Chapter 48: Step-By-Step
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
National Taiwan University, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China, 1 June 1916
"So," Manipur asked his colleague, "How goes the space program?"
"About as well as you could hope, Mani," said Fr. Christopher. "The centrifuge plan is definitely something, but eventually, we decided to just go with the rockets for the GPS system."
"Yeah, I get that. Didn't want to reinvent the wheel, did you?"
"I mean, it works," said the Jesuit physicist, "But at the same time, it's better for smaller stuff, not big ones like the satellites."
"It doesn't explode anymore, does it?" Manipur couldn't help himself. "Sorry."
"It's all part of the learning process," the priest chuckled. This wasn't the first time he'd heard it, and at least he still thought it was funny. "But yeah, the payload and deployment work just fine. I mean, there's now a giant payload floating around the earth now, but it works. You coming to the first launch?"
"Yeah. Plant inspections shouldn't take too much time, Chris. Plus, I know you'd do the same for me."
"Yeah. Whenever you guys actually finish one of those plants. What's the ETA on those, anyways? 1924?"
"Hey, you can't rush these things. If your stuff blows up, you have to build a new satellite: if my stuff blows up, we have Chinese Chernobyl on our hands."
"Yeah, fair," the priest admitted. "So, you meet any of the Indian lecturers?"
"Please tell me you aren't asking because I'm Indian."
"No, I'm asking you because you're the one who got a ticket to every one of their lectures. So, you hear anything good?"
"Well, they're better than the BJP. All of them have that going for them."
"Mani, you call Narendra Modi a 'fucking cunt.'"
"Yeah. Still, it's a mixed bag. On one hand, we have the INC guys. You know, Nehru's old party?"
"Yeah, the Catholic Party, led by Catholic Rajiv Gandhi."
"Pretty sure he isn't Catholic, Chris."
"Hey, there are like, four dozen Catholics on this island. I'll take what I can get."
"Eh, you can have 'em. Anyways, some INC members came by to do some speeches, and they were… well, they were definitely something."
"That bad, huh?"
"Not exactly. Sure, Tilak kinda came off as a proto-Modi, but at the same time, you have Gandhi and Jinnah somehow on the same page, pushing more moderate stances."
"Never thought I'd see that happen, Mani."
"It's the 1910s. This was the time when Jinnah wasn't pushing for Pakistan, and Gandhi just came back from South Africa."
"Yeah, I guess. What's your take?"
"Well, if we go with a single-state solution, we're less-likely to end up with Modi Bhakts in the 21st Century. At the same time, it's the INC it the 1910s, and they're fairly… how do I put it?"
"Elitist?"
"Right. As opposed to the Ghadarites."
"The socialists?" Mani nodded. "What about them?"
"They tend to be a lot more grounded, if I' being honest. Though that isn't too surprising when your remember that their base of support tends to be diaspora students and workers."
"Yeah, I guess so. They're the ones calling for revolution, right?"
"Yup. And they make up the bulk of the Indian population in China, right?"
"Unless I suddenly have twenty kids in the next year."
"Didn't know you were turning Catholic, Mani."
"Never happening, Chris. No offense, of course."
"None taken. So, the majority of the Indians here like the Ghadarites more than the INC?"
"More or less. Sure, Gandhi is decently-known, even at this point. But as long as the INC doesn't appeal to the masses here like the Ghadarites do, the latter'll always be more popular."
"And in India?"
"The Ghadar Party is basically illegal over there, which means the INC is leading the charge. Well, them and the Home Rule movement."
"Makes sense, Mani. So Ghadar is more of an expatriate movement?"
"More or less. Do you know what happens to a Ghadar supporter in India?"
"Arrest?"
"No. They take a boat to China and join the Foreign Legion for the education and the combat training."
Office of the Grand Vizier, Constantinople, Ottoman Empire, 7 July 1916
"Well then," said Ambassador Ma. "That was rather quick, wasn't it?"
"Indeed it was," said the Grand Vizier. "And we have your people's technology and knowledge to thank for this."
"It comes with the partnership," Ma pointed out. "After all, the workers are Ottomans. As will be the next batch of professionals upon their return."
"That they will," Ferid Pasha agreed. "And unlike the TPC, the money will go to my people. Well, our share, anyways."
"Of course," Ma agreed once more. As for China's shares, it would largely be in the form of cheaper gas. "Now I take it you didn't summon me just to chat about our countries' partnership?"
"Of course not," the Grand Vizier politely told him. "Rather, I have a few proposals for your government."
"It is my job to hear them," said the Ambassador. "What are you proposing?"
"Cooperation between our two governments on military affairs."
"That's a bit much, wouldn't you say? While the Republic of China and the Ottoman Empire have many shared interests, I do not think a military alliance would be possible at this time."
"Then it is good that I am not proposing a military alliance, Ambassador. Rather, I am proposing that the Ottoman Army send over officers to be trained in modern warfare. After which, those officers would return here and begin retraining our own armed forces."
"That would be doable," Ma figured. He would have to consult Nanjing, but it could at least work in theory. "Weapons may be an issue, of course. Modern strategies and tactics require modern equipment."
"Which brings me to my other proposal: I would like to purchase rifles, ammunition, and equipment to modernize the Ottoman Army."
"That, I believe, would be even harder, due to sheer scale. I take it the Sublime Porte is moving closer to us by the day?"
"That we are, Ambassador. After all, war is politics by other means."
And an economic alliance is the groundwork for a military alliance. Clever man.
Caracas, Venezuela, 20 August 1916
"It is clear," said one of the officers, "That the current situation is untenable. Our revenues are even lower than last year, and the President is betting the whole country on finding oil."
"And even then," said another officer, "Much of the wealth will likely go to Anglo-Dutch Shell. And what money that doesn't go to the foreigners will go to the pockets of Gómez and his allies."
"So, business as usual?" asked a third officer, and this got a chuckle out of everyone, from soldiers to civilians. "But yes, that is where we are right now. Even if Venezuela were to strike oil tomorrow, the average Venezuelan will be just as poor and illiterate in ten years."
"Not to mention that Gómez would outright refuse to develop our own industry," one civilian pointed out. "He sees industrial workers as a threat to the status quo. And if that means having to rely on American and Chinese imports, then so be it."
"He's selling out our future!" shouted the man next to him. "While he could always 'Plant the Oil,' as they say, he won't even do that! And we all know how that would end up."
This discussion would continue for the next few hours. Grievance after grievance would be aired. Soldiers and civilian alike would build off one another, their frustrations boiling into a crescendo that left only one answer.
Revolution.
Dreán, French Algeria 10 September 1916
The man looked at the sight before him, as men built a new building in the middle of the city.
"To think that one day, our son will have an education as good as in the Metropole," Lucien said to his wife. "He deserves nothing but the best, Catherine."
"They claim that the school will be open to Berber and Arab children as well," his wife said with some concern. "I suppose this is Paris' doing?"
"Possibly, my dear. But I would rather our son have a quality education and, God-willing, electricity as well someday. And if that means that the Arabs and Berbers also have such opportunities, then so be it."
"If you say so, Lucien. The simple fact that this is even being built in the first place is remarkable. The Radical-Socialists in Paris seem determined to develop Algeria."
"All the better for us," her husband figured, before they walked off once more. "And even better for our son."
Saigon Free School, Saigon, French Indochina, 6 October 1916
"Never thought I'd set foot here," Le figured, as he looked at the new campus. "We do have enough teachers, right?"
"More than enough," Nguyen promised, and looked at the assembled students. "With the money we have, we can afford it."
Well, it's not like China is running out of either. We're still making bank even after tariff reform in America and the UK.
Plus, there had to be at least somebody who wanted to come here and teach. Sure, amenities are shit right now, but none of us signed up for the luxury.
At this point, I'm just happy the French agreed to this.
Truth be told, neither he, Nguyen, nor Phan thought that the French would actually agree to this. After all, the Free School had been shut down less than a decade ago.
Then again, that was a different government. One that did not believe that Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity extended to the colonies.
But this one? This was a French government that wholeheartedly welcomed the new Free School.
Then again, it did make some sense. Here was a French government that embraced modernism and extending rights to their colonies.
Sure, they probably saw it as "Expanding the Proletariat and the Socialist Revolution," but Phan couldn't care less what Paris wanted to call their new colonial policy, as long as it was good for Indochina.
Besides, it wasn't as if Le and Nguyen were going to object to the socialist part, anyways.
Socialism or not, this was something all of the movement could get behind. Even moreso, when Le saw all the adults who were signing up for classes.
The Sergeant couldn't help but smile at the sight before him. While the children would almost certainly be the future of Vietnam- no, Indochinese society, their parents would be the present.
And here they were, just as willing to embrace the future as their children.
Of course, it wasn't all revolutionary fervor. After all, many simply sent their children here because this new school provided opportunities for their children.
But as far as Le was concerned, education itself was a revolutionary act. By educating themselves, people could be exposed to new ideas, and think critically.
And unlike back in his time, there were no large oil companies masquerading their talking points as education.
Time travel or not, that bastard Dennis Prager owed me two hours of my life back.
But that was all an issue for the future. Right now, he could stand and enjoy the sight before him as countless men, women, and children lined up to sign up for classes.
Every revolution had to start somewhere. Maybe this one would start here in the classroom, instead of the training fields? Would save me the trouble of having to go shoot every merc in sight.
Well, that wasn't entirely correct. The revolution would start here, as well as Hanoi, Hue, Phnom Penh, and Viangchan.
After all, if the French didn't have a problem with free schools, and the Chinese were more than willing to foot the bill, then why wouldn't they set up more than one school?
"So," Manipur asked his colleague, "How goes the space program?"
"About as well as you could hope, Mani," said Fr. Christopher. "The centrifuge plan is definitely something, but eventually, we decided to just go with the rockets for the GPS system."
"Yeah, I get that. Didn't want to reinvent the wheel, did you?"
"I mean, it works," said the Jesuit physicist, "But at the same time, it's better for smaller stuff, not big ones like the satellites."
"It doesn't explode anymore, does it?" Manipur couldn't help himself. "Sorry."
"It's all part of the learning process," the priest chuckled. This wasn't the first time he'd heard it, and at least he still thought it was funny. "But yeah, the payload and deployment work just fine. I mean, there's now a giant payload floating around the earth now, but it works. You coming to the first launch?"
"Yeah. Plant inspections shouldn't take too much time, Chris. Plus, I know you'd do the same for me."
"Yeah. Whenever you guys actually finish one of those plants. What's the ETA on those, anyways? 1924?"
"Hey, you can't rush these things. If your stuff blows up, you have to build a new satellite: if my stuff blows up, we have Chinese Chernobyl on our hands."
"Yeah, fair," the priest admitted. "So, you meet any of the Indian lecturers?"
"Please tell me you aren't asking because I'm Indian."
"No, I'm asking you because you're the one who got a ticket to every one of their lectures. So, you hear anything good?"
"Well, they're better than the BJP. All of them have that going for them."
"Mani, you call Narendra Modi a 'fucking cunt.'"
"Yeah. Still, it's a mixed bag. On one hand, we have the INC guys. You know, Nehru's old party?"
"Yeah, the Catholic Party, led by Catholic Rajiv Gandhi."
"Pretty sure he isn't Catholic, Chris."
"Hey, there are like, four dozen Catholics on this island. I'll take what I can get."
"Eh, you can have 'em. Anyways, some INC members came by to do some speeches, and they were… well, they were definitely something."
"That bad, huh?"
"Not exactly. Sure, Tilak kinda came off as a proto-Modi, but at the same time, you have Gandhi and Jinnah somehow on the same page, pushing more moderate stances."
"Never thought I'd see that happen, Mani."
"It's the 1910s. This was the time when Jinnah wasn't pushing for Pakistan, and Gandhi just came back from South Africa."
"Yeah, I guess. What's your take?"
"Well, if we go with a single-state solution, we're less-likely to end up with Modi Bhakts in the 21st Century. At the same time, it's the INC it the 1910s, and they're fairly… how do I put it?"
"Elitist?"
"Right. As opposed to the Ghadarites."
"The socialists?" Mani nodded. "What about them?"
"They tend to be a lot more grounded, if I' being honest. Though that isn't too surprising when your remember that their base of support tends to be diaspora students and workers."
"Yeah, I guess so. They're the ones calling for revolution, right?"
"Yup. And they make up the bulk of the Indian population in China, right?"
"Unless I suddenly have twenty kids in the next year."
"Didn't know you were turning Catholic, Mani."
"Never happening, Chris. No offense, of course."
"None taken. So, the majority of the Indians here like the Ghadarites more than the INC?"
"More or less. Sure, Gandhi is decently-known, even at this point. But as long as the INC doesn't appeal to the masses here like the Ghadarites do, the latter'll always be more popular."
"And in India?"
"The Ghadar Party is basically illegal over there, which means the INC is leading the charge. Well, them and the Home Rule movement."
"Makes sense, Mani. So Ghadar is more of an expatriate movement?"
"More or less. Do you know what happens to a Ghadar supporter in India?"
"Arrest?"
"No. They take a boat to China and join the Foreign Legion for the education and the combat training."
Office of the Grand Vizier, Constantinople, Ottoman Empire, 7 July 1916
"Well then," said Ambassador Ma. "That was rather quick, wasn't it?"
"Indeed it was," said the Grand Vizier. "And we have your people's technology and knowledge to thank for this."
"It comes with the partnership," Ma pointed out. "After all, the workers are Ottomans. As will be the next batch of professionals upon their return."
"That they will," Ferid Pasha agreed. "And unlike the TPC, the money will go to my people. Well, our share, anyways."
"Of course," Ma agreed once more. As for China's shares, it would largely be in the form of cheaper gas. "Now I take it you didn't summon me just to chat about our countries' partnership?"
"Of course not," the Grand Vizier politely told him. "Rather, I have a few proposals for your government."
"It is my job to hear them," said the Ambassador. "What are you proposing?"
"Cooperation between our two governments on military affairs."
"That's a bit much, wouldn't you say? While the Republic of China and the Ottoman Empire have many shared interests, I do not think a military alliance would be possible at this time."
"Then it is good that I am not proposing a military alliance, Ambassador. Rather, I am proposing that the Ottoman Army send over officers to be trained in modern warfare. After which, those officers would return here and begin retraining our own armed forces."
"That would be doable," Ma figured. He would have to consult Nanjing, but it could at least work in theory. "Weapons may be an issue, of course. Modern strategies and tactics require modern equipment."
"Which brings me to my other proposal: I would like to purchase rifles, ammunition, and equipment to modernize the Ottoman Army."
"That, I believe, would be even harder, due to sheer scale. I take it the Sublime Porte is moving closer to us by the day?"
"That we are, Ambassador. After all, war is politics by other means."
And an economic alliance is the groundwork for a military alliance. Clever man.
Caracas, Venezuela, 20 August 1916
"It is clear," said one of the officers, "That the current situation is untenable. Our revenues are even lower than last year, and the President is betting the whole country on finding oil."
"And even then," said another officer, "Much of the wealth will likely go to Anglo-Dutch Shell. And what money that doesn't go to the foreigners will go to the pockets of Gómez and his allies."
"So, business as usual?" asked a third officer, and this got a chuckle out of everyone, from soldiers to civilians. "But yes, that is where we are right now. Even if Venezuela were to strike oil tomorrow, the average Venezuelan will be just as poor and illiterate in ten years."
"Not to mention that Gómez would outright refuse to develop our own industry," one civilian pointed out. "He sees industrial workers as a threat to the status quo. And if that means having to rely on American and Chinese imports, then so be it."
"He's selling out our future!" shouted the man next to him. "While he could always 'Plant the Oil,' as they say, he won't even do that! And we all know how that would end up."
This discussion would continue for the next few hours. Grievance after grievance would be aired. Soldiers and civilian alike would build off one another, their frustrations boiling into a crescendo that left only one answer.
Revolution.
Dreán, French Algeria 10 September 1916
The man looked at the sight before him, as men built a new building in the middle of the city.
"To think that one day, our son will have an education as good as in the Metropole," Lucien said to his wife. "He deserves nothing but the best, Catherine."
"They claim that the school will be open to Berber and Arab children as well," his wife said with some concern. "I suppose this is Paris' doing?"
"Possibly, my dear. But I would rather our son have a quality education and, God-willing, electricity as well someday. And if that means that the Arabs and Berbers also have such opportunities, then so be it."
"If you say so, Lucien. The simple fact that this is even being built in the first place is remarkable. The Radical-Socialists in Paris seem determined to develop Algeria."
"All the better for us," her husband figured, before they walked off once more. "And even better for our son."
Saigon Free School, Saigon, French Indochina, 6 October 1916
"Never thought I'd set foot here," Le figured, as he looked at the new campus. "We do have enough teachers, right?"
"More than enough," Nguyen promised, and looked at the assembled students. "With the money we have, we can afford it."
Well, it's not like China is running out of either. We're still making bank even after tariff reform in America and the UK.
Plus, there had to be at least somebody who wanted to come here and teach. Sure, amenities are shit right now, but none of us signed up for the luxury.
At this point, I'm just happy the French agreed to this.
Truth be told, neither he, Nguyen, nor Phan thought that the French would actually agree to this. After all, the Free School had been shut down less than a decade ago.
Then again, that was a different government. One that did not believe that Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity extended to the colonies.
But this one? This was a French government that wholeheartedly welcomed the new Free School.
Then again, it did make some sense. Here was a French government that embraced modernism and extending rights to their colonies.
Sure, they probably saw it as "Expanding the Proletariat and the Socialist Revolution," but Phan couldn't care less what Paris wanted to call their new colonial policy, as long as it was good for Indochina.
Besides, it wasn't as if Le and Nguyen were going to object to the socialist part, anyways.
Socialism or not, this was something all of the movement could get behind. Even moreso, when Le saw all the adults who were signing up for classes.
The Sergeant couldn't help but smile at the sight before him. While the children would almost certainly be the future of Vietnam- no, Indochinese society, their parents would be the present.
And here they were, just as willing to embrace the future as their children.
Of course, it wasn't all revolutionary fervor. After all, many simply sent their children here because this new school provided opportunities for their children.
But as far as Le was concerned, education itself was a revolutionary act. By educating themselves, people could be exposed to new ideas, and think critically.
And unlike back in his time, there were no large oil companies masquerading their talking points as education.
Time travel or not, that bastard Dennis Prager owed me two hours of my life back.
But that was all an issue for the future. Right now, he could stand and enjoy the sight before him as countless men, women, and children lined up to sign up for classes.
Every revolution had to start somewhere. Maybe this one would start here in the classroom, instead of the training fields? Would save me the trouble of having to go shoot every merc in sight.
Well, that wasn't entirely correct. The revolution would start here, as well as Hanoi, Hue, Phnom Penh, and Viangchan.
After all, if the French didn't have a problem with free schools, and the Chinese were more than willing to foot the bill, then why wouldn't they set up more than one school?
Last edited: