanding rule of modern warfare (see Ukraine).
 
How does the Reds world having so much more industry square with a lower global population? Who are they making all that stuff for?

Just a guess, but if the dirigisme policies of the FBU are sufficiently robust, wage levels of the average worker should be high enough to absorb additional production. Could very well see the FBU and even some of the more peripheral states having giant labor aristocracies.
 
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