Curby
recovering analytic philosopher, still sensitive
- Location
- Most Serene Republic of Unwashed Brooklyn
- Pronouns
- He/They
Got to thinking about how the Cold War might actually end and what the signs of decaying late-stage capitalism might really look like...and what better representative of this than a sort of FN of the Left? Once more, not remotely canon, just was really trying to do some thinking about what shape late-stage capitalist politics might take in this time-line.
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The French Socialist People's Party/Parti Socialiste Populaire Français is a left-wing FBU political party formed in 1994 following the Labor Party's shift to the left. Initially branded as the "Franco-British Socialist People's Movement", it performed dismally in elections for the most ten or so years of its existence, finding particularly little support in Britain, where it was not able to make meaningful inroads into the Labor vote. In 2004, the party was captured by a left-wing nationalist clique led by former ESCI member Pierre Tremblay and the youth activist Benoit Hamon, who rebranded the party as a solely French Party, the "French Socialist People's Party". The most controversial part of its initial platform was its call for the break-up of the FBU and the restoration of "French Independence". This was met with a harsh crackdown from the Franco-British state following a surge in international tensions, with the police attempting to break up the party's 2005 convention. The images of police cracking down on party activists quickly went viral in France, galvanizing support for the party. The first sign of electoral trouble for the Franco-British establishment People's Alliance was the 2006 Marseille mayoral election, which saw the PPSF candidate narrowly qualify for the run-off and then defeat the incumbent PA mayor as much of the left united behind him and a significant portion of the right-wing vote simply stayed home.
The 2007 parliamentary election provided another shock, as it became the first regional party to clear the 5% bar required to qualify for seats in the national parliament. Although garnering only 8% of the vote in the Franco-British Union as a whole, they scored 18% of the vote in metropolitan France, owing largely to a surge of support from rural voters in Southern and Northern France, and in smaller part due to a shift in support from ESCI-Labor voters who worked in traditional extractive industries which might be endangered by environmental policies. Most post-election analysis, however, indicated that the party did not secure most of its support from traditional left-wing demographics: a full 50% of the party's voters switched from the People's Alliance. Another 20% were first-time voters, 10% came from minor right-wing parties, and only 20% from Labor, which despite the PPSF showing actually improved their net vote share in metropolitan France. Demographically, the PPSF performed best amongst rural pensioners, the lower and middle strata of farmers, small shopkeepers, older industrial workers, and the non-unionized proletariat. Support for them was marginal to non-existent amongst students, professionals, businessmen, Parisians and immigrants.
Immediately following the election, the PPSF declared it would stand in the "opposition", and despite some initial concerns that the party might join the new "Popular Front", it quickly became clear that neither Labor nor the ESCI wished to work with the PPSF. The feeling was mutual.
Ideology
The success of the party and its seating in the national parliament forced it to clarify its platform amidst media scrutiny. After the 2008 party convention a much more detailed policy document was devised, "A French Socialism for the 21st Century". The main proposals, procatively termed the "minimum programme", were put forth at the beginning of the document:
1: An independent French state with full sovereignty over foreign, economic, and domestic policy must be restored, as it should have been following the cessation of hostilities in the Second World War and the end of the national emergency.
2. The withdrawal of France from the European integration initiatives, and a return of a bilateral foreign policy befitting France's great power status.
3. Internal reform of the AFS to allow for individual states to have greater military autonomy, and diplomatic reapprochment with the Comintern.
4. The transition to socialist management of enterprises in firms with over one hundred workers.
5. The protection of small and medium businesses from socialization and state interference, and an emergency moratorium on the taxes levied against businesses employing fewer than 20 workers.
6. The reduction of the annual number of foreign visas granted by at least 50%, and the creation of a national commission to investigate the effect of immigration on wages.
7. An increase of at least 25% in the national budget allocated to police, paid for with a reduction in military spending.
8. Designation of agriculture as a vital national industry in the same class as metallurgy and energy, allowing the state to take emergency measures to relieve the plight of smallholders.
9. The implementation of a national tariff of at least 10% on agricultural goods, with any price raises in the cost of food to be made-up through state subsidies funded by a 4% raise in the top tax bracket.
10. Pass a law making it illegal for employers or the government to alter the pension pay-outs of anyone who has already paid into the system for at least five years.
11. End the gax tax and carbon tax, both of which harm ordinary French consumers. End state subsidies for alternative energy industries and redirect the money toward shoring up the struggling French Healthcare system.
The party manifesto of 2008 clarified the party's nature as an alliance of small farmers, petty bourgeoisie, and socially conservative industrial workers. Many in the FBU have commented on the party's seemingly "post-ideological" nature, as it seems to be a mélange of welfarist liberalism, moderate market socialism, agrarian advocacy, and left-wing nationalism with a socially reactionary undercurrent. The clearest ideological precursor of the party is Marcel Deat's "Neo-socialists", through thus far they have shared little of his penchant for authoritarian governance. If anything, something of a Libertarian tendency runs through the party: they have voiced skepticism about nationalization schemes from Labor, and signed onto right-wing measures to weaken some of the planning instruments of the FBU. This distinctive ideological orientation is likely related to their almost non-existent relationship with the Trade Union movement, which on the whole is supportive of taking dirigisme in a significantly more progressive direction, but not weakening it.
Of course, Libertarian economic schemes and skepticism of economic planning are hardly incompatible with authoritarian politics. Many critics, particularly from the left, have pointed out the continuities between the platform and support base of the PPSF and those of interwar Fascism. Amongst the powerful social nationalist faction, one does not have to go particularly far to hear virulent anti-British and anti-immigrant rhetoric. Yet at least rhetorically, the party strives to situate itself in the traditions of French Republicanism, tracing back their own political lineage to the utopian socialists of 1848.
Factions
The party's factions largely correspond to the three official caucuses within the party, the "Social Nationalists", "Left Tendency", and smaller "Reform Caucus".
Social Nationalists: Probably the faction closest to the majority of the party's voters in their basic attitude and orientation, the social nationalists are above all concerned with the restoration of French sovereignty and its return to autonomous great-power status. Unlike the other factions in the party, they advocate for a complete break with Britain, whereas the Left and Reform caucuses merely advocate for the shift to a confederal status. Nonetheless, given the importance of the issue for the social nationalists and their power within the party, they were able to make a commitment to independence one of the key parts of the party's platform.
The social nationalists tend to be culturally conservative and socially centrist, favoring the restriction of immigration, an increase in police powers, and the continuation of the status quo on gay marriage and abortion law. On the question of economic policy, they range the gamut of the PPSF, including everyone from Libertarian welfare liberals to traditional social democrats to genuine democratic socialists to even a few "national communists".
Left Tendency/Left-Nationalists: The "Left-Nationalist" caucus, or "Left Tendency", represents many of the party's elite, including both Pierre Tremblay and Benoit Hamon, as well as a good portion of the party's urban, younger and first-time voters. Though they share the Social Nationalists desire for increased French sovereignty, they usually frame this demand in terms of their desire to achieve a greater degree of control over domestic economic policy. The recent infusion of rural voters into the party has led to a growing interest in schemes for land redistribution and voluntary, incentive-driven socialization.
The left-nationalists are almost exclusively democratic socialists of the Austro-Marxist variety, though many forswear any explicit commitment to Marxism, instead preferring to describe themselves as socialists or simply French patriots. They have expressed an interest in seeking a rapprochement with their old rival, the Labor Party, which also has a large Austro-Marxist wing, as well as a pink, Old-left wing which shares many of the PPSF's anxieties about social change and environmentalism.
The left-nationalists tend to be mostly supportive of the expansion of social freedoms and nondiscrimination protections, while also advocating for a reduction in the amount of immigration into Metropolitan France. Notably, unlike the Social Nationalists, they believe that Visa holders who have lived in France for over five years should have an easier route to naturalization.
Reform Caucus: The smallest grouping in the party, the Reform Caucus is composed primarily of the party establishment which existed previously to the Tremblay-Hamon seizure of the party in 2004. Older and more moderate, the reform caucus is also the one part of the party that retains any real link to the trade union movement. They tend to support the social nationalists on most domestic policy issues, but are much more skeptical than even the left tendency about their desire for a drastic break with Europe and Britain.
Leaders of the French Socialist People's Party
Laurent Fabius (1994-1998) (Reform Caucus)
Claude Cheysson (1998-2004) (Reform Caucus)
Pierre-Juquin (2004-2008) (Left-Nationalist)
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| Abbreviation | PPSF |
| Founded | 1994 |
| Formed From | Labour Party Dissidents |
| Leader | Pierre Tremblay** |
| Deputy Leader | Benoit Hamon |
| Ideology | Left-wing Nationalism Left-wing Populism French Separatism Rural Advocacy Moderate Socialism (Left Tendency, Social Nationalists) Cultural Conservativism (Nationalist Faction) Anti-Immigration Factions
|
| Motto | "A France Free in Brotherhood". |
| Political Position | Centre-left to Left-Wing (FBU) |
| Colours | Red, Blue and White |
The French Socialist People's Party/Parti Socialiste Populaire Français is a left-wing FBU political party formed in 1994 following the Labor Party's shift to the left. Initially branded as the "Franco-British Socialist People's Movement", it performed dismally in elections for the most ten or so years of its existence, finding particularly little support in Britain, where it was not able to make meaningful inroads into the Labor vote. In 2004, the party was captured by a left-wing nationalist clique led by former ESCI member Pierre Tremblay and the youth activist Benoit Hamon, who rebranded the party as a solely French Party, the "French Socialist People's Party". The most controversial part of its initial platform was its call for the break-up of the FBU and the restoration of "French Independence". This was met with a harsh crackdown from the Franco-British state following a surge in international tensions, with the police attempting to break up the party's 2005 convention. The images of police cracking down on party activists quickly went viral in France, galvanizing support for the party. The first sign of electoral trouble for the Franco-British establishment People's Alliance was the 2006 Marseille mayoral election, which saw the PPSF candidate narrowly qualify for the run-off and then defeat the incumbent PA mayor as much of the left united behind him and a significant portion of the right-wing vote simply stayed home.
The 2007 parliamentary election provided another shock, as it became the first regional party to clear the 5% bar required to qualify for seats in the national parliament. Although garnering only 8% of the vote in the Franco-British Union as a whole, they scored 18% of the vote in metropolitan France, owing largely to a surge of support from rural voters in Southern and Northern France, and in smaller part due to a shift in support from ESCI-Labor voters who worked in traditional extractive industries which might be endangered by environmental policies. Most post-election analysis, however, indicated that the party did not secure most of its support from traditional left-wing demographics: a full 50% of the party's voters switched from the People's Alliance. Another 20% were first-time voters, 10% came from minor right-wing parties, and only 20% from Labor, which despite the PPSF showing actually improved their net vote share in metropolitan France. Demographically, the PPSF performed best amongst rural pensioners, the lower and middle strata of farmers, small shopkeepers, older industrial workers, and the non-unionized proletariat. Support for them was marginal to non-existent amongst students, professionals, businessmen, Parisians and immigrants.
Immediately following the election, the PPSF declared it would stand in the "opposition", and despite some initial concerns that the party might join the new "Popular Front", it quickly became clear that neither Labor nor the ESCI wished to work with the PPSF. The feeling was mutual.
Ideology
The success of the party and its seating in the national parliament forced it to clarify its platform amidst media scrutiny. After the 2008 party convention a much more detailed policy document was devised, "A French Socialism for the 21st Century". The main proposals, procatively termed the "minimum programme", were put forth at the beginning of the document:
1: An independent French state with full sovereignty over foreign, economic, and domestic policy must be restored, as it should have been following the cessation of hostilities in the Second World War and the end of the national emergency.
2. The withdrawal of France from the European integration initiatives, and a return of a bilateral foreign policy befitting France's great power status.
3. Internal reform of the AFS to allow for individual states to have greater military autonomy, and diplomatic reapprochment with the Comintern.
4. The transition to socialist management of enterprises in firms with over one hundred workers.
5. The protection of small and medium businesses from socialization and state interference, and an emergency moratorium on the taxes levied against businesses employing fewer than 20 workers.
6. The reduction of the annual number of foreign visas granted by at least 50%, and the creation of a national commission to investigate the effect of immigration on wages.
7. An increase of at least 25% in the national budget allocated to police, paid for with a reduction in military spending.
8. Designation of agriculture as a vital national industry in the same class as metallurgy and energy, allowing the state to take emergency measures to relieve the plight of smallholders.
9. The implementation of a national tariff of at least 10% on agricultural goods, with any price raises in the cost of food to be made-up through state subsidies funded by a 4% raise in the top tax bracket.
10. Pass a law making it illegal for employers or the government to alter the pension pay-outs of anyone who has already paid into the system for at least five years.
11. End the gax tax and carbon tax, both of which harm ordinary French consumers. End state subsidies for alternative energy industries and redirect the money toward shoring up the struggling French Healthcare system.
The party manifesto of 2008 clarified the party's nature as an alliance of small farmers, petty bourgeoisie, and socially conservative industrial workers. Many in the FBU have commented on the party's seemingly "post-ideological" nature, as it seems to be a mélange of welfarist liberalism, moderate market socialism, agrarian advocacy, and left-wing nationalism with a socially reactionary undercurrent. The clearest ideological precursor of the party is Marcel Deat's "Neo-socialists", through thus far they have shared little of his penchant for authoritarian governance. If anything, something of a Libertarian tendency runs through the party: they have voiced skepticism about nationalization schemes from Labor, and signed onto right-wing measures to weaken some of the planning instruments of the FBU. This distinctive ideological orientation is likely related to their almost non-existent relationship with the Trade Union movement, which on the whole is supportive of taking dirigisme in a significantly more progressive direction, but not weakening it.
Of course, Libertarian economic schemes and skepticism of economic planning are hardly incompatible with authoritarian politics. Many critics, particularly from the left, have pointed out the continuities between the platform and support base of the PPSF and those of interwar Fascism. Amongst the powerful social nationalist faction, one does not have to go particularly far to hear virulent anti-British and anti-immigrant rhetoric. Yet at least rhetorically, the party strives to situate itself in the traditions of French Republicanism, tracing back their own political lineage to the utopian socialists of 1848.
Factions
The party's factions largely correspond to the three official caucuses within the party, the "Social Nationalists", "Left Tendency", and smaller "Reform Caucus".
Social Nationalists: Probably the faction closest to the majority of the party's voters in their basic attitude and orientation, the social nationalists are above all concerned with the restoration of French sovereignty and its return to autonomous great-power status. Unlike the other factions in the party, they advocate for a complete break with Britain, whereas the Left and Reform caucuses merely advocate for the shift to a confederal status. Nonetheless, given the importance of the issue for the social nationalists and their power within the party, they were able to make a commitment to independence one of the key parts of the party's platform.
The social nationalists tend to be culturally conservative and socially centrist, favoring the restriction of immigration, an increase in police powers, and the continuation of the status quo on gay marriage and abortion law. On the question of economic policy, they range the gamut of the PPSF, including everyone from Libertarian welfare liberals to traditional social democrats to genuine democratic socialists to even a few "national communists".
Left Tendency/Left-Nationalists: The "Left-Nationalist" caucus, or "Left Tendency", represents many of the party's elite, including both Pierre Tremblay and Benoit Hamon, as well as a good portion of the party's urban, younger and first-time voters. Though they share the Social Nationalists desire for increased French sovereignty, they usually frame this demand in terms of their desire to achieve a greater degree of control over domestic economic policy. The recent infusion of rural voters into the party has led to a growing interest in schemes for land redistribution and voluntary, incentive-driven socialization.
The left-nationalists are almost exclusively democratic socialists of the Austro-Marxist variety, though many forswear any explicit commitment to Marxism, instead preferring to describe themselves as socialists or simply French patriots. They have expressed an interest in seeking a rapprochement with their old rival, the Labor Party, which also has a large Austro-Marxist wing, as well as a pink, Old-left wing which shares many of the PPSF's anxieties about social change and environmentalism.
The left-nationalists tend to be mostly supportive of the expansion of social freedoms and nondiscrimination protections, while also advocating for a reduction in the amount of immigration into Metropolitan France. Notably, unlike the Social Nationalists, they believe that Visa holders who have lived in France for over five years should have an easier route to naturalization.
Reform Caucus: The smallest grouping in the party, the Reform Caucus is composed primarily of the party establishment which existed previously to the Tremblay-Hamon seizure of the party in 2004. Older and more moderate, the reform caucus is also the one part of the party that retains any real link to the trade union movement. They tend to support the social nationalists on most domestic policy issues, but are much more skeptical than even the left tendency about their desire for a drastic break with Europe and Britain.
Leaders of the French Socialist People's Party
Laurent Fabius (1994-1998) (Reform Caucus)
Claude Cheysson (1998-2004) (Reform Caucus)
Pierre-Juquin (2004-2008) (Left-Nationalist)
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