Mexican History during the XX Century, Part I
Excerpts from "Contemporary History of Mexico" by Paco Ignacio Taibo II (Mexico City, Progress Publishers, 2011).
1910-1920
The previous chapter analyzed the circumstances by which the Porfirian government brought significant economic development to the country and, at the same time, led to the foundations for the First Mexican Revolution. The current chapter narrates the experience of one of the most pivotal events for the country. Contemporary historiography sometimes refer to this event as the "Revolution of 1910", to differentiate it from the "Revolution of 1932".
As has been always known, the Plan of San Luis Potosi proved to be a success for Francisco I. Madero, who laid the foundations for the uprising against the despotic government. However, Madero's ambitions remained timid from the start, confined to constitutional reform along with other certain limited reforms. Educated as a classical liberal and as a member of the haute-bourgeoisie, Madero's platform was shaped according to his frankly moderate beliefs.
[...]
Madero's victory in mid-1911 led many to believe that the Revolution was over. Sadly, things had only just begun. Madero sought, through dialogue and diplomacy, to align all revolutionary (and reactionary) groups to his cause. But offering a concession to one group meant angering other groups. And his intransigence only made things worse. First, by negotiating with the Porfiristas, he ended up provoking the rage of the Zapatistas, who proceeded to declare war on him. Second, by not offering guarantees to the German Empire, he became the enemy of the Porfiristas, who would end up conspiring against him. And he wasn't sure of using the army to repress his opponents or stick to his idealist ideals.
When the coup d'état occurred, rumors say that Madero was somewhat shocked. He didn't believe that one of his own betrayed him. Victoriano Huerta was considered loyal to the revolutionary government. It was inconceivable to believe that he had sold out to Heinrich von Eckardt, German ambassador at that time, financier of the coup. But it happened. Parallel to the arrest of Madero, Vice President José María Pino Suarez and Francisco's brother, Gustavo Madero, were also arrested.
Gustavo was the first to die, on February 19, being tortured and stabbed. He lost the only eye with which he could see, and was finally shot. Francisco and José María were shot in the infamous Lecumberri Palace on February 22. Victoriano Huerta assumed the presidency, which was not recognized by the United States or the United Kingdom, but Germany did. Although the Porfiristas were anxious to regain power, Huerta had other plans: he proceeded to send Felix Díaz to useless diplomatic missions in Europe, and Bernardo Reyes was killed by a Zapatista assault, which Huerta took advantage of to further consolidate personal power.
[...]
Huerta's defeat is explained by two main factors: one, the Anglo-American embargo that prevented Germany from sending weapons and volunteers to his defense; and two, the massive rebellion that took place throughout the country as a result of his being considered "a new Porfirio Diaz". Both the classical liberals who had supported Madero and the Zapatista "revolting peasants" in Morelos decided to form a truce to fight against a common enemy. Germany became more concerned with defending itself than an ineffective government on another continent, leaving Huerta alone. With Zapatista troops approaching Mexico City in July 1914, he decided to flee, escorted by the members of the Army still loyal to him. He ended up fleeing to the United States, only to be arrested for his connections with Germany. He died in 1918 due to his old age and the poor conditions resulting from 4 years of war and rationing.
In the midst of the war, the German government sought, by any means, to convince any of the revolutionary or reactionary factions to take power under its tutelage, or at least to oppose the interests of the United States, which indirectly aided its war effort. Even with their divergences, all factions shouted in unison "
La Patria es Primero", with the revolutionaries seeing the Germans as the instigators of Madero's assassination; and the reactionaries being smart enough to recognize that Germany would not survive the Great War.
Once Huerta was no longer a problem, the long truce that had lasted 2 years ran out. Liberals accused the Zapatistas of destroying Madero's incipient legacy. Zapatistas accused the liberals of not attending to the demands of the workers and peasants. The villistas initially did not seek direct involvement, mainly because they were not ideologically close to either group. Eventually, as the constitutionalist liberals were more willing not to give concessions, and under the promise of forming a joint government, Villa and his clique ended up approaching Zapata.
The breaking point occurred due to the events of the Aguascalientes Convention: a last attempt to unite all the victorious forces in a joint government that failed. Two factions emerged from the Convention: the
Conventionists, composed initially by the Villistas forces and later, the Zapatistas; and the
Constitutionalists, commanded by the forces opposed to the former, with Venustiano Carranza acting as de facto leader. The joint struggle of Zapata and Villa against the
Constitutionalists brought them closer, first as friends, then as comrades.
[...]
Carranza always considered the Zapatista forces to be composed of "ignorant troublemakers". After all, he was a typical conservative liberal. Although he fought for the same ideals as Madero, he was much more realistic (and therefore, repressive). In order to achieve his goal of a liberal, institutionalized and democratic Mexico, it was necessary to eliminate the factions that opposed him. Although Carranza was beginning to have problems from within his own faction, he considered his greatest threat to be Zapata. Not only because of the degree of popularity he had among the workers and poor peasants of Mexico, but also because of the geographical proximity of Morelos to Mexico City. First he sought to align his support base with the promulgation of the Constitution of 1917. Next is to destroy Zapata.
A massive purge campaign of potential Zapatistas and their sympathizers was conducted in 1918 and 1919 but it was not enough. Carranza took some of his supposed best men to attack Zapata and kill him. The plan was simple: infiltrate the Liberation Army of the South, gain the caudillo's trust and then kill him at an agreed point without him knowing it was a trap. For this, the military men Pablo Gonzalez and Juan Guajardo agreed to act as volunteers. Gonzalez would be the intellectual man in charge of making the plan; Guajardo would be the one who would personally execute it.
But something went wrong. To this day it's still unknown what caused Guajardo to defect at the last second. One theory says that he was always loyal to Zapata. Another theory says that the caudillo offered him political power in exchange for betraying Gonzalez. There is even the possibility that Guajardo was discovered and he decided to defect and give information in exchange for his life. Be that as it may, April 10, 1919 was not Zapata's date of death. (1) Gonzalez was accused of incompetence and removed from his duties. Guajardo was sentenced to death, but he lived thanks to serving in Zapatista territory, where the Carrancista law did not reach. The fact that Zapata lived was a severe blow to Carranza and his legitimacy as ruler. Many were even disgusted to see how Carranza sought to kill those who gave everything to overthrow two dictators, so he was equated as the third.
During the rest of 1919 until 1920, and without knowing it, Carranza's actions caused certain of his people to begin to conspire against him. Three hitherto vaguely known figures stood out: Adolfo de la Huerta, Álvaro Obregón, and Plutarco Elias Calles (or as we know him today, the
Mexican MacArthur). The three, although initially willing to support the
Constitutionalist government, distanced themselves from Carranza in two aspects: one, the need to offer concessions to the workers to stay in power and; two, Carranza's distaste for caudillos and militarism, which the three individuals mentioned did not like very much.
When the Plan was basically done, it was proclaimed in the city of Agua Prieta, Sonora, from where its name comes. The proclamation took place on April 23, 1920, under the excuse that the federal government violated the sovereignty of the state of Sonora (governed by De la Huerta). In addition, Carranza was accused of suspending the "individual guarantees" of the Mexican population (what today we would call human rights). Still, we shouldn't interpret this as a legitimately democratic struggle, but merely as a warlord struggle for power. (2)
[...]
The death of Carranza (assassinated in Tlaxcalantongo, Puebla) gave the triumvirate a free pass to take power in the country. De la Huerta became provisional president while the 1920 elections were taking place, in which Obregón emerged victorious thanks to the help of his allies in the Laborist Party and the CROM, both subject to the will of the reformist (some would call him bootlicker) Luis N. Morones. Private conversations with De la Huerta convinced Obregón that negotiation was necessary to end an endless Revolution, so he ordered Calles (as Secretary of the Interior) to negotiate with Zapata and Villa.
Villa was given the opportunity to obtain a Hacienda in Durango, which he accepted comfortably (after all, years of war had left his Northern Division in a state of total physical and mental exhaustion). Zapata was more reluctant, having (and justifiably) mistrust of the new government, which was essentially a split from the old one. But being surrounded, without supplies and with the revolutionary momentum exhausted, he decided to sit down at the negotiating table. As a result, he was given the opportunity to govern Morelos under his laws and was given guarantees that the federal government would not repress his own, both in his state and throughout the country. In other words, there would be no more repression of the dispossessed. Zapata wasn't stupid, but he didn't have any other options either, and he accepted.
The Treaty of Ayala, between Zapata and the Obregón government, was ratified on November 20, 1922. The 1910 revolution ended symbolically 12 years after Madero started it. The country would quickly seek a diplomatic and economic rapprochement with the United States, which, as we will see later, was an initial blessing and ended in disgrace and discontent. Villa and Zapata will have recurring encounters with members of the WCPA at border points, which will end up further radicalizing them.
Excerpts from "A story of unparalleled camaraderie: the historical relationship between America and Mexico." by Octavio Paz (Mexico City, FCE, 2004).
[...]
During the First Revolution, there was always a certain anti-German feeling, a product of the unpleasant events that led to the assassination of President Madero. But although the United States represented (or appeared to be) a friendly neighbor willing to safeguard Mexico's democratic institutions, certain revolutionaries could not fully trust the American government. After all, historical experience had made it clear that the United States viewed Mexico in the same way that an abusive individual views its victim.
To some extent, this was true. There is no doubt that the bourgeois government, however progressive it may be, is still bourgeois, exploitative, abusive, imperialist. The United States in particular was acquiring more authoritarian tendencies as a result of its obligations in the Great War. Trends that, ironically, helped bring our country closer to theirs. We have the historical experience of Mexican anarchist groups, aligned with the minoritarian but equally important anarchist sections within the SLP and the IWSU. Within the liberals of the time there was a mutual understanding that Germany represented a threat to their own interests, so the US government generally had sympathy for the Constitutionalists of Carranza and Co.
One of the most important and yet largely ignored experiences was the formation of the Mexican-American Friendship Society, now better known as the Pan-American Cultural Association. Today, the PACA functions formally as an organization designed to strengthen cultural, social and political ties between all the countries of the continent, including those that are under the capitalist orbit (product of detente policies). But its origins are much more diffuse, since PACA had its origin in the middle of two wars.
The then MAFS had its origin at the end of 1917, when a group of American refugees, among whom was Linn Gale (future co-founder of the Communist Party of Mexico, PCM) decided to form an anti-war association that would have contacts in both countries. Many of these refugees, impoverished Americans who only wanted to live a peaceful life, arrived in Mexico only to discover that our country was in a civil war, so they were in a difficult situation: if they returned to their country, they could be considered traitors or saboteurs under the terms of the Espionage Act. If they stayed in Mexico, they would have to flee the civil war, or join it on one of the two main sides. For this reason, many of its members ended up participating in the final stage of the Revolution with the side that best had their interests embodied. But Gale and other individuals (such as Richard Jenkins*) decided that they had enough of the war.
His first interventions were small protests against US intervention in the Great War and in favor of national reconciliation in Mexico. It wasn't much different from other individuals who shouted "No to War". The situation, however, changed dramatically with the Biennio Rosso. The events in Russia with the Bolsheviks and the small but important revival of anarchism in Mexico as a result of the liberation of Ricardo Flores Magón made the different members of the MAFS begin to radicalize. Maybe they weren't communists, but they already showed a certain class consciousness. The Liberal Party, representative of Mexican anarchism, quickly established relations with the Society. This allowed certain of its members to become more interested in anarcho-communism and to reach "new horizons'' ideologically and geographically.
Still, the activities of the Society were content to denounce the imperialist war. Its funds for activities were quite limited, and it is likely that the Society ceased to exist de facto, only to be refunded again and again. With both wars over, the Society was finally able to take a breath and reorganize itself properly. The 1920s would prove to be a challenge for the organization, which although now supported by the PCM and the WCPA didn't yet have a really defined objective. Mainly they had problems with the cultural differences between both countries. In addition, the years after the Great War led to an increase in migration from other countries to both the US and Mexico, which quickly had to be represented in some way. The experiences of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Commune greatly helped the leaders of the Society to define how to represent the culture, gastronomy and other spheres of Mexican society in the United States, and vice versa.
According to its Declaration of Principles, ratified by its members in 1926, the MAFS sought to:
- Build greater cultural rapprochement between the peoples of the United States of America and the United Mexican States;
- Establish more gastronomic, scientific, technical, social, political and economic exchanges between both countries;
- Act as a mediating body for the peaceful resolution of any possible diplomatic or military conflict that could occur between the two countries, or that could affect both related to the rest of the world.
- Engage in the defense of the rights of workers in both countries, later including peasants, indigenous people, women and finally, sexual minorities.
- Engage in the defense of the citizens of both countries abroad.
- Abolish all discriminatory laws against the Mexican or Chicano population in the United States.
- Search for rapprochement with other Societies or various organizations that have similar goals, in order to develop a global relationship based on friendship, camaraderie and mutual understanding.
The Society and its members will normally have disagreements with the governments of both countries. However, the situation will generally remain calm until the beginning of the Second Revolution in Mexico, when the organization will be banned due to its closeness to the PCM. Its members residing in Mexico will go underground, generally giving day-to-day information on national events to those living in the United States, members of the WCPA and the Black Guards and the predecessors of the General Union of Anarchists. When the Red May Revolution reached its climax, with the counterrevolution fleeing to Cuba, many of the Society's members, acting "in the shadows," provided weapons, information, and money to Mexican revolutionaries at hidden border posts.
After both wars, the Society was formalized as an organization jointly part of the POLN and the WCPA, acting as a cultural, political and economic link between both parties. Although not de jure a member of the Communist International, the Society was de facto supported by its members. It is from here that, under the WCPA proposal, the Society will slowly open its doors to other American countries. Initially the idea of expanding the Society occurred in Chile, which was one of the first countries on the continent to turn to socialism. This was followed by each of the Central American countries, either on a smaller or larger scale. By the time the World Revolutionary War began, every Latin American country aligned with the Communist International had a regional headquarters of the Society, which had changed its name to the "All-American Friendship Society". During the following years after the war, the Declaration of Principles was modified according to the acceptance of new countries (with their respective representatives) in the Society. The events of the Second Cultural Revolution in the UASR deeply marked the organization, which gave increasing importance to the indigenous issue and the rights of sexual minorities.
As part of the process of shaping Pan-America in recent years, the Society agreed to be incorporated as an autonomous organization within this multinational union, adopting its current name. The détente in recent years has even allowed countries such as Brazil to join it, although Cuba remains unrepresented, for obvious reasons. There is no official central headquarters to ensure full equality among the Association's members, although traditionally the regional headquarters in Los Angeles and Mexico City have been considered to act as the most important ones, as they were the first to exist. The Executive Committee is composed of 2 members from each member country, plus 1 representative of the Communist International, duly elected to fulfill a joint governance role. There is a proposal to include a representative of the AFS as an official member of the Committee, but so far no vote has been taken for or against it, so its status is only as an observer member.
Divided into different areas, its attributions vary from the promotion of different styles of joint food between countries; the promotion, construction and maintenance of museums for cultural preservation; discussion forums on contemporary issues; political history courses; protection of the environment and the native species of each country; joint sports (and their respective preparation for the Olympic Games); collective scientific development, creation of various arts and music, literature and others; the protection of human rights and, in recent years, the discussion of the space issue has been opened.
Excerpts from "The History of the Marxist and Anarchist Movement in Mexico" by Arnoldo Martinez Verdugo (Guadalajara, Planeta Publishers, 2008)
The first anarchist movements in the country arrived in the middle of the 19th century, after the Greek emigrant Plotino Rhodakanaty arrived in the country to spread the ideas of Mikhail Bakunin among the incipient Mexican working class and peasantry. Although his efforts did not bear much fruit, he became the inspiration for certain Mexican intellectuals who, enamored with the idea of a mutualist society free from the threat of landowners and hacienda owners, decided to seek a more communitarian ideal, like Julio Lopez Chavez. Influenced by Rhodakanaty, openly called for class war against the rich; raising the banners of Liberty, Equality and Socialism. Unfortunately, his cause was extinguished by his execution by firing squad, by the regime of Benito Juarez, still recovering from the French intervention.
The development of anarchism in Mexico during the 20th century was a process with some problems, in part because of the bourgeois governments that attacked the anarchist groups themselves, as well as the rise of Marxism in the country, a product of the influence of the Bolshevik Revolution. The most important events during the first years of the century were the formation of the PLM and its subsequent relationship with the SLP and the IWSU. The Mexican Liberal Party (
Partido Liberal Mexicano, PLM) was founded in 1905 by a group of Mexican intellectuals opposed to the authoritarian government of Porfirio Díaz.
They were initially influenced by the classical liberalism of the time, although with already leftist overtones. In fact, there are notable differences in the ideological thinking of the Party between its two main documents: The Party Program of 1906 and the Manifesto of 1911. The former has a marked liberal influence of a Jacobin nature, demanding a return to the political principles of the then Constitution of 1857, as well as state interventionism in the economy and robust labor rights for workers. Meanwhile, the Manifesto of 1911 declared war against the so-called "Trinity of the Clergy, Capital and Authority", as representatives of the bourgeoisie.
The PLM underwent a serious process of ideological transition thanks to the uprising in 1910. The liberal elements of the Party were relegated, while the Party Organizing Board developed an anarcho-communist image inspired by the writings of Piotr Kropotkin and the growing influence of the American labor movement and its continuing successes. The Organizing Board, composed of the Flores Magón brothers (Ricardo and Enrique) as well as Librardo Rivera and Anselmo Figueroa, decided to reform the Party into having a clearly revolutionary stance. Jesús Flores Magón, the third Magón brother, as well as the Sarabia brothers (Juan and Manuel) and Antonio Villareal, soon broke away from this project and tried to re-found the PLM in its
original form, without success.
Reorganized as a revolutionary labor party (but not as a vanguard party, in a Marxist sense), the PLM undertook a program of social revolution for Mexico. But their refusal to cooperate with other revolutionary groups (the armies of Zapata and Villa, for example) proved to be disastrous. Madero's government found itself in direct confrontation with them for the attempted uprisings in Baja California, particularly in Tijuana and Mexicali, where even today there is a strong linkage between Mexican and American activists. The Confederation of Party Groups (its paramilitary branch) wasn't able to consolidate the conquered territories, being overrun by the Mexican Army, aided by the U.S. government (and, secretly, Germany). De facto, the PLM ceased to exist in Mexico once its leaders were arrested or forced to flee to the United States.
Once in exile, Ricardo and Enrique got in deeper contact with different members of the SLP and the IWSU. They decided to cooperate critically with the SLP (criticizing the leadership as socialists, aka,
statists) as soon as the U.S. government began to repress any opposition to U.S. intervention in World War I. Due to the Espionage Act of 1915, the activities of the SLP and IWSU were de facto banned. Prominent American leaders like Eugene Debs were arrested or deported. Ricardo Flores Magón was also arrested along with Librardo Rivera after they published a provocative anti-war pamphlet aimed at anarchists all over the world, and both got imprisoned in Kansas. Enrique managed to escape back to Mexico and, from there, organized efforts for the release of his brother and other union and anarchist leaders, Mexican and American. Rivera and Ricardo Magon would be eventually released after the events of the Bienno Rosso, returning to Mexico but without losing contact with their American counterparts. Ricardo would personally maintain contact with Emma Goldman and other anarchist figures and groups in America (predecessors of the GUA), while deepening his cooperation with Marxists.
[...]
There is no definitive date as to the arrival of Marxism in Mexico, although it's commonly accepted that it arrived in its Leninist current. It quickly gained strength from anarchist groups that found in Lenin and the Bolsheviks the key to the realization of the Social Revolution. However, due to the circumstances of the First Revolution and the theoretical inexperience of the early Mexican Marxists, the revolutionary movement faced multiple headaches to even get the endorsement of the Communist International. In the United States, there were already various translations of
Das Kapital, The Communist Manifesto, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State and other Marxist texts. In Mexico, it was particularly difficult to even find the
Manifesto, and the few copies that existed were usually in English. Thankfully with the assistance of Spanish-speaking SLP comrades from the United States, the early Mexican Marxists overcame such adversities.
The first "litmus test" for the nascent Mexican Marxist movement would come at the same time as the formation of the unions and parties aligned with the new post-revolutionary regime. Both the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (
Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana, CROM) and the Laborist Party (
Partido Laborista) were founded in 1918 and 1919, respectively, with the former being in practice subordinated to the latter. The Laborist Party was the result of the search for a workers' movement that were not subordinated either to the anarcho-communist tendencies of the time nor to a policy fully subservient to the Mexican state. However, the party was strongly dominated by the moderate syndicalist Luis Napoleón Morones, who was accused of being a loyal ally of the government, particularly close to Alvaro Obregón. Morones considered it necessary to found the Party after his project was rejected in the National Socialist Congress (3), which was organized to seek the formation of a newer and stronger socialist party in Mexico.
The Congress was convened from August 25 to September 7, 1919 with participation of different members and personalities, both Mexican and foreign, on behalf of the Socialist Party of Mexico (although this party no longer existed at that time). Among the most prominent members were M. N. Roy (a Bengali revolutionary who was visiting the country at the time); José Allen (initially a secret agent of the U.S. government (4), later convinced communist); Linn Gale (an American adventurer who was in Mexico to dodge the draft during the Great War, with sympathies towards anarchism); among others. The Congress proved to be a failure. It resulted in the formation of at least two self-proclaimed Communist Parties and a newer, separate Socialist Party. Only through the direct intervention of the Comintern an unified Communist Party of Mexico (
Partido Comunista de México, PCM) was established in 1923.
The first years of the PCM would be challenging. An additional problem would be the gulf between the national party and the Comintern, between what the PCM considered to be the right policies to be applied based upon the conditions in which Mexico found itself versus what the Comintern wanted to apply to all the member parties, regardless of differing material conditions per country. Fortunately, American comrades in the Workers' Party proved to be helpful, taking in the PCM as a de facto regional satellite party and tying the Mexican movement closer to the North American movement, recognizing the conditions that the country was going through, and seeing their comrades as equals. The bonds of affection and comradeship between rank and file militants of both parties will allow the PCM to acquire a more revolutionary perspective, against those elements willing to collaborate "critically" with the state (5).
The PCM would then fight against the scabs of the new regime, the yellow unions. In 1921, the General Confederation of Workers (
Confederación General de Trabajadores, CGT) was founded to oppose the CROM's policy of collaborationism, but later collapsed as the communists abandoned the organization because of the anarchist supremacy in the CGT. The PCM's rise would then allow the formation of the Confederation of Mexican Workers (
Confederación de Trabajadores de México, CTM) in 1929. (6) The CTM was the Mexican equivalent of the IWSU in the US, as a national trade union center/federation, and, as their American comrades did, its objective was to overcome the collaborationist unions and radicalize the workers and peasants.
[1] IOTL, Zapata died that day.
[2] IOTL, the main motive behind the Plan of Agua Prieta was the split between Carranza and Obregón, supported by the Laborist Party. The excuse that allowed the
Obregonistas to initiate the uprising was the disputes between the federal government and the state of Sonora. In order to give legitimacy to the Plan, Carranza was accused of circumventing the popular vote, undermining the 1917 Constitution and weakening the sovereignty of the federal states.
[3] It doesn't have anything to do with Nazism. The Congress was called
Congreso Nacional Socialista since it was meant to unify all
national movements in Mexico related to socialism. It's a mere coincidence.
[4] Although most texts and stories about the PCM in its early days can be confusing, almost all agree that Allen was an agent of the U.S. government. Even so, it appears that he eventually became a sincere communist, inasmuch as he was never fully expelled by the Party.
[5] IOTL, during all its history, the PCM will be influenced by both Marxism-Leninism and
Revolutionary Nationalism, which will negatively affect the development of the Party in the long run, essentially becoming a puppet of the PRI. This doesn't happen ITTL.
[6] IOTL, the CTM was founded in 1936.