Excerpt from John Hercain, The World Revolutionary War: The Grapple (Chicago: Vanguard Press, 2002)
…Brazil, for all its supposed success and progress that Salgado claimed that the Brazilian Army had made in its war against "the Bolshevik heathens", is often seen by historians as the weakest of the Axis Powers. While many attribute this to the Integralist regime's quick and early collapse during the war, the considerably different circumstances of 1942 in South America compared to their European and Mediterranean allies play a role in this.
As Integralist troops approached Buenos Aires, Salgado had simply thought that the fall of the capital would shatter the Argentine nation, then hopefully the entire Latin section of the Vladivostok Compact would follow in a domino effect. Being divorced from the reality on the ground, Salgado could be permitted to have such naively hopeful daydreams. And he was not alone. The Integralist brass similarly thought that the fall of the capital would invoke an Argentine surrender, but knew that military efforts would be needed to subdue the rest of the socialist republics such as Chile and Peru.
However, Salgado and the brass had vastly underestimated the resolve of the INTREV alliance, particularly Argentina. Nicolas Repetto, the President of Argentina, had resolved to fight on against the Integralist Bloc until their regimes were grinded into ash. The longtime socialist, now leader on the world stage, held a deep contempt towards Salgado that grew as the war dragged on. Robert Minor, the Foreign Secretary of the UASR, remarked in his memoirs on a visit he had to Argentina during the war. When the topic of the Brazilian Generalissimo came up, Repetto had remarked,
"That man talks as if his victory is assured. If he believes that he alone can stop the revolution, then he may look at the fate of those who have tried."
Repetto's rhetoric was equally shared among much of the Comintern in the Americas. To them, Brazil presented the largest, strongest and most dangerous force of reactionary counter-revolution in the hemisphere. Even when he was Foreign Secretary himself, John Reed had been one of the loudest voices in the Central Committee in support of the Brazilian Revolution, arguing that;
"Such an opportunity must be seized, likewise to our proletariat revolution. Otherwise the forces of reaction and counter-revolution will wield the boot down on the oppressed. It is up to us if we want to see a Brazil that can be one of our strongest allies, or one that could be one of our greatest enemies."
Now Premier of the UASR, Reed devoted as many men as he could to assist the defense of Argentina. An American expeditionary force that started off at 75,000 in the summer of 1940, would grow to 200,000 by 1942. Chile and Peru, newly christened socialist republics, assisted Argentina en masse. But like the Americans, the initial expeditionary forces they could muster paled in comparison to the half a million Brazilian forces that were streaming across the border.
Brazil's navy had also gotten assistance from the Kriegsmarine, as part of the larger Battle of the Atlantic. While Brazil wasn't a naval powerhouse compared to the world powers, it still had the most powerful navy in South America. Added with the assistance of the Germans with U-Boat warfare, the Marinha do Brasil could be able to easily gain naval superiority on the Rio de la Plata, which would allow them to shell the capital almost with impunity.
But Brazil was relying on a quick and simple victory. One where the swift capitulation of Buenos Aires would allow the Integralist state to seize Argentine production and industry, in order to fund their war effort, and to turn it westwards against the nascent, fledgling worker's nations of Chile and Peru.
However, much like the Soviets nearly half a world away, a significant part of the Argentine industry and military capacity was moved further south, out of reach of Integralist hands. Comintern military advisors, as well as commanders who accompanied the expeditionary forces pursued a defensive strategy, and built up forces through reinforcements and materiel to eventually launch a counter-attack. But one thing they all agreed on, was that Buenos Aires must not fall. An additional port available to the Axis would allow their fleets to have naval hegemony across the South Atlantic, and put the chances of Argentine survival in dire straits.
The Americans, having experience with Central American conflicts, most recently with their support of Latin worker's revolutions in the aftermath of their revolution, were aware that utilizing the combined power of the Comintern's industry in Latin America was the key to defeating Brazil. For all their militarisation and industrial growth that was done, even before the half-decade since Salgado ascended to power, Brazil's industrial capacity was simply not as high as its German and Italian counterparts. While among the highest in South America, it was vastly dwarfed by the colossus that was the UASR, and now by a coalition of communist Latin American republics. A war of attrition was not in the cards for Brazil.
It was clear that the longer this war lasted, the smaller the window of victory became.
The Paraguayan War of 1864-70 was the conflict previously known as "South America's Bloodiest War", with a death toll reaching as high as 500,000 dead. That number was surpassed within the month of Brazil's invasion. Despite the South American front ending the earliest of all the major fronts of the Second World War, it would end with a total of 8 million dead. The majority of them would be civilians, mostly through famine or starvation. And still, a year into the front's opening, the war seemed to be at a stalemate.
By early 1941, the Brazilian offensive was facing a crisis of cohesion. The forces that made up the initial 500,000 invasion force were from the main Armed Forces, the Greenshirts (who now faced conventional troops rather than armed workers in the streets) and the Guarda Verde, the ritualistic guard of Cristiano Boaventura. The difference in fanaticism between these groups, as well as the rivalry between the Greenshirts and the Guarda Verde, caused a concerning lack of discipline that was brought forward to Salgado by Integralist command.
Salgado, agreeing to this dilemma and needing to drive the energy his fanatical troops had towards a target, decided to use the (uncaptured) city of Buenos Aires as a target. After all, a unifying target would bode well for cohesion.
To the brass and Salgado's horror, it had the opposite effect. With the announcement to take Buenos Aires, both the Greenshirts and the Guarda Verde viewed this as a way to "best" the other, and tried to outcompete the other faction. The Greenshirts, the more undisciplined of the three factions, took the higher rate of casualties in comparison to the military or the Guarda Verde. But even the later two would find themselves attempting to reach unrealistic objectives and getting bogged down by Argentine defenses. The issues were made even worse by Comintern air divisions managing to get aerial superiority on certain areas of the front, effectively making certain units unable to advance or else they would be met with strafing fire from Red fighters. The entire offensive ground to a halt in the face of such ineptitude.
By August 5th, Salgado would be forced to switch from going on the offensive to simply besieging the city, by both land and sea.
[...]
As tenuous as the state of the front line was for Brazil, its supply line did it no favors. The lack of new railway tracks being laid meant that the supply chain for the frontline could be easily sabotaged by partisans or air raids. The upkeep of the food, fuel and material needed to fund the war effort soon brought the Integralist home front to its knees.
All of this, including the strain on the home front, would contribute to the Brazilian Famine that lasted from 1940 and only ended by the spring of 1944. Bad harvests, combined with the massive rationing that was made to feed the frontline troops, led many Brazilian peasants to practice subsistence farming, in order to be able to feed themselves. With barely any food coming in from the countryside, people starved in the urban cities. The problem was made worse when Integralist officials started to seize produce from these farmers, often through violence, which led to famine in the countryside. By mid-1941, most Brazillians started to wonder if this "great crusade" would even be worth it.
Brazil's Axis allies in Germany and Italy weren't much help in terms of material assistance. Germany's war against the Soviet Union required much of their resources, while Italy was splitting its assets between the grueling campaign in the USSR, and an audacious plan to secure the British Empire's Mediterranean territories. Brazil's two strongest allies would not be able to alleviate the Integralist war machine or its starving population.
The rest of the Integralist Bloc (Bolivia, Paraguay) were but lukewarm allies of Salgado, and even their limited resources served as a band-aid over a compound fracture that was the Brazilian supply issue.
The failure of the 1941 offensive was in part due to an under-supplied, disorganized and uncoordinated army; which soon made Salgado decide to halt the offensive and go back to the drawing board. Buenos Aires would have to be captured another day. And hopefully before the people of Brazil broke.
With the ball finally in their court, Comintern forces began a counter-offensive plan, hoping that this lull in active offensives would allow them to strike their first true success against the Integralists.
And this too failed to meet expectations. Despite the lack of offensive capabilities from the Integralist forces, their defensive line held as the Comintern forces failed to open a corridor to relieve Buenos Aires. The Battle of Junin even saw Guarda Verde shocktroopers attempt to infiltrate American lines and cut off the supply lines to the defenses in the Platine region. Thankfully for the Americans, it was halted due to the efforts of one Marshal Lau Sing Kee.
But the year of 1941 saw both sides fail to make any true breakthrough in the Argentine front. Worse, though, was the scale of devastation around Argentina's population centers. Argentina, for all its courage and determination in the face of hostile aggression, had a population suffering and on the brink of collapse. Brazilian occupational forces stripped rice and other produce from peasants to fund their war effort, leaving them often in an on-and-off state of famine as the Integralists advanced. The fall of Buenos Aires would most likely be a fatal blow to Argentine resistance, at least in terms of the official government. Partisan action still impacted the war effort against Brazil immensely, but reprisals by Guarda Verde units were brutal, with multiple accounts of plunder, murder and rape being conducted as part of anti-partisan operations.
For the Comintern allies, that meant letting Buenos Aires be besieged, hoping that they could relieve it before it surrendered. For Brazil, it meant that time was running out on this window of victory. For Salgado and the Integralists, 1942 would be the year that would decide if they would be the victors…..or the vanquished.
Excerpt from Kirk LeMarc, John Reed: Journalist to Revolutionary to World Leader (New York: Public Affairs Press, 2018)
As 1942 arrived, the situation of the war for the UASR and their allies seemed to teeter on the edge. With two fronts on two continents, Reed needed a way to deliver a victory that had the chance to turn the tide in both Eurasia and the Americas. The news of success in the Battle of Moscow granted him hope for the former theater and boosted morale along with the hopes of winning the Eastern Front, so that story will have to be put off until later.
As for the South American theater, things would need a different approach. The front had bogged down to a war of attrition. While Brazil wasn't exactly steamrolling through the Americas at the moment, its besiegement of Buenos Aires, as well as the position of the Marinha do Brasil put the whole defensive front on the backfoot; as any offensive that could attempted to relive the city had to consider the threat of being bombarded by Brazilian naval ships.
[...]
The Revolutionary Military Council (RMC) convened on December 7th, 1941 to discuss a possible strike against Brazil, meant to put pressure off of Buenos Aires. The meeting had three plans put forward in order to achieve that goal.
The first plan, proposed by Chairman Browder (who held the position since Secretary-General Kantorovitch often removed himself from military affairs out of preference) suggested a raid to destroy the port of Natal. A raid to damage the port could cripple the ability of the Marinha to conduct naval operations for a sizable time, and would be able to draw ships away from the naval blockade of Buenos Aires, and plan for a way to relieve the city without the threat of Brazilian ships.
A majority of the council wanted to pursue a different plan however. Admiral Forrest Sherman instead suggested a decisive naval battle to cripple the Marinha do Brasil in the long term. Allow for the superior WFRN to send the Integralist fleet to the bottom of the sea, thus gaining permanent control of the South Atlantic for the duration of the war. But Reed and Browder pushed back hard against the plan, arguing that the presence of German U-boats and other ships could result in a battle against a German-Brazilian flotilla. As the two camps pushed back and forth, a third option was given.
People's Secretary for Defense Martin Abern suggested a plan that could combine the aspects of the two, in which a raid on Natal could be used to draw the Marinha do Brasil out into an open-sea battle, where they could be set upon by a WFRN Task Force awaiting near the Rio de la Plata. The two sides, wanting a plan of some sorts instead of debating all day, agreed to Abern's compromise plan.
As the current Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Sherman was in charge of planning this ambitious attack meant to cripple the Marinha do Brasil and seize control of the Rio de la Plata estuary. Gathering what was available to him in the Atlantic Fleet, Sherman's plan consisted of an initial raid fleet of: 2 fleet carriers, 1 light carrier, 2 heavy cruisers and 3 destroyers, all to be led by decorated Admiral Jean-Paul Sanders.
The second fleet that would intercept the Brazilian fleet at the Rio de la Plata, would consist of 1 fleet carrier, 4 battleships, 2 cruisers and 8 destroyers. While this would have been considered small if facing the Kriegsmarine or the Regia Marina, aerial reconnaissance reports viewed by the RMC indicated that the fleet blockading the Rio de la Plata was smaller than initially thought.
The raid was planned meticulously and the WFRN had to keep a tight lid on both its naval movements, quietly maneuvering its second fleet through the Atlantic. By some stroke of luck, they managed to avoid any interception by U-boat or recon plane. As January 5th of 1942 rolled around, and with the second fleet in position, the decision to launch the raid was approved.
[...]
Natal has been one of Brazil's most important ports, especially in its position. Rumors of the MacArthur-led Americuban nation joining the Allies seemed to be all too true, especially as the purge of Silver Legion members implied a government shift away from the Axis. If the General were to throw his hat in with the British, then Natal would be the point from which to launch an attack at the exile nation.
As ships of the Marinha do Brasil lay in dock on the morning of January 5th, Brazilian radar, loaned to them by the Italians, picked up a wave of planes headed towards the harbor. Initially surprised at first, they initially thought it was their own planes arriving early. They could not have been more mistaken.
The resulting air raid wrecked the docked fleet at Natal, sinking a battleship and two cruisers in the harbor, as well as destroying oil storages and any planes on the tarmac, their pilots unable to reach them in time as SB2D "Dervishes" turned them into burning husks.
The raid was devastating by itself, with Brazil's naval capacity crippled in the Caribbean. The RMC was jovial at hearing the success of the raid, even if the second part of their plan were to somehow falter.
Later that day, as a portion of the Brazilian blockade fleet raced to reinforce a possible attack on Natal, the second WFRN fleet struck. In the resulting battle, known as the Battle of the Rio, much of the Brazilian fleet sank to the bottom of the sea, and what remained of them limped away to Porte Alegre, to seek cover.
A battleship and all its escorts were left in the bottom of the Rio de la Plata, and the blockade of Buenos Aires died with it. John Reed had dealt a blow to the viridian monster; one that would prove to be the first of many dominoes.
Excerpt from Stephanie Reed, Rivers of War: Milagro del Río de la Plata (Los Angeles: Pathfinder, 2012)
The Natal raid and subsequent sinking of Brazil's navy was a rude awakening for Salgado and the Integralists. Much of their advantage in the Buenos Aires campaign had been their local naval superiority, being able to shell enemy forces who attempted counter-offensives. On the diplomatic front, Britain's new government (now hostile to the Third Reich) no longer sought to support the Intergralist regime, who had recently hitched their wagon with the Axis. By Valentine's Day, the British Empire declared war on Germany, meaning British supplies would no longer be available. But Salgado had a plan in motion for such an event.
As the situation for Brazil was becoming increasingly untenable, many among the Integralist High Command thought that one decisive offensive could be the key to turning Brazil's fortunes. An offensive had been in the works for early 1942, even as the Natal Raid decimated the Marinha do Brasil. In order to counteract the lack of naval support, preparations for the new offensive sped up in the months of January and February 1942. The Guarda Verde or the Green Guard, the most successful units on the front, got expanded in preparation of the offensive. By 1942, the Guard numbered around 150,000, including recruits from neighboring Bolivia and Paraguay. Salgado grew blindly optimistic at the possibilities of the offensive's results, hoping that the Guarda Verde would serve at the spear-tip in Brazil's victorious counter-offensive.
That offensive in question, named Operation Canhão Gêmeo or "Twin Cannon" was launched on February 17th, consisting of the entire Green Guard, and the 1st and 2nd Armies, totalling to about 275,000 men involved in the offensive. The powerful offensive turned the siege of the city, now an important strategic point, into a full scale battle as the Comintern defenders attempted to hold off the surging tide of the Brazilian onslaught. However, despite the power of the offensive making impressive gains, due to Brazil's inefficient supply management and terrain, the sheer number of troops and vehicles clogged up the roads and turned the quick progress into a slog.
Comintern High Command reacted swiftly in the face of the Brazilian attack. Combined with Axis actions and offensives in fronts all over the world, the Comintern Joint Revolutionary Military Committee announced that the Soviet and American fronts of the war would be in separate, but unified commands. Known collectively as the International Revolutionary Armed Forces, or INTREV as an abbreviation, this reform of the various worker's armies seeked to streamline the fronts and have a central structure of command. Under the command of General Vicente Rodriguez, INTREV-South America was born.
INTREV-South America would have a baptism of fire, as now its unified command had to hold the tide against Operation Twin Cannon. A flanking sickle-cut led by the Brazilian 2nd Army was pushed back, but the pressure continued to mount against the front. Salgado, seeing an opportunity, ordered a last push against Buenos Aires. The "Savior of the Republic" planned to finally capture the elusive city once and for all.
As the Green Guard drove towards the city, General Rodriguez scrambled units to reinforce the city and push the green tide back. Among them were the Soviet expeditionary force, officially known as the Южный экспедиционный корпус (Yuzhnyy ekspeditsionnyy korpus, Southern Expeditionary Force), who fought immensely well despite the difference in climate. The American expeditionary force had previous experience in Central America, and now sought to defend the Argentine proletariat from having their revolution snuffed out by Integralist reactionaries. But among those units, the Argentine 1st Armored Division stands out among the defenders of Buenos Aires.
This armored division was unique in its makeup, being a mix of light Soviet T-26s and American M2s, heavy American M1s and indigenous DL-40 medium tanks built by the Argentines themselves. Using what remained of Argentine industry, as well as assistance from American engineers, this division was one of the key units in the defense of Buenos Aires. Eventually, it would be these tanks that would end Salgado's rule in Brazil.
But as of March 5th of 1942, they were among the units General Rodriguez gathered to halt the Guarda Verde's advance. And they would be halted. Drawing inspiration from both the Battles of Smolensk and Moscow, General Rodriguez launched Operation Rosette as a counterattack. The Argentine 1st Armored, and other armored units led a flanking attack towards the Parana River, routing the Greenshirt defenders there that threatened to encircle the Brazilian troops left near the city.
Not wanting a South American repeat of the Smolensk surrender, O Diablo Verde (nom de guerres among the Green Guard were common) ordered a retreat by river to avoid the encirclement. Operation Twin Cannon had failed.
Excerpt from Patrick O'Rielly, Dictators of the 20th Century: Plinio Salgado (Chicago: Pathfinder, 1999)
March of 1942 was the beginning of the end of Salgado's ambitions. It was also the end of his sanity, by most contemporary accounts.
Before his forces were forced to retreat from Buenos Aires, MacArthur had set the island of Cuba against the Brazilian dictator. The tyrannical general feared Brazilian hegemony just as much as he feared communist hegemony.
By the end of the month, the entire Entente declared war on Salgado, firmly uniting the two camps of the Comintern and the Entente against the Axis Powers. Salgado had once viewed Britain as a possible ally. He had viewed King Edward VIII as a great ally in the face of "communist agitation". Now Edward VIII was gone, having lost the confidence of Parliament and the people. The UK had turned against him. With Germany fighting their own war in the East, Brazil stood alone.
Salgado was irate at this supposed "betrayal". In response, he had the Entente ambassadors arrested, and perhaps out of pure spite, had the consulate buildings set alight. Most of the moderates in Salgado's government looked with apoplectic horror, as the former hero of the Republic seemed to go mad before his eyes.
Brazil now had another front to worry about in colonial possessions up north. Troops were sent up across the Oyapock river, but the theater was considered secondary, at least to Integralist High Command. Nevertheless, the war situation by the end of March went from tenuous to dangerously untenable for Brazil. Stubborn resistance in the Guianas, Chile and Peru's halting of Bolivia's Andes Offensive, as well as no major action in Argentina has left fighting as a whole in a stalemate. But Brazil's odds at winning a war of attrition were next to zero. So for Salgado, stalemates were just death by a thousand cuts.
By 1942, resources needed to supply the war effort were running at a deficit. The home front would not be able to bear the burden of the war for much longer. Salgado's advisors warned him that if the home front situation were to destabilize any further, his regime may fall to revolution.
Now due to the previous crackdown on communists during the Brazilian Revolution, they were most likely not the group to lead a revolt. But many other political factions now viewed Salgado's rule as undermining the nation, especially as the war grew less and less in Brazil's favor. Social reformists, moderate liberals and even dye-in-the-wool conservatives weren't as eager to have the nation set alight just to satisfy Salgado's pride.
So Salgado attempted to weaken other homefronts to even his odds. He funded and encouraged Integralist terror attacks in places such as Cuba, America, the UK; wherever he thought he could strike a decisive blow against the grand coalition that had seemingly united against his "brilliance".
One decision that seemed to baffle politicians on the home front, was Salgado's decision to declare war on Uruguay. To many, it just seemed like Salgado wanted to declare war on the whole continent if he could. Nations like Columbia or Cuba, were declaring war on Brazil, so defense of the nation could be understandable to many.
But Uruguay? An ally, reluctantly of course, but an ally regardless? To many, Salgado was turning mad. And it wouldn't be an easy invasion, as the Brazilians would stall at Treinta y Tres and the Rio Negro. Leaving another front of the war in stalemate, and another nation against the Integralists.
Supplying three fronts would have been ambitious in 1940. It was flat out impossible by the conditions of 1942. Desperate to find a way to keep the war effort going without having the cities starve, Salgado gave a series of edicts, allowing for his troops to "live off the land" in occupied territories. In essence, it made loot and plunder within the occupation zones state policy. It did help alleviate the Brazilian Famine, but not by a substantial degree. Bad harvests, once again in 1942, meant that food would be scarce.
This had both the effect of somewhat feeding his army, but now Argentine peasants were flooding to join the partisans. In the final months of 1942, Argentine partisans exploded in number, gaining thousands of recruits weekly. By December, there were 75,000 partisans all within Brazilian lines.
Salgado's mental state was also nearing the breaking point. Aides recorded that he wasn't sleeping, rarely ate and would be caught at times staring at the window that overlooked Rio De Janairo, with a face devoid of any energy…or joy. The military man, known to go on long rousing speeches and drew large crowds in nationalistic fervor now lacked that spark that brought him to power to begin with. He now rarely left his residence, and anytime he had dinner, he would eat in the large dining room, alone. No one to accompany him as he trusted no one, other than his female aide.
It was this nihilistic Salgado that decided that either he would succeed in his long-dead ambition, or his nation would die with them. By December 17th of that year, Salgado would launch one last offensive, truly the last one.
Operation Providence. A place that neither Salgado, or his dreams, would ever reach.