Reds! A Revolutionary Timeline

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On the subject of Britain/Canada, why is there no intervention in the war? Wouldn't preventing America from falling to the reds would be considered a very significant priority? Or did the white cause go downhill so fast it wasn't seen as worth it?
 
On the subject of Britain/Canada, why is there no intervention in the war? Wouldn't preventing America from falling to the reds would be considered a very significant priority? Or did the white cause go downhill so fast it wasn't seen as worth it?

In the middle of the Great Depression? And when we're still six years away from even "Peace in our Time" to buy room to rearm?

Can you imagine trying to jin up the support to 1) Rearm, 2) Somehow get volunteers (but more likely conscripts) for a war that doesn't involve you in any way, 2) Rearm and send troops across the Atlantic, 3) Send conscripts across the Atlantic to fight in a pointless foreign war?

Like, anti-war sentiment was so powerful that people didn't want to fight to stop the goddamn Nazis from slaughtering their way across your own continent, never mind decide to run a war of aggression against people that your troops might actually agree with.

There's like a 30% chance that arriving Commonwealth units are just going to go over to the Reds first thing. They probably did support the Whites and allow volunteers to participate, but that probably at best cancelled out other international volunteers already going over to help the Reds.
 
On the subject of Britain/Canada, why is there no intervention in the war? Wouldn't preventing America from falling to the reds would be considered a very significant priority? Or did the white cause go downhill so fast it wasn't seen as worth it?
Britain and what army?

The American Revolution is what makes Britain wake up to the fact that it and its commonwealth's military is completely unprepared for a land war of any significance. There's also a very real fear that asking the British and colonial populace to support a total war in these conditions is going to lead to mass riots and the disintegration of the empire. It's like asking why Britain didn't do something about Italy or Japan or Germany sooner; it simply wasn't in a position to do anything without a cost that the British government and people were not willing to pay until they finally did cross one bridge too far when Britain was finally in a position where it deemed itself ready to stop them.

Besides, America having a change of government isn't all bad; it means Britain can say it doesn't owe one red cent of the debt it has from the first world war and no one can say anything about it. It's a decision to take a decision that will definitely preserve the empire instead of risking it in a land war Britain is not willing to sink the necessary cost into. Especially when the intervention in the Russian revolution ended up being what could charitably be described as a staggering waste of British time and money that accomplished nothing but giving the Bolsheviks reasons to distrust Britain and the rest of Europe.

The lesson Britain took away from the abortive attempts to stop a red victory in Russia and in the first world war is that sending in the BEF before Britain and the Empire is properly ready in terms of materiel and morale is an invitation for disappointment at best and disaster at worst. Taking a look at what Britain would likely have in 1933 at the nadir of the great depression doesn't paint a very rosy picture of Britain's ability to intervene in a large land war. The Army is in especially terrible shape after years of being the first one to get its funding cut whenever any government looks to save money on the armed forces.

Ramsay MacDonald's also not going to throw away his Labour government's rapport with the trade union movement by throwing his lot against a socialist movement in an Anglophone country. He can see the price of declaring open hostility to the revolutionary wing of the left the way the SPD did in Germany and he can probably remember how British trade unions frequently stymied attempts to send aid to the White Russians in their revolution. The Labour government has far too much to lose by openly supporting MacArthur. And if Britain isn't going to support Canada in an intervention; no one in Canada is going to be brave enough to go through with one.

As for everyone else in Europe, the French and Italians don't have the sealift capacity to defeat the American reds and France is even more politically fractious and unwilling to commit to offensive action and Germany's army flatly does not matter in a fight with anyone of any importance at this point in time while its navy is an actual joke. Italy also has the issue of having no bases anywhere near North America to boot. More to the east, Japan is better served by taking the chance to grab some territory in the confusion instead of overreaching into the mainland of America while it's already looking to carve a sphere of influence out of China.

The Soviets have the desire to assist (though this is hemmed by Stalin's mistrust of socialist movements he does not control) but while they certainly have a lot of troops to spare, their sealift capacity is rather limited and they're certainly not going to assist the Whites. The last of the major powers; China, has no means to reach America and is far too busy with its own civil war and the secondary powers from Sweden to Argentina can all be summed up as "irrelevant" to the outcome of the conflict. Mexico being the primary exception because it's right there and has nothing to lose by throwing itself into the conflict once it becomes clear that the Reds are the favoured side but quite a lot to gain by befriending the new America and helping spread its revolutionary wave southwards.
 
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On the subject of Britain/Canada, why is there no intervention in the war? Wouldn't preventing America from falling to the reds would be considered a very significant priority? Or did the white cause go downhill so fast it wasn't seen as worth it?
As has already been stated, they are not in a state to intervene. Nor would, at this state of the conflict, the National Salvation government allow such intervention.

It is important to remember that in the UK, the Royal Navy is the senior service. The British Army in peacetime is a colonial security force. Like IOTL, the guiding principle behind British Security policy Post-Great War is the "Ten Year Rule"; the supposition that there is not likely to be a major conflict in the next ten years. IOTL, it was continuously renewed until 1932. And because Britain is an island country, securing the trade lanes for the importation of raw materials and export of finished goods is vital to the country's survival.

The Royal Navy gets the lion's share of men and funding, and even then by the Great Depression it meant deferring maintenance and modernisation on its ships, and basically no new construction. The Army had it even worse; in the Fiscal Year ending March 1934, for example, the Army was allocated £6.9 million, and the Royal Ordnance factories that produced munitions were completely idle. By comparison, in Fiscal Year 1939, the British Army was allocated £67.6 million. There was only a total of 316,000 men in all branches of the British Armed forces in 1932-3.

What the British military is interested in is observing the conflict. By April, there are British military attaches in the White Army, and they are there to study the conflict and how it might affect British defense policy in the coming years. Without spoiling anything, this will be a crucial development for the coming years.
 
It does seem like a huge national security risk to have an hostile Canada just lying there across the world longest border.
 
It does seem like a huge national security risk to have an hostile Canada just lying there across the world longest border.
America would rather wait to consolidate its position and pick easy "fights" in Latin America by promoting revolution or using its economic influence to push Latin America into leftism and thus secure a strong sphere of influence than provoke a conflict with the British Empire as the aggressor straight away. America is rather keen on avoiding the failures of the Russian experiment that lead to Leninism being contained to the borders of the Russian Empire. There's a real desire to be able to get to rebuilding as quickly as possible and then prepare for the task of crushing Western Europe and Japan beneath the stones.
 
It does seem like a huge national security risk to have an hostile Canada just lying there across the world longest border.
What can they do exactly?

Once the Reds are done kicking Macarthur and company to the curb, they're gonna have to rebuild a lotta territory.

Going and picking a fight with Canada, thereby drawing in Britain, AKA the biggest Empire around? That's just outright stupidity, and anyone advocating it is gonna be packed off to go help make sure Alaska is properly Socialist.
 
I don't think proximity to other nations with revolutionary movements or even the strength of the internal labour movement is an indicator of the possibility of the development of successful revolutionary movements in adjacent nations. If you look at the October Revolution and the Russian Civil War that followed, there were sections of the former Russian Empire that were small in territory and population who remained outside of Soviet control due to the circumstances of the events that followed. Both Helsinki and Riga were actually Bolshevik strongholds in 1917 but both Finland and all the Baltic states were independent come 1924. The Soviets had a larger army and greater industry but couldn't afford to engage in military adventures to overcome the counter-revolutions that had taken place. Sure there's no 'occupying German army' in this scenario to strangle the revolution in its crib but there would be other circumstances that make it unlikely.

I imagine there's no lack of Noskes and Eberts in Canada in this timeline to turn the workers in Canada away from revolutionary conclusions, the broader British Empire also shielded Canada somewhat from the worst of the economic crisis meaning the workers are less desperate. For the UASR, the devastation of the Civil War, coming at a time of economic devastation in the midst of the Great Depression, means that the UASR wouldn't have been able to commit to a new war straight away. Then, as they are rebuilding, so are the British and the Germans, the proxy war in Spain erupts followed by the actual war that devastates the USSR. Britain becomes a tentative ally for the duration of the war and then after the war nukes means the idea of invading Canada is pointless.
 
Going and picking a fight with Canada, thereby drawing in Britain, AKA the biggest Empire around? That's just outright stupidity, and anyone advocating it is gonna be packed off to go help make sure Alaska is properly Socialist.
On the subject, what is happening with Alaska anyhow?
 
On the subject, what is happening with Alaska anyhow?
The Alaska Territory is predominantly peopled by loggers, miners, and fishermen. While news will take a while to percolate to remote communities, the major settlements of Anchorage, Fairbanks, and Juneau are pretty clearly on the side of the Provisional Government, and most of the federal agency branches there are generally going along with it for the time being. There is no military presence to speak of to say otherwise.
 
The Alaska Territory is predominantly peopled by loggers, miners, and fishermen. While news will take a while to percolate to remote communities, the major settlements of Anchorage, Fairbanks, and Juneau are pretty clearly on the side of the Provisional Government, and most of the federal agency branches there are generally going along with it for the time being. There is no military presence to speak of to say otherwise.
What about Guam, Samoa and Hawaii?
 
The Alaska Territory is predominantly peopled by loggers, miners, and fishermen.

... and First Nations groups that don't neatly fit into those categories. But as we're the traditional target of American genocidal tendencies, somehoooooow I doubt the local bands would be entirely down with fascists.

Actually, I'm kinda curious now about what's going on with the reservations, what interactions they've had with the Worker's Party to date (if any) and what the official line on us is right now, and interested to see how that's dealt with after the Revolution.
 
What about Guam, Samoa and Hawaii?
The closer a remote American territory is to Japan, France, or Britain's pacific territories the more danger it's in of one of the three "helping themselves". Hawaii is largely safe from this sort of foreign land grabbing due to the presence of substantial American naval assets.

The Philippines will, once MacArthur pulls away American garrisons there; decide to invite the British in to take them in as a dominion/client state to protect them from Japanese invasion. After all the British are fairly close and share a language with the prior overlords and so business would resume as largely usual, though the shipments will be going south instead of east.
 
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What about Guam, Samoa and Hawaii?
They're all being garrisoned by Marine and Naval Personnel who in theory report to Washington but are not necessarily happy about it. The coup is an Army matter, and the Navy has been forced into compliance through various measures.

Though it should be noted that the American branch of the Mau movement in Samoa is gaining steam from these events.
 
American Civil War Orders of Battle
American Civil War Orders of Battle

US Army Infantry Division
  • Division Headquarters
  • 2 x Infantry Brigade
    • 2 x Infantry Regiments
      • 3 x Infantry Battalions
        • 4 x Infantry Companies
          • 4 x Infantry Platoon
      • Machine Gun Company
    • Machine Gun Battalion
  • Field Artillery Brigade
    • 155mm Artillery Regiment
    • 2 x 75mm Artillery Regiment
    • Mortar battalion
  • Engineer Regiment
  • Train HQ
    • Supply Train
    • Munitions Train
    • Engineering Train
    • Sanitary Train
Authorized Strength: 27,000 men, 1,000 officers. 48 mortars, 72 artillery pieces, 260 machine guns, 17,666 rifles.

The US Army infantry division had changed very little from the Great War. Years of Congressional frugality had frozen the Army's combat units, and blocked most attempts at reorganization and modernization. This is not to say that the officers of the White Army were dunces stuck refighting the Great War. The General Staff had begun studying the problems of the next war as soon as the guns had fallen silent in France.

A 1920 memorandum by Brigadier General Fox Conner, widely circulated within the War Department, had identified the basic strategic questions poised at the US Army. A falling out among the victors of the Great War was identified as the only plausible future conflict within the next decade; all other potential adversaries had been ruined. This would entail military operations, whether on the offense or defense, on the North American continent, liking against the British Empire. The tactics and organization of trench warfare would only be of limited applicability. The terrain would favor a return to maneuver warfare. The existing US Army division was too immobile for operations in depth.

Financial and political restrictions blocked General Pershing's1​ planned reorganization to a triangular division arrangement. Like after the Slaver's War, the political leadership beat swords into ploughshares, and made only limited accommodations to geostrategic needs. The Selective Service system was gutted; the individual states would maintain it for an enlarged National Guard to provide the Army with the reservists it would need to mobilise for the next war.

The US Army itself would be a professional, all-volunteer cadre force. With the limited budget available, it would be impossible to simultaneously reorganize the divisions, and familiarize officers and NCOs with the new organization, as well as establish the new cadre system.

Under the National Defense Act of 1919, the divisions of the US Army were reorganized into three grades of readiness. Class A divisions were to be maintained at between 90 to 100 percent manpower, in full readiness for combat operations. Class B divisions would be fully billeted with all necessary materiel, but would only be kept at 50 percent manpower. In the event of mobilisation, a Class B division would require a week to prepare for operations, and significantly longer to fully mobilise. Class C divisions were purely reserve formations, staffed only by a core cadre of officers, NCOs and senior enlisted, between 10 and 25 percent strength. Class C divisions would require much longer to train and mobilise reservists and new recruits, and would have to acquire rear echelon assets, such as trucks and draft animals transferred from the civilian sector.

The existing divisions of the US Army were divided into the organisational classes based roughly on their history. The 1st through 10th Infantry Divisions were to be organised as Class A divisions. The 11th through 24th Infantry were to be Class B divisions. The 25th through 50th were the designations for National Guard divisions in federal service, and under the ambitious plan established by General Pershing, were expected to be organized at Class B level. The remaining divisions of the National Army, 51st and up were to be demobilised to Class C levels, maintaining a minimal cadre of officers and NCOs to manage equipment in long-term storage. Pershing and the General Staff developed a rubric to make this ambitious plan affordable by slimming down the huge square divisions into smaller triangular divisions of around 13,000 officers and men.

The US Congress would not provide the funds and personnel required for this scheme. The National Defense Act of 1921, along with the year's Selective Service Act, dramatically reduced the manpower of the US Army, and cut the funding available to the bone. With the exception of the 3rd Infantry Division, all of the Class A divisions were downgraded to Class B status by 1924. The planned Class B divisions were reduced to skeleton Class C cadres, and many of the National Guard commands existed only on paper after the National Guard adopted more flexible organisations for the needs of the states. Class C divisions were often just stores of equipment and uniforms barely guarded, especially as Great Depression budget cuts forced economisation.

Limited reorganizations were made under this arrangement. Trench warfare became a special operation, and most of the specialized equipment and units required were transferred from the division to corps or army level commands.

The US Army division of the Civil War was a slightly leaner version of its Great War antecedent. MacArthur had been a champion of military reorganization, one of the strongest advocates Pershing's triangular division plan, but with the pressing need to crush the insurrection in the industrial centres of the United States quickly, the U.S. Army could not be reorganised. MacArthur would fight the war with the tools he had: 2 Class A divisions (3rd Infantry, 1st Cavalry) and 10 Class B Divisions.

On paper, these divisions were robust and wielded immense firepower. But they were organizationally cumbersome, with each level of the chain of command constituted of four organic units plus supplemental units. Officers were burdened with a heavy organizational workload.

Additionally, the divisions relied heavily on draft animals for logistical backbone. Motor transport played a minor role in the moving of troops, equipment and supplies. While field commanders did requisition civilian motor vehicles during the drive northward, it played a comparatively limited role in the first phase of the war. Artillery is the king of the battlefield, and their carriages were not suited for motor transport. During the winter and spring of 1933, the White Army did not control a sufficient industrial base to refit artillery carriages with pneumatic tires and suspensions. What industrial base they did control was plagued by strikes, absenteeism, sabotage and outright insurrection.

Where they did excel was in prepared defense. With a large number of redundant sub-units, the division could absorb casualties and remain in combat for an extended period of time. Each of the brigades of a US Army division had nearly as many men, rifles, and machine guns as a Red Army division. The engineer regiment, a hold over from the Great War days, allowed the rapid employment of defensive works.

While this table of organisation and equipment by statute applied to the regular, reserve and National Guard divisions of the US Army, the practical necessities of mobilisation required the stripping of the available reserve cadres in the Southern United States of men and materiel to mobilise the regular army divisions. National Guard divisions serving in the White Army typically lacked organic support assets and were at significantly reduced manpower.



Red Army Rifle Division (March Plan)
  • Division Headquarters
  • 3 x Infantry Regiment
    • 3 x Infantry Battalion
      • 3 x Infantry Company
        • 3 x Infantry Platoon
        • Weapons Platoon
      • Weapons Company
    • Cannon Company
  • Artillery Regiment
    • 3 x 75 mm artillery battalion
    • 155 mm artillery battalion
  • Engineer Battalion
  • Reconnaissance Company
  • Medical Company
  • Signal Company
  • Service Company
  • Political Commissariat
Authorized Strength: ~15,000 men, 700 officers. 84 mortars, 36 infantry support guns, 48 artillery pieces, 190 machine guns, 9,200 rifles.

On 7 February 1933, the Revolutionary Military Committee of the All-American Congress of Soviets promulgated the then secret General Order 17. This directive ordered the establishment of a Red Army outside the control and oversight of the all-antifascist coalition in the Provisional Government.

Under General Order 17, the soviets were directed to take control of the Selective Service draft boards, and begin the process of conscripting men for the Red Army. Training camps would be established by the Spartacus League.

By the time this inflammatory move became known in the broader Provisional Government, it was too late and desperate to stop. In mid March, the RMC finalised its general mobilisation plans. The "March Plan" would utilise the personnel and assets of the Class C cadre formations as the seed for new divisions, stiffened by a core of union "old shirts" and Great War veterans from the party.

The divisions of the March Plan would be organised as triangular divisions comprised of three rifle maneuver regiments. Each regiment would have three rifle battalions, supported by an organic cannon company. These light pack howitzers and support guns would greatly augment the firepower available to the regiment on maneuver.

The infantry battalion in turn would have three rifle companies, and a weapons company kitted with machine guns and mortars. And each rifle company in turn would have three rifle platoons and a weapons platoon similarly arranged.

Divisions of the March Plan were organised to maximise the flexibility and mobility of the division. Organic support assets enabled unit commanders utilise initiative in combat operations and greatly shorten preparation times in offensives and assaults.

These divisions had their organisation heavily inspired by the Experimental Brigade, active between 1925 and 1928 under the command of Brigadier General Leslie McNair. The Experimental Brigade had been promoted by ambitious junior officers with the patronage of Pershing to develop new techniques for operational scale warfare, manoeuvre and mechanisation. As part of the hard-sell to a budget conscious Congress, the division-equivalent unit was pitched as a mere brigade, and a number of other techniques were utilised to hide the total program cost in other programs.

The Brigade was organised into three motorised infantry regiments, each with organic support assets. This basic structure of three maneuver elements with organic support was repeated down to the platoon level. In manoeuvres in the midwest, the Experimental Brigade pioneered the application of radio, mechanised infantry carriage, artillery support doctrine, and even the employment of tanks for exploitation. Most of the Army's best and brightest would pass through it during its three year life, including Harry Haywood, Martin Abern, George Marshall, David Eisenhower, and Terry Allen. Junior officers and NCOs competed for a billet with the Brigade, and during its brief existence it was the Army's most prestigious posting.

The Experimental Brigade would be shuttered during the scandals of 1928. With many of its alumni drummed out of service for being Reds or Pinks, the Congress defunded the experiment over the objections of then-Army Chief of Staff Douglas MacArthur.

With most of the nation's industrial base under Red control, and the working class enthusiastically involved in the war effort, the Reds were able to rapidly shift to a war footing, and begin supplementing the materiel taken from government arsenals. Heavy water-cooled machine guns were converted to air-cooled models. Artillery pieces were retrofitted to truck carriages. A wide assortment of cars, trucks and motorcycles were requisitioned for military use. The production lines in Detroit began churning hastily militarised models alongside new tanks and armored cars. Everything from boots, uniforms and web gear to rifles, machine pistols and cannons were being churned out in the great industrial cities.

To ease organisation and foster morale, the Red Army adopted the heraldry and names of Great War National Army divisions. The first division mobilised under this plan was the 19th Infantry Division, mobilised from the loyalist cadre at Fort McCoy, Wisconsin, and Great War veterans hastily retrained for service.

By the time major fighting began in April, the Provisional Government was able to constitute five divisions under this arrangement to supplement Red Guard and paramilitary forces. All of them were significantly under strength, and would be committed to battle immediately.

In the savage fighting of April, they clashed with the regular divisions of the US Army in Chicago, Toledo and Pittsburgh and bore the brunt of the casualties. The flexibility and manoeuvre made possible by their organisation and motorisation allowed for daring counterattack and exploit operations, absolutely crucial to the decisive encirclements that turned the tide of the Civil War.

By the beginning of the June offensives, the Red Army had mobilised sixteen of the new model divisions. Grueling logistical work had ensured that while none were full strength, they were adequately equipped for offensive operations.



3rd Cavalry Regiment (Mechanised)
  • Regimental Headquarters
  • 2 x Mechanised Cavalry battalions
    • 2 x Cavalry Squadrons
      • 3 x Cavalry Troops
      • Weapons Platoon
    • Mechanised Infantry Company
      • 3 x Infantry Platoons
      • Weapons Platoon
    • Weapons Squadron
  • Tank battalion
    • 3 x Tank company
      • 3 x Tank Platoon
        • 5 x M1927 Tank
      • Service Platoon
    • Service Company
    • Reconnaissance Platoon
    • Antitank platoon
      • 4 x M1921 12.7 x 99 mm heavy machine guns.
    • Assault gun Platoon
      • 4 x M1928 75mm assault gun
  • Artillery battalion
    • 2 x Towed 75mm batteries
    • 1 Assault gun battery
      • 2 x assault gun platoon
      • Mortar platoon
  • Service Battalion
  • Engineer Company
  • Reconnaissance Squadron
Authorized strength: 3,641 men, 120 officers. 45 tanks, 16 artillery pieces, 12 assault guns, 20 mortars. 700 riding horses, 2,140 rifles/carbines, 20 machine gun teams.

The 3rd Cavalry Regiment was formed from the bones of the Experimental Brigade. Over the objections of the old guard of the Cavalry Branch, who did not see the temperamental new weapons and motorised systems as sufficiently mature to replace horse cavalry, the two Cavalry divisions began mechanisation in mid-1928.

The 3rd Cavalry Regiment, a component of the 2nd Cavalry Brigade in the 2nd Cavalry Division, was detached to begin mechanisation. One of its three cavalry battalions2​ was converted into a tank battalion, with equipment, officers and NCOs transferred from the now defunct Tank Branch.

In each of the two remaining battalions, one of the cavalry squadrons was converted into a mechanised infantry company. These companies were equipped with twelve M1928 light armored half-tracks, manufactured by Packard based off the Franco-Russian Kégresse design. Infantry would be carried into battle protected from shell splinters and gun-fire, and eventually many of these half-tracks would be outfitted with M1917 Browning machine guns. Each company was stiffened with a weapons platoon equipped with a 57mm mortar section and a Browning machine gun section.

Following preliminary organisation, the cavalry squadrons were augmented by a motorised weapons platoon, and the M1919 Christie prototypes were replaced with more reliable M1927 Christie tanks.

The main punch of the new regiment came from its battalion of 45 fast tanks. The light three-man tanks carried a turret mounted 37mm gun and a coaxial Browning machine gun. Additional firepower came from organic assault guns armed with 75mm pack howitzers, and two support batteries of 75 mm guns.

The cavalry regiment was organized towards the role of exploit operations in the enemy rear areas, with artillery and tanks to be screened by cavalry and mobile infantry. During manoeuvres in 1929 and 1930, the regiment performed quite well, and the Cavalry Board looked to acquire funding from Congress to finish the conversion.

The 1st Cavalry Division was part-way through reorganisation when the Depression hit, and the Army budget tightened. Plans to reorganise both divisions under the new plan were shelved indefinitely, with 1st Division only partially mechanised. 2nd Cavalry Division was downgraded to a Class B division.

Under US Army doctrine, the 3rd Cavalry Regiment was an independent manoeuvre unit, and should have been redesignated a brigade. But leaders in both the Cavalry and Tank Branches fought this proposal to prevent the outright cancellation of the mechanisation of the cavalry.


  1. His full rank is General of the Armies of the United States. It was intended to be equivalent to a British Field Marshal, but since only Pershing held it during the Great War and the years after, in practice it has the kind of symbolic weight that the position Marshal of France has in the French Army.
  2. This will probably only concern militaria enthusiasts, but naming conventions in the Cavalry Branch were reformed during the Great War ITTL to avoid possible confusion with British and French forces. IOTL, during the 19th century cavalry battalions existed only in garrison; when on maneuver the field force of the battalion was known as a squadron, and these squadrons were divided into troops that were the equivalent of infantry companies. At some point, this organisational difference was abolished, and cavalry battalions became squadrons. But in the British and French armies, the company equivalent unit is known as a squadron, and the platoon equivalent is a troop. The US Army grudgingly adopted this nomenclature during the Great War.
 
How do paramilitary and militia groups fit into this? Organizationally at least.
Most of the paramilitaries are formed, at least initially, by people with military experience in the Great War, so they tend to follow similar structures, but there is very little overall framework.

The Spartacus League is most committed to hammering itself into a proper red army, but during the uprisings of February they're basically streetfighting light infantry armed with a motley assortment of rifles, shotguns and pistols until they can begin to take control of police and military arsenals. They're mostly taking control of government offices, helping workers take control of their workplaces, and running off groups like the Pinkertons or far-right muscle squads.

Same with the KKK and the Silver Legion for the Whites. They're maintaining order by brutal methods in the South and across the Midwest, with a veneer of legitimate authority provided by local sheriffs and state police.

During major battles, paramilitary groups would be attached to more formal military commands. A regimental commander might have a company of irregulars attached to his command, particularly during urban fighting where block by block, house by house fighting is happening.
 
The Grapes of Wrath
The Grapes of Wrath

"Old John Brown's body lies moldering in the grave,
While weep the sons of bondage whom he ventured all to save;
But tho he lost his life while struggling for the slave,
His soul is marching on.
"
~William Weston Patton, "John Brown's Body"​

Some excerpts from British press coverage of the American Civil War

"Amidst allegations of voter intimidation and rampant ballot-stuffing by Bolshevik militants, wide scale rioting has spread in major cities across the United States of America. Reports have indicated large scale property destruction, as well as instances of 'lynch law', a foul American practice once predominantly exercised in the mob murder of American Negroes, being applied to men of the affluent classes. This has become severe enough that the American president, Herbert Hoover, has been forced to call up the militia to suppress this insurrection."

Front page story, The Daily Telegraph, 3 February 1933

"There are those among our intelligentsia which have cautioned that the Empire must tread lightly towards the new regime in America. One can only guess as to their motives; while a great deal have undoubtedly been seduced by Communistic treachery, there are some who may yet be won over. Their genteel abhorrence to the violent restoration of order by MacArthur's triumphant party is understandable, though we must obviously support such regrettable necessary measures to prevent the collapse of American civilization into the proletarian abyss. I am confident in predicting that MacArthur's sensitive Conservative leadership will bring about a revitalization of the nation which would silence all protests about the means of this rebirth. The minor misdeeds of individual members of the National Salvation Front would be submerged by the immense benefits the new regime is already bestowing upon America."

Lord Rothermere's editorial, The Daily Mail, 21 March 1933

"The Conservative Party, under the leadership of Stanley Baldwin, have announced their decision to withdraw from the National Government, citing irreconcilable political differences with their partners in the National Labour and National Liberal parties. Conservative members of His Majesty's Government have resigned, and it is expected that Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald will petition His Majesty to dissolve parliament and call new elections. While Baldwin's address made no explicit connection between his party's resignation and the Prime Minister's refusal to extend credit or permit arms sales to the White Government amidst increasing reports of large scale atrocities following the suspension of their constitution in early February, the record of parliamentary debate on the issue leaves no other conclusion."

The Times, 24 April 1933

"One hears endlessly of the collapse of 'English civilization in America' and the rise of 'Oriental barbarism' with each new victory by Popular forces. Among the 'respectable' voices, each cable from across the Atlantic brings only more doom and gloom. But for the British labourer, the news can only be met with cheer. In the guild halls and workshops, there is no self-deception. We do not laud murderers and despots keeping men in bondage at the point of the bayonet. But perhaps most importantly, the decisive revolutionary spirit of the American worker has dethroned the conservative orthodoxy within the Labour Party, who have devoted their efforts to managing the excesses of capital for capitalists instead of advancing the cause of the workers. The half-measures of Labour's timid governments have failed. Collaboration with class-enemies has proven disastrous to the real situation of the workers and their families. The building of an authentic socialist economy, based off the lessons of the American experience, must be the central aim of the entire Labour movement."

James Maxton's opinion-editorial, Daily Herald, 29 April 1933

"Amidst the very public failure of his bold aims to restore order 'within two months' of the beginning of hostilities, the White Generalissimo MacArthur has moved troops from American colonial possessions to the mainland with the hopes of bolstering his beleaguered war effort. This is made difficult by the increasing reports of partisan warfare within the White strongholds of the American South. As the Governor of Mississippi reported, the White cause was 'bleeding from a thousand cuts,' made by 'Negro brigands.'"

The Manchester Guardian, 2 May 1933



April Showers Bring May Flowers

The Constitutional Restoration consensus which the members of the Provisional Government had pledged to had already been a dead letter before March was over. Cracks had been appearing beforehand; the collectivization of industry and agriculture had begun in a bottom-up, spontaneous fountain of revolutionary enthusiasm. When necessary, the Workers Party had excused these acts as matters of local military necessity. The logic did pass a certain muster, as the sovietization of industry ensured a quick clearing of logjams, as workers took to their tasks with considerably enhanced enthusiasm. It also served to remove internal White resistance in Red controlled areas, a process that came to be assisted by Antifa "public safety commissions" that dealt out justice by shillelagh and revolver.

The internal faction war within the Party reached its decisive moment on 30 March. Three of the most influential surviving theoreticians in the Party met in private, agreeing to form a triumvirate to push the party into seizing the moment. The Provisional First Secretary William Z. Foster, and the Party Communications Director John Reed were already stalwarts of the Party's left-wing. The major coup was the third member of the triumvirate, Party Secretary-General Earl Browder, a staunch Muscovite centrist by reputation, who moved dramatically to the left as the Civil War ensued.

The Party began to discreetly encourage greater measures of revolutionary confrontation under the guise of "military exigency." They quickly found that both industry and partisan forces were eager to advance the revolutionary cause. By the time the triumvirate finished exerting its control over the Party, relegating the remnants of the Party right to "consultation" roles within the apparatus, the whole of Antifa's chain of command, which were nominally under the direction of the pluralist Provisional Government, de facto answered to the Workers' Party. Even the other political militants, such as the DFLP's Minutemen, were able to be pulled away from the Restoration consensus.

Elsewhere, the cauldron of discontent began overcoming MacArthur's attempts to crack down, boiling over into a second front in the American Revolution. Emboldened by the news of Patton's Bonus Army mutiny, the sailors of the US Pacific Fleet stationed in San Francisco began their own mutiny.

Under the loose leadership of naval aviator John S. Thach (he is said to have remarked he didn't so much lead the mutiny as he was the one running fast enough to stay at the head of the pack), the sailors holding the Bay Area under martial law revolted against their officers. In the early morning hours of 4 April, a cadre of Red sailors struck simultaneously on each of the battleships anchored in the San Francisco bay. Assisted by sympathetic junior officers, and with the majority support of the crews, the sailors raised the red flag of revolution over the battleships at dawn. With the battleships' mighty guns no longer holding the city hostage, the revolt spread like a wildfire. Similar mutinies spread to the lesser support vessels in the fleet, and the naval security detachments in the city proper began to raise the red flag. The city's powerful trade unions turned out in force, sweeping aside the weak White paramilitaries trying to hold the city.

By dusk the next day, the city of San Francisco was under complete Red control. The mayor and much of the city council had been arrested as enemies of the people, and soon the radio stations began broadcasting a revolutionary call to arms. The West coast was quickly ablaze with revolution, aided by similar mutinies by Naval personnel in San Diego and Seattle. The California countryside became a fierce battleground between Red and White militia groups.

The opening of the second front on the West coast came too late to stop the repatriation of troops from the Philippines. It did, however, mark a decisive turning point in Soviet attitudes towards the American revolution. While the Soviet government and the Comintern centre did not go so far as to issue any censure to the American communists, behind closed doors the reports of revolutionary agitation were viewed as needless adventurism. The official Comintern line, as handed down by Stalin, was to fight for constitutional restoration, and avoid risky gambles that could damage the whole international communist movement. But with the success of the West coast uprisings, Stalin finally committed to seeing the American revolution through to the end. In a historical irony, Stalin's foreign policy began to mirror his rival Trotsky's doctrine of permanent revolution.

Arms, resources and volunteers began to be channeled to America, especially the torrents of German communists fleeing the embryonic Nazi regime. The Comintern's International Brigades brought new reserves of manpower to the Red cause in the Civil War, and Communists in the European trade unions succeeded in pushing the unions to thwarting attempts by the bourgeois governments of Europe to provide material support to the White regime.

As April drew to a close, General Marshall's Army of the Mississippi laid siege to Chicago. His forces clashed with Antifa workers' militias along the suburban outskirts of the city. And though he seemed mere inches away from closing his grip around the revolution's throat, his troops encountered Chicago's defenses the same way a car encounters a brick wall.

He did not attain the easy walkover that he had anticipated based on the experience of Springfield. Instead, his already shaken troops encountered intense resistance from an armed urban mass of men and women who dug in and did not yield ground cheaply. The Antifa defenders effectively used commandeered civilian vehicles to move reserve troops into breaches as fast as they appeared. And the uncontested air superiority he had enjoyed was now challenged by a motley group of mutinying airmen and Soviet volunteers.

On 24 April, Marshall's offensive ground to a near standstill. His soldiers, ill-equipped and poorly trained for streetfighting, measured their gains in blocks, and then buildings. The defense of the city was bolstered by the arrival of the first proper Red Army divisions, the 19th "Black Cat" and 25th "Lightning" Infantry. In the brutal melee, casualties mounted on both sides. On the following day, Marshall abandoned his previous restraint, and set his artillery to a round-the-clock shelling of Red positions in the city. But the heavy masonry of the city's buildings proved more resilient to 75mm artillery shells than anticipated, and even bombed-out structures still made effective bunkers.

26 April saw the first bouts of mass desertion in the Army of the Mississippi. This did less to sap the effectiveness of Marshall's forces than it bolstered the strength of Antifa's ranks. The troops who defected had been the ones ideologically opposed to the MacArthurite agenda, and had been subtly sabotaging the White cause by inaction and pantomime.

Even by conservative estimates, his forces were inflicting two casualties for every one they received, but still Marshall found himself no closer to taking the city after nearly a week of hard fighting. With MacArthur breathing down his neck, demanding from on high that the centre of Red subversion be taken "immediately," Marshall had no route available but forward. A protracted siege of the city would be nearly impossible; the Solidarity federation taken control of nearly all American shipping on the Great Lakes. Their allies on the Canadian side had taken decisive strike action, grinding transport to a halt at the mere whiff of any material support being extended to the White regime. Chicago could thus be continually resupplied, with men and materiel, from unassailed Red strongholds in Wisconsin and Michigan.

In spite of a month's worth of setbacks, the National Salvation Front regime in Washington was in a triumphalist mood. MacArthur's chosen stooge Raymond Moley, appointed by a rump reactionary Congress now controlled by a motley group of Republican collaborators and a patchwork of elevated far-right political nobodies, was already busy planning reforms to come with the New Order after the end of this little bout of civil unrest. MacArthur himself did little to discourage him, or the Congress enacting the NSF's domestic agenda as though the Civil War were already won. But the cracks in that confidence were beginning to appear. Patton's Bonus Army handily suppressed a White militia uprising in central Pennsylvania.

A hundred bleeding sores had opened up across the prairie and the mountain west, as railworkers stopped the passage of transcontinental cargo. Farmers and miners clashed with Baldwin-Felts stooges for the control of the towns. The banners of the Platformist Black Brigades galloped across the plains, running the cattle barons and corrupt sheriffs from the towns. Troubling reports came in from the Canadian consulate that the junta forces in Helena were being routed, and a Montana Soviet Socialist Republic was being established in Butte.

Chafee's Army of the Prairie drifted in and out of contact, and at times the reports that were received made little sense. The DFLP party militant, the Minutemen, had created a bleeding sore all along the Mississippi River, and now seemed to have St. Louis under their control. There hadn't been any good news in the development of the Mexican Civil War in over a month, and now there were rumors that Villa's revolutionary forces in the North were set to link up with Zapata's in the South. In spite of intense fighting, Pittsburgh and Toledo were still holding.

Yet still the General of the Armies of the United States remained irreproachable on his dais. Chicago would soon be rolled up, and with it one of the revolution's hearts would be excised. And he was confident that the 2nd Marine Division landing on Long Island would accomplish the same for the second heart in New York.

The illusion came crashing down on 28 April. M1927 cavalry tanks from Chaffee's 1st Cavalry Division began cutting into the Army of the Mississippi's logistical tail. Too fast for howitzer crews not trained to deal with tanks, yet well armored enough to be safe from frontal attack from the Army of the Mississippi's few 12.7mm heavy machine guns, even the light Christies proved to be an unstoppable force of nature. The heavier M1925 infantry tanks followed in the wake of the light tank's spearheads, mopping up makeshift bunkers and fortified trenches.

The Red Army's 101st "Nike" Infantry, recently mobilised in Grand Rapids, launched a sweeping hook through northwest Indiana, pincering the Army of the Mississippi on its eastern flanks. The spearheads pushed deep into the rear area riding on Detroit's finest. Marshall's headquarters became a pandemonium, and even all of his careful skill was not enough to turn the tide. The already faltering morale of his troops collapsed, and mass surrenders began to occur.

Spurred on by the arrival of the almost legendary Smedley Butler, the 1st Marine Division securing the bulk of the Atlantic fleet was beginning its own mutiny at the Norfolk Naval Station. As for the Marines on Long Island, the rot began to spread as worker militias augmented by a volunteer group of Soviet Naval Infantry and Marine veterans encircled them in Queens, New York. Utilising their control of the subway system, the New York Red Guards rapidly reinforced the sectors under assault, forcing the White Marines into an ever-shrinking pocket.

As news of the reversals of fortune began streaming in, MacArthur found himself fixated on a single cable. Patton's stinging betrayal was now festering. The man he once considered his protégé had taken command of the defense of Pittsburgh, forming the Eastern Combined Antifa Group from the Spartacus League's Nat Turner Column, the Pennsylvania Red Guards, and the Bonus Army. Worse, the tide seemed to be slowly turning in the city.

Only when news came in that General Marshall, finding his headquarters surrounded, had surrendered, did MacArthur begin to appreciate the world of trouble he was in.


Battle of Chicago Wikibox by @Asami
 
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Something to look forward to in the future of this timeline.

The Daily Mail: Television edition.
 
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