A Second Sunrise: Taiwan of 2020 Sent Back to 1911

[ChrisProvidence]

The White House, Washington, District of Columbia, 30 November 1913

Manuel Quezon had never thought this would happen.

Not so soon, anyways.

Filipino independence had been the goal, of course, but he thought this would be a long-term goal, rather than a short-term achievement.

Yet here he was, speaking with the President of the United States about legislation that could accomplish that goal by the end of the decade.

"I have made it no secret," the American President began, "That I believed that independence to the Philippines would come at an earlier time than I thought was advisable. However, the circumstances have changed in the last few years."

To this, Quezon could only nod. After all, the circumstances had changed, now that an entire island had appeared through an Act of God Himself. Said island then proceeded to end millennia of imperial rule and China, and they humiliated two other empires in short order.

Regardless of one's politics, that much was an indisputable fact.

"Of course, Mr. President. And given these circumstances, would you sign the Philippine Independence Act in its current form?"

"I would consider it," Roosevelt told him. "However, I would ask that you see it from my perspective. Should this bill pass today, the Philippines would need years for its institutions to be entrenched, to prevent any un-democratic backsliding."

Quezon knew full well who Roosevelt was talking about. Though last he heard, Aguinaldo was still in exile.

"Of course," the Filipino man agreed. "Though I should point out that the Jones Act would set a deadline for independence in 1920. Surely that would be enough time for multiple elections, as well as a period of 'Filipinization' of the administration by then."

"That would be doable," said the President. "Six years is a long time, after all, but that should be enough time to legitimize a new government. However, independence would also present some geopolitical issues."

"I thought Japan was effectively neutralized as a rival in the Pacific?"

"It's not the Japanese I'm worried about, Quezon. It's the Chinese."

"The Chinese seem to have a different approach to geopolitics than the Japanese. One that, I might add, involves very pro-American foreign policy."

Roosevelt looked at him intently, silently evaluating his every word.

"While it is theoretically possible that they become a geopolitical rival," Quezon continued, "you yourself described the Pacific as a 'cradle for democracy,' going so far as to describe the Chinese and the nations of Korea, Siam, and Japan as 'younger brothers,' whose democratization was proof of the success of American ideas. Wouldn't the establishment of a Republic of the Philippines be another victory for American values?

"This will not be an easy task," Roosevelt told him. Faced with his own words thrown back at him, he didn't have much of a leg to stand on. "Do you think the Philippines can handle it?"

"Yes. It will not be easy, but I imagine the Filipino people are more than capable. I imagine we will have the support of our American brothers and sisters these next few years?"

"Of course!" Roosevelt told him with a hearty laugh. "Truth be told, they support this even more than I do."

National Taiwan University Hospital, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China, 13 December 1913

At this point, there were few things that fazed Rachel. The sheer insanity of the last few years had seen to that.

But for some reason, foot binding was one of them. Honestly, she didn't know if it was an ideological issue or the simple act itself disgusted her, but it did. That and sexual assault, but she was pretty sure that the latter was socially unacceptable for the last thousand years.

That wasn't to say that there weren't those who opposed it before the Revolution, but the Lost History showed that it would fester for the next few decades before being stamped out in the late 1940s.

So when Sun had issued a law outlawing foot binding, she practically leapt for joy.

Well, that's what Shannon had told her, anyways; Rachel herself had gotten blackout drunk to celebrate.

It wouldn't be easy, of course. Some more conservative people were stuck in their ways, but Nanjing's successes had given it a good amount of political capital. So when Sun signed that bill into a law, Rachel knew full well that it would have the teeth to be enforced.

There was one problem, though.

What did they do with all the women who already had their feet bound?

After all, it wasn't as if they could re-shape all these women's feet with surgery. Now that she thought about it, the doctors here might be able to do that, but it would be an extremely invasive and expensive procedure.

Assuming it would even work.

With that off the table, she called in a few favors to try something different. That was how she ended up here, on her phone as she looked at the prototype.

"Portal," she told him over the phone. "That's what it looks like."

"Huh?"

"It looks like Chell's boot from Portal, Michael. It has the same blades, and you designed the brace the same way."

"Yeah, well that's because I had to get creative, Rachel. Most prosthetics are replacements, and I'm not a prosthetist. I'm just a guy who owed you a favor and had a workshop in my garage."

Not to mention that I told you that it had to work without sawing off a woman's foot. Most prosthetic feet don't do that.

"I know." Honestly, she was surprised that he'd even managed to not only design something, but even build a prototype on such short notice. "So, does it work?"

"Course it does. Not like in-game, but it'll support a fully-grown woman. The smaller version should be able to support a child, no problem."

"Got it. I'm looking at the prototype right now. Have you seen it?"

"Yeah, I saw it. So, how long until they start testing?"

"Today, actually." Chen's eyes perked up at the news. "NTU managed to find a willing volunteer to test out the foot brace."

"That's nice. Anyways, I've got to get going, Rachel. Aki's having the kids tour the Yushan today."

"Thanks again. Oh, and I'll tell Shannon you said hi."

"Thanks, Rachel."

With that out of the way, she put her phone back into her pocket and turned to the patient.

"I didn't get your name," Rachel said to the little girl in the waiting room. "What was it?"

"Huiying, ma'am," she said politely. "What's your name?"

"My name's Rachel. So, Huiying… Are you ready to learn how to run?"

Chinese Foreign Legion Headquarters, Haikou, Hainan Province, Republic of China, 5 January 1914

His men and women were fast learners. Le could give them that much. That, and how motivated they were.

With an eagerness he hadn't seen since the Revolution, this motley crew of intellectuals, laborers, and idealists were now a well-disciplined and well-trained force of soldiers.

More importantly, all of them had achieved at least a basic level of literacy, or at least some improvement.

"Simply remarkable," Phan told him. "How long has it been? Three months?"

"A little under that, sir. Give another few months, it is likely that all men and women will be at a basic level of literacy."

"That is good," said the old revolutionary, with a calm smile on his face. "I'm sure you have heard of my most recent proposal?"

"I've seen it, Phan, but it's… Well, I don't know how to put it. Bold?"

"It is a significant escalation," Phan admitted, "But it would be a rallying cry for the movement."

"Oh I'm sure of that, but we need to take everything into consideration," Le pointed out. "The French elections are in a few months, and the anti-imperialist Bloc of the Lefts is gaining steam. Should word get out that the Indochinese are rebelling, it is likely that more reactionary and imperialistic politicians would win."

"Not to mention," the Master Sergeant continued, "That this plan would involve attacking a French prison. An isolated prison, sure, but this ain't something you want to rush."

"He does have a point," Nguyen agreed. "While I would like nothing more than to see our comrades freed from Con Dao Prison, it would almost certainly be an act of war against the French."

"Are you suggesting that we abandon our people?" Phan nearly shouted. The man was furious at even the thought of leaving them. "The men are ready, are they not?"

"To fight a conventional war? Yes," Le told him. "But this is a raid. It takes training, preparation, and most of all, reconnaissance and intel work."

"I see… And such an act would almost certainly be rejected by Nanjing, wouldn't it?"

"Exactly." Still, Le couldn't help but sympathize with the man. "Look,.I would like nothing more than to run the French and their collaborators out of Indochina. Hell, if we geared up for war, we could probably do it."

And the French would deserve every bit of it.

"But right now," he continued, doing his best to stay calm for Phan and Nguyen, "We need to weigh our options. Attacking the French would be the first shot of the revolution."

"Of course," Phan relented. "Though I would encourage any and all methods to free our people. It's not as if the French don't already know that I'm here, after all."

"Then you're in luck," Le told the two of them. "While the Foreign Legion can't attack Con Dao, there's nothing saying that some well-armed 'rebels' couldn't organize a prison break."

From the way they looked, both Phan Boi Chau and Nguyen Sinh Cung knew just what he meant.

"That's enough military talk for now," Phan decided. "Cung, how is the leaflet campaign?"

"Better than we could have expected," said the younger revolutionary. "Now that we have the funds and manpower, we can spread revolutionary literature without tossing it out of the back of a plane."

Haishenwai, Haishenwai Province, Republic of China, 7 February 1914

As far as Yurii was concerned, life in Haishenwai was good.

Sure, Artyom would complain about how it was, 'Cold enough to freeze [his] balls off,' but they had food, heat, work, and a government that mostly left them the hell alone, so long as they paid their taxes and didn't go around doing pogroms.

Which, as far as pretty much everyone there was concerned, was good enough for them. Especially when he'd become the leader of the local Prosvita Society. Cold or not, it definitely beat what was going on back in Russia.

Now that he thought about it, Fiddler on the Roof had a point: "God keep the Tsar… Far away from here!"

Which, now that he thought about it, probably explained why shiploads of Ukrainians were arriving in port every day. And the Marines being sent there with the Yushan to assist with the refugees.

"Any friends of yours on that ship, Yurii?" Chen asked him, motioning to the crowd of Ukrainians pouring off the newest ship.

"What, do you think I know every Ukrainian, Mykhailo?"

"With how crazy my life has been, honestly I wouldn't be surprised, Yurii."

"If you say so, Myhailo. And in all likelihood, no. I'm from Chernihiv, and these people are from Kyiv."

"Ah. That makes sense. Looks like you're going to have your work cut out for you."

"Yup," Yurii sighed, before motioning to the Chinese soldiers motioning people along. "Not like you or your men can speak Ukrainian, after all."

"Think they speak Yiddish?"

"There's probably somebody here who does. Why?" Chen motioned towards one of the Ukrainians at the dock wearing a yarmulke. "Oh no."

"What's up?"

"Then it truly is as bad as I've heard. You've heard about the pogroms, yes?"

"How couldn't I? That's all the news is covering, these days. Apparently the Tsar's persecuting Jews, right?"

"Not necessarily," Yurii explained. "A pogrom is a riot incited with the aim of massacring an ethnic or a religious group. It's just that most of the time, they're directed at Jews."

"Jesus Christ. So, all of these refugees are Jewish?"

"Not necessarily. From what I've heard, a lot of these pogroms seem to be targeted at three groups: Jews, Leftists, and Non-Ethnic Russians."

"This is part of the new Tsar's policy, right?"

Yurii shrugged. "Either him or the Marshal, but it doesn't make much of a difference. People are running for their lives, Mykhailo. Just this week, there was another trainload of refugees coming from Chita."

"Again?"

"Yes."

"And the Tsar is just letting them leave?"

"It's better than if they stayed, Mykhailo. At least now, the only thing that will be burned and torn apart by the mobs are the books."

"Yeah. Anyways, are you free right now?"

"For you, my friend? I think I can make some time. Is something wrong?"

"We've got some sick people in the Yushan's med bay. None of the doctors speak Ukrainian, so we could use a few translators."

Huliaipole, Yekaterinoslav Governorate, Russian Empire, 24 February 1914

The simple fact that he was here was nothing short of a miracle. After all, he had been locked away for almost half a decade for his beliefs, only to escape through the chaos of the pogroms.

It was a jailbreak, plain and simple. While the guards and police were roaming the streets with the mob, he and his fellow prisoners were able to file off their chains and escape. Arshinov himself had planned to return to Moscow, but DIterikhs' consolidation and the subsequent purges changed him and his comrades' minds.

With nowhere else to go, they all ended up joining him here, in Huliapole.

"Pyotr Andreyevich!" he happily exclaimed. After all, it wasn't every day that you ran into your mentor and fellow fugitive from the law. "I knew we'd meet again."

"Nestor Ivanovych," the former prisoner greeted, having jumped off the cart. "When I heard you were still alive, I had to see it for myself."

"And it seems so many of our comrades came to join us," Makhno told him, motioning to the others who'd made it here. "They are with you, right?"

"Well, it's not like we could stay in Moscow, now could we?" Arshinov shook his head. "A silver lining in this madness is that the Okhrana are too busy clubbing every Jew in sight to care about us."

"I doubt that's our sacrifice to make, Pyotr. For what it is worth, they will be avenged. My men and I have already seen to that.""

"So I've heard," Arshinov agreed, only to let out a tired laugh. "We actually located you by following the stories you've left behind. You've made quite a name for yourself."

"People need inspiration, especially in times like these. And what better way to do that than lead by example?"

"Indeed. You know, the Russians have taken to calling you the 'Blind Bandit.' Apparently they increased the bounty on your head."

Makhno could hear a fair share of chuckles from his men at the news.

"Maybe it's enough to buy that dacha in Moscow, eh, Bat'ko?"

"Alright, alright," he told them, and adjusted his sunglasses. They were uncomfortable, but he did need them after being locked in a cell for so long. "Now, as much as I'm glad to welcome our new comrades, we do need to get them settled in. Pyotr, how many of your people can fight?"

"All of us," Arshinov told him, though he did hesitate a bit. "We are a bit low on ammunition, though. Had to do our fair share of fighting on the way here."

"Even better," Nestor told him, before motioning to his brother. "Omelian," bring some of the ammunition from one of the caches. Hryhorii, has Savelii's group returned from their scouting mission?"

Sure enough, he could hear his brother riding into town, with his brothers not far behind.

"Did something happen?" Nestor asked him. "Enemy patrol?"

"Okhrana," his elder brother told him. "There was a party of Okhrana in Polohy. About a dozen strong, just as many soldiers."

"Alright. What are they doing out here, Savelii?"

"They had torches and pitchforks, little brother. What do you think?"

Pogrom. Shit.

"Okay," Makhno said to his mentor, trying to convey calm to the crowd around them. "Pyotr, how many of your people can ride a horse?"

"A few dozen? The rest either walked or came by cart. Horses are tired, but I think they have enough in them to get over there."

"Good." Makhno turned to the rest of the people. "There are Okhrana who want to commit a pogrom in Polohy. Pyotr, my brothers, and I are going to stop them. If you want to join, raise your hands. Everyone else can stay back here to defend Huliaipole."

Sure enough, most of the assembled anarchists, both Russians and Ukrainians, raised their hands.

Oh for the love of- Not again.

At this rate, there won't be anyone left to defend Huliaipole.

"Alright, that is too many people. Everyone who didn't raise your hands, you're good to go. Pyotr, you and your men just arrived, so I'd recommend you all stay here and rest."

"Are you sure, Nestor?"

"Trust me, we can do this," Makhno told him. A determined grin formed on his face. "Wouldn't be the first time we attacked the Okhrana and won."

 

[ChrisProvidence]

"Huh." That wasn't what Richard Hu expected to hear from his brother. "You ever see anything like this, Rick?"

"A bicycle?" the elder brother asked as sarcastically as he could. "No, never thought I could when they're all over the damn place, ever since the KMT started handing them out like candy."

"One, up yours big brother," Dex shot back. "And two, I meant the fact that you can borrow farm equipment from here."

"Wait, what?" Sure enough, the bike shop they'd stopped at also lent out farm equipment and trucks. And bicycles, but they brought their own for this vacation. "What, do they run this place like a library, too?"

"Well, not exactly," a third voice told them. The two brothers turned around to see a woman dressed in a modern uniform. "Can I help you two?"

"Wait, hold on a second," Rick asked the surprisingly patient librarian. Or whatever her job was, "Do you guys actually lend out vehicles like a library?"

"Not exactly," she answered, as if she had heard this a hundred times before. As far as Rick knew, she might well have. "What we do is we allow people to rent out vehicles, like trucks or farming equipment. Once they're cleared, one of our trained operators, well, operates it for them."

"Wait, the farmers don't actually own their own farming equipment?" Now it was Dex's turn to be surprised. "I know land reform is still going on, but they can't afford it?"

"Given the high demand and relatively short supply of farming equipment, it is still rather expensive for most people to operate, let alone maintain, heavy machinery. Instead, the government purchases the equipment for the communities, builds these lending centers-"

"Is that what you call it?" The woman nodded politely. "Apologies."

"Oh, I'm used to it," she said, as if it always happened. "Anyways, these learning centers train and employ professionals to operate and maintain the equipment. Once harvest or planting season comes around, farmers will come here to borrow the machinery for a few days, based on how large a crop they are planting or harvesting, and we dispatch the machinery with an operator. Once they are finished, the operator brings the machinery back to the center where it is maintained, repaired, and then deployed to the next farm."

"And if they don't return it?" Honestly, Rick was mostly asking out of curiosity at this point. If this place operated like a library, how did they deal with overdue tractors? "What, do they get charged a late fee?"

"No, the operator just drives it back when the time runs out," she told them. "Interestingly enough, several farmers actually work part-time here. The pay is decent, and once they're certified, they can operate it themselves."

"Okay, I guess that makes sense."

Or as much sense as a place that's somewhere between Uber, a library, and Home Depot.

"Now, are there any other questions?"

"I have one," Dex told her, having raised his hand. "Why?"

"Do you want the short answer or the long answer?"

"Short one," Rick's little brother told her. "It's just hard to wrap my head around."

"It's alright. See that tractor, over there?"

"Yeah?"

"Most farms aren't large enough or rich enough to justify buying a tractor, but there is enough farmland that makes a tractor useful. So the government steps in and buys it from the tractor factory and lends it out to those who need it. Farmers get to use their equipment, and the government gets its cut through taxes. Does that make sense?"

"I guess? Does it work?"

"Food production has risen exponentially over the last few years," she told the brothers. Hell, the receptionist practically beamed at the achievement. "So yes, it does. Now, would either of you like to borrow a tractor today?"

"No, we were just passing through and curious," Rick told her, before leading his brother out. "Have a nice day."

The two brothers walked in silence while they exited to the bike-filled streets.

"Well, I guess that explains where the rice comes from?" Dex said aloud. "I guess it works, right?"

"How would I know, Dex? I'm not a farmer. If it works, it works, right?"

"Honestly, I'm just happy nobody's starving to death anymore. Even if it means people can now borrow a combine harvester from the library."

 

[ChrisProvidence]

While it is clear that we are unparalleled in airpower, and it might literally be impossible for anyone else to build anything better than an FT-17 right now, small arms is a place where other countries can catch up to is pretty quickly.

Light machine guns, for example, are already a thing. Of course, the lack of doctrine kind of prevents it from being effectively used in combat, but we need to remember that people from the past are not stupid.

Even if Diterikhs' government makes it seem like they are.

Submachine guns are also likely to be developed within the decade. Of course, a lack of military necessity might mean that development gets delayed, but the MP-18 was invented around this time.

Honestly, we could even see the development and widespread use of semi-automatic rifles. Seeing that they already have the ammunition, there isn't anything stopping Russia from developing the SVT-40.

Well, besides the massive brain drain because Diterikhs is wasting resources that could have been spent on R&D and industrialization on trivial things like beating up minorities, but the point stands. Other countries already have semi-automatic rifles, but they probably aren't issued in large enough numbers.

Should they try it, we could see other countries reach WWII levels of small arms development by the end of the decade, even without our help; though production and distribution could stretch that out.

However, it is the assault rifle that might give them the most trouble. Sure, they could probably work out the engineering of the rifle and replicate it, but the main issue is ammunition.

Assault rifles use intermediate cartridges, which aren't exactly a thing right now. Not only that, but it would take years to develop their own version as well as a rifle that can fire it.

Concepts are all well and good, but at the end of the day, they still need to design the damn thing, test it, and start production. And that takes time.

However, we must not get complacent with ourselves. It is only a matter of time until people wise up and create similar small arms.

Then again, it isn't as if we're only relying on small arms. Force multipliers are a thing, and we ought to exploit them as often as possible.

Though for what it's worth, there's a pretty good chance developing, producing, and issuing a new assault rifle in sufficient numbers is more trouble than it's worth for other countries, so we have that going for us.

 

[ChrisProvidence]

Okay, this had to be the most insane project Dr. Christopher de las Casas SJ had ever seen in his life.

Sure, he had a PhD in physics, so it should work on paper.

But to actually see it work?

This is a giant centrifuge… And they're using it to launch satellites.

Yup, I've seen everything at this point.

So to see them build this giant centrifuge, of all things? Somehow, it didn't faze him.

No, that stopped happening when the Chinese Marines started ramming barges and ferries into the coast, while the Army welded a deck onto a cargo ship, poured on asphalt, and deemed it helicopter carrier.

Then there was the time that scientists basically built a thermobaric bomb in a lab.

As a priest, he'd made sure to not work on that one.

And that was before the Jesuit even got to the fact that the island he was on got teleported into the past.

But this?

Well, at least they wouldn't need to mass-produce rocket fuel and rockets?

Truth be told, it did make sense. Taiwan's rocketry industry was, to put it mildly, lacking. It consisted of a single type of launch vehicle, like the one India had.

Forty years before they got sent back in time.

Which meant that they could either develop a massive rocket that could be produced by the dozen to launch GPS satellites into space, or fund a giant centrifuge.

It turned out the centrifuge would save more money, once it was proven to be physically possible.

Instead, those savings could go towards other things, like building railroads or creating libraries full of farming equipment people could rent.

Which is how he ended up here, looking at a giant centrifuge that could launch a satellite.

As he knew, the physics on this should theoretically be enough to launch a GPS satellite into space. Which could probably explain how they even got the funding in the first place.

Sure, technology had adapted, and they had retrained their pilots.

But GPS was one of those things that would make their lives a hell of a lot easier, which meant Nanjing and Taipei had been throwing money at all sorts of solutions.

Well, easier for everyone else, anyways, seeing that he actually had to make sure the fucking thing worked.

And it did. Mostly.

Aside from one misfire that landed in the middle of the Gobi Desert, they had managed to work out the bugs.

"But this time, it'll work on the first try," he told himself, only to clutch the prayer beads in his hands once more. "Okay, maybe one more rosary, just in case."

I'm going to need all the help I can get, aren't I?

 

[ChrisProvidence]

Ishigaki Island, Taiwan Province, Republic of China, 15 March 1914

As part of the humanitarian operation in Vladivostok, the 66th Marine Brigade, now the 66th Marine Expeditionary Brigade, ended up getting sent up north with the CNS Yushan. Thankfully, their first operation was going to be a humanitarian mission, which was reason enough to be happy.

Akira wasn't, however. Her partner being far away came with the relationship, and she'd accepted that. It didn't mean she had to like the tedium. Even if Michael's childhood friend had dropped by to visit.

"Aren't you supposed to be over in Taipei?" she asked him over lunch. "I thought you were in charge of that, now."

"Okay for starters, anything more than that's classified," Li immediately told her, "And two, I'm the head of Section 5, the Intelligence Research division. I make other people do the research, and I have other people than them process it into actionable reports."

"Sounds simple enough," she told him, before shredding another mailer. "So, you're the one who sends reports to Michael?"

"When it's requested and approved, Akira."

"Ah. So those are the files that Michael's been shredding. And incinerating."

"Yeah, basically. Wait, you have clearance, right?"

"Not anymore. I work for NTU now, remember?"

"Oh, right. Anyways, I'm the guy who sends your partner the papers he keeps lighting on fire, like he's supposed to."

"Sounds like a good job. How's the pay?"

"Well, I'm a Colonel now, so it's pretty good," Li figured. "Not like I spend much on anything. We're always hiring, of course. Japanese translators are in high demand, you know."

"I'll keep that in mind." It wasn't a yes, but it wasn't a no. That was good enough for Li for now. "So, what kind of research does Division 5 cover? Everything?"

"Kind of? Okay, I can't tell you the specifics, but here's an example: What do you know about French politics?"

"Besides reading a few articles on Wikipedia and hearing Michael call it a 'Clusterfuck,' not much."

"Okay then." This, Li could work with. "So right now there are two major alliances in the French Chamber of Deputies: The Bloc National, or the "National Bloc," and the Bloc de Gauches, or the "Bloc of the Lefts." These are the right-wing and left-wing alliances, respectively. Does that make sense?"

"Yes, it does."

"Okay then. So my job in Division 5 is to task several researchers with researching both the Bloc National and the Bloc de Gauches. This can be everything from party platforms, to biographies, to newspaper articles. Even some opinion pieces. Eventually, all this information gets compiled into a report by another researcher, and it goes up the chain to me or one of my assistants, and we send the information to the person who requested the report in the first place."

"Okay, that makes sense," Akira told him, much to his relief. He did not want to go over that again. "So you get a request for a report, and your division compiles a new report or sends them an old one?"

"Basically. Well, sometimes our researchers are tasked with subjects when they don't have anything else to do, or they propose a subject that gets sent up the chain to me to approve."

"I see… Out of curiosity, how much does the average researcher get paid?"

"Let's see…" Li needed a second to come up with the number. "Okay, you know how much you get paid by NTU?"

"Yes?"

"An entry-level researcher makes double that-" He'd say more, but Akira seemed to choke on her drink. "You good?"

"Me? I'm fine. Also, that offer is open, right?"

"Yes?"

"And if I applied to work for the MIB as a researcher, would I be hired?"

"Probably? I mean, you'd probably have to go through the whole background check procedure, but with your previous experience as a civilian contractor under Michael…"

"Martin, all I wanted to know is if I would get the job?"

"Yeah, probably."

"Good."

Hotel Matignon, Paris, French Republic, 17 May 1914

As the de-facto newspaper of the French Section of the Workers' Internationale (in the sense that it was literally founded and edited by Jean Jaures), it was no surprise that Jean Brodeur had been given access to the negotiations between the various members of the Bloc de Gauches.

Nor was it any surprise that they had already negotiated the specifics of such an electoral alliance. As the largest members of the coalition, the SFIO and the Radicals would be in a power-sharing agreement, with the compromise candidate in the form of Marcel Sembat.

This, coupled with Aristide Briand's surprise victory over Raymond Poincare, left the left bloc in the unique position where they had both the offices of President and Prime Minister, which gave them the unique opportunity to reshape France according to their bold platform.

Of course there would be the usual protection of workers' rights, favorable government policy towards strikers, as well as an active encouragement of unions and a discouragement of militarism. That much was par for the course for these types, assuming the Great War was averted.

But there were two particular planks in their legislation that truly stuck out to him.

There was, of course, universal suffrage for men and women. While all French men had the vote for almost seventy years, women were not afforded the same rights. However, universal suffrage was, if anything, a rallying cry for the Radicals and the SFIO, with the French Union for Women's Suffrage (UFSF) coming out in force to campaign for the coalition on every front.

Having won both the Presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies, as well as a slim majority in the Senate, women's suffrage was all but assured.

But it was the second plank, a shift in colonial policy, that stuck out most to Brodeur. He was biased, of course, with his role in its conclusion.

In short, it was an extension of the coalition's policies to the colonies, particularly in the form of workers' rights and eventually the expansion of suffrage to the colonial subjects, with the end goal of either autonomy or integration into the French metropole. That, of course, would be for later discussion, though Leon Blum did discuss some ideas with him.

To that end, a large investment in the colonies would be undertaken, financed by an increase in taxes on colonial products. These funds would go towards infrastructure, of course, in the form of telegraphs, roads, and bridges. But it was the educational investment that he appreciated the most. Though a critic of what he called the "White Man's Burden Painted Red," Brodeur was a practical man, and he could see the importance of educating the locals in the merits of democracy and socialism.

The right wing would be upset, of course. Them, the Catholic Church, and the business interests.

But if the last election was anything to go by, the French people didn't agree with the National Bloc.

So why would Sembat govern as if they did?

Chinese Foreign Legion Headquarters, Haikou, Hainan Province, Republic of China, 1 June 1914

"Huh." Nguyen Sinh Cung did not expect to read that headline in the paper. "Radical-Socialist French Government Proposes New Colonial Policy."

"That's what some people call anyone left-of-center," Le told him. It wasn't much of a surprise, of course, given that the Master Sergeant outright joined an anarchist militia in Syria during the lost history. "I swear, it's practically lost all meaning at this point."

"Not this time," Nguyen told him. "The new French government is literally made of a coalition of Radicals and Socialists."

"Oh. So, what does that mean for us?"

"The short answer," Nguyen told him, "Is that this new French government wants to invest in Indochina's infrastructure and education and eventually expand the vote to the people there."

"Hey, that's pretty cool. What's the long answer?"

"All of that, plus a paragraph on how President Sun is happy and another paragraph on how the right wing is furious."

"Sounds about right. How's Phan's reaction?"

"Same as most of the uptime and downtime Indochinese in China: 'It's a step in the right direction.'"

"Is that politician-talk, or does he mean it?"

"Probably a mix of both," Nguyen figured. "From what I can tell, he basically wants the same thing that the Radical-Socialists want, just sooner."

"And you, Nguyen?" asked his military counterpart. "What do you think?"

"If the French want to do our jobs for us and work towards the same goal as us, then I have no problem with that."

"If anything, it makes our job easier."

"Exactly, Le." Nguyen's voice lowered to a whisper. "Now, don't tell the men and women, but MIB's told us that the Radical-Socialists have reached out to Phan and wanted to cooperate."

"Well that's nice. Why?"

"If you were a colonial power and you wanted to build up and educate your colonial subjects so you could either integrate them into your government or, more likely, grant them independence or autonomy, who is your biggest obstacle?"

"Right wingers."

Alright, maybe he has a point there.

"Besides them, Le."

"Us?" Nguyen nodded. "We're pretty much on the same page as them.."

"Of course. You and I know that. Phan knows that. What's important is that the Radical-Socialist government of France knows that, too."

"Fair enough," Le told him. "So, did anything else interesting happen?"

"In France? No. But Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha's government has reached out to Nanjing for developmental assistance."

"Wait, is he with the Young Turks?" Nguyen shook his head. "Liberal Union?"

"Yes, the ones who are less likely to genocide the Armenians."

"Please tell me that Nanjing said yes."

"Of course they did. China needs all the friends it can, right now, and if that means the French and the Ottomans, then who is Sun to say no?"

"Think they'd recognize us when we win? You know, when Indochina is free."

"The Ottomans? Possibly."

"Works for me. Wait, hold on a sec."

"Yes?"

"What about the right wingers?"

"In the Ottoman Empire?"

"In France. How are they reacting to the Radical-Socialists?"

"Do you want my honest opinion, Le?" The Master Sergeant nodded. "I couldn't care less what they had to say."

Indochinese Trade Union Headquarters, Hanoi, Protectorate of Tonkin, French Indochina, 6 June 1914

The Indochinese Trade Union (UCIC) was in an emergency meeting today, and none of the board of directors were particularly happy.

"It is clear," said Joseph Vine, "That we cannot rely on Paris, given the outcome of the results of the election."

"While we can rely on our contacts in the National Bloc to represent our interests," began Vice President Joseph Thierry, "it is clear that the Radical-Socialist government will be, at best, unhelpful in any and all problems that we are likely to face. Given these circumstances, I motion to begin a discussion on the options the UCIC has to deal with these issues."

"Seconded," said President Henri Estier. "So, who wishes to begin?"

Vine raised his hand, and Estier nodded at him.

"Given our status as a private entity," the Administrative-Director began, "It is unlikely that the Radical-Socialist government can directly interfere with our operations so long as we operate through legal means. Instead, it is likely that they will target us through administrative and legal means."

The various members of the board nodded their heads. Radical as this new government was in almost every sense of the word, it was likely that the Radical-Socialists would respect the Rule of Law and use legalism as their preferred weapon of choice.

"Furthermore, it is clear that while the Radical-Socialists have the levers of power, those levers of power are located in France and enacted through the next Governor-General. Contrast that with us, who are located here in Indochina."

"Your point?" asked Thierry, "Exactly what advantage does that give us?"

"The advantage of speed," Vine told him, as if the answer was right in front of them. "Every action that a Radical-Socialist colonial administration takes will require Paris' input in one form or another. In contrast, we can communicate and coordinate our responses faster, allowing us to out-maneuver them at every turn."

"That is all well and good," Estier told him, "But we will need our own system of support besides business interests."

"Anyone who would be opposed to the Radical-Socialists is a potential ally, Henri. Take, for example, the Catholic Church or the various monarchs. I imagine none of them have much sympathy for the Radical-Socialists."

"Manpower will also be a problem," Thierry pointed out. "A quarter of a percent of Indochina is French. While the various monarchs have their own forces, I do not think they will be so willing to lend us their manpower to protect our interests. Let alone go on offensive operations against Phan and his men."

"Of course," Vine agreed. It went without saying that while the local garrison may be sympathetic to the UCIC, the Radical-Socialists prevented any formal agreements. "Given these circumstances, I believe that a private security force would be a worthy investment."

"Wouldn't the Radical-Socialists reject such a force?" asked one of the board members. "What you are proposing is a private army of mercenaries."

"No, I am not," Vine was quick to say, "What I am proposing is a private security force, one that would be explicitly operating within any and all French laws."

The White House, Washington, District of Columbia, United States of America, 4 July 1914

Theodore Roosevelt considered himself a formidable man. After all, he had managed to win the presidency despite his age and getting shot by a would-be assassin.

What a terrible event. The man had punctured such a well-prepared speech.

But the last few days had particularly drained him. It was all the same, day in and day out.

Cotton plantation owners, or at least the people those plantation owners paid, kept filing complaints at him, asking him to do something about the Chinese driving down the price of cotton.

At this point, it was starting to get on his nerves, if he was being completely honest. What was he supposed to do, anyways? Ask the Chinese to stop flooding the market with cotton?

It wasn't just them, though. The steel industry was also raising a fuss about lower global prices, ever since the Chinese began outpacing the British. Then there was the textile industry, whose concerns about plummeting prices outweighed their excitement at cheap cotton.

And unlike the plantation owners, he needed their support if he wanted to be re-elected. Sure, the average American was pretty happy about cheaper clothing, but unless the trade treaty with the Chinese was renegotiated, there would be thousands out of the job by the end of 1915.

At this point, his sole consolation was that the rest of Europe was also dealing with plummeting cotton, steel, and textile prices. That, and cheaper prices on coffee, sugar, and other cash crops, but those weren't threatening thousands of jobs in America right now.

Still, he had to do something, and it wasn't as if the United States was out of options or industrial allies. Tariffs, for one, would have to be renegotiated to protect industry, or at least buy time for them to catch up. That, along with a stronger welfare state, could alleviate anyone who did end up losing their jobs.

"Send a message to the ambassadors from the 'Big Six' at their embassies," he said to an aide. ""I would like to discuss terms."

"Of course, Mr. President."

"Thank you. Afterwards, please contact the Chinese embassy. I would like to arrange a meeting between us and them."

It was a bit of a gamble, and he had to admit that it felt a bit underhanded. Here he was, attempting to use every bit of political capital to bring everyone to the negotiating table in an effort to save the west from economic domination.

Still, this wouldn't be the first time he'd brought people to the negotiating table. And like last time, both sides had something the other side wanted. China wanted the rest of the concessions, while the Europeans and Americans wanted to renegotiate the newly-signed trade agreement.

Ever the optimist, Roosevelt smiled. He'd done this before, and he still felt up to the task.

Caracas, United States of Venezuela, 20 August 1914

"What do you mean, coffee prices are down this year? To put it mildly, that wasn't what President Gómez wanted to hear. "What exactly is the reason for this?"

"It's the global market, sir," his aide told him. "While we still outproduce them, the fact remains that China's rapid industrial growth has led to an increased supply. Assuming demand remains constant, we will see a slight decrease compared to last year."

"Which is a smaller decrease in export price than that of sugarcane, cotton, and tobacco," another aide told him. "Especially those latter two."

"God damn it," Gómez muttered. In just a few years, his country was already on the verge of a serious budget deficit. All because of an island that appeared out of nowhere with modern machinery, scientific methods, and logistics. "So we are at risk of three of our exports being worth a fraction of what they were last year?"

"More or less," said the first aid. "The good news is that the price of cocoa is relatively stable."

What, did the Chinese not also manage to plant that and rapidly harvest it, too?

This was not good. Not by any means.

Cash crops weren't just Venezuela's primary exports. No, they were Venezuela's primary source of revenue at this point, and now they were next to worthless. Well, not to that level, but they weren't worth as much as they would have been, just last year.

And if the numbers are correct, they'll be worth even less by next year!

"And the oil concessions?" he asked his advisors. At this point, it, as well as the coffee and cocoa trades, was his best chance at having a neutral budget by next year. "Have our English and Dutch friends found anything?"

"Nothing yet, sir."

"Of course. If there is anything we can do to support them, they need only ask. Make sure they know that."

Shit.

This was not what he needed right now. Of course, he knew that Venezuela wasn't the worst-off out of all of the South American nations.

No, that medal of dishonor went to Chile, whose economy was on the verge of collapse now that the Chinese had begun synthesizing ammonia.

All things considered, he would rather be Venezuelan right now. Debt was a preferable alternative to complete and utter economic collapse.

São Paulo, Republic of the United States of Brazil, 9 September 1914

As far as First Lieutenant Miguel Costa was concerned, it was another social call. A meeting between colleagues as they discussed the news and life in general. Officers being officers, after all.

In truth, what had once started as a conversation between himself and Major Isidoro Dias Lopes had snowballed into a secret club of like-minded officers who would mess with one another. The fact that they all seemed to get along with one another only helped to sell the masquerade.

"Well, that's not good," Costa sighed aloud. "Coffee prices are down, which means the government is, once again, going to enact valorization."

"Valorization?" one of the cadets asked, "What is that?"

"To put it simply," said the Major, "Brazil produces so much of the world's coffee supply that the government can withhold supply from going to the market. This lowers the supply while demand stays steady, which increases the price. Does that make sense?"

"I think so," the cadet told him, earning a proud smile from the Major.

"I think the coffee trade is the best off," Costa continued. "The prices of cotton and sugar are expected to go down even further over the next few years."

"Is that bad?" asked one of the other Lieutenants.

"Yes, it is," Costa told him. "Right now, Brazil has to pay its foreign debt, and President Rodrigues is seeking a loan to buy us time. The problem is that the sharp drop in the price of cotton and sugarcane means that it won't be enough. Which means that more drastic measures would need to be taken."

"Which is bad for Brazil?"

"Probably." Costa wasn't much of an economist. "In all likelihood, the landowners and the upper class should be fine. With how many times the government's used valorization, I wouldn't be surprised if they bail them out again."

"Then it's back to business as usual?" Costa and Lopes nodded.

"So what do we do?" asked one of the other lieutenants. "We can't spend all our time discussing it with ourselves while Brazil slides further into debt and oligarchy!"

"Which is why I have invited Professor Oiticica and Mr. Pereira," Lopes told the assembled soldiers. "While we do not agree on everything, it is clear that we have more in common."

"Indeed," said the professor. He still spoke with the cadence of a professor, even if these men were only young enough to be his students. "What seems to be clear to all of us is that Brazil is, I fear, a backwards country. While the rest of the world invests in machinery and education, the elites of our nation seem content with keeping our people as uneducated farm hands with primitive tools."

"It is clear we need change," Pereira added. Unlike the professor, he wasn't about to beat around the bush. "Industry and education are the tools to our prosperity. Not just the rich men in Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais, but all Brazilians."

Costa could only nod at the man, despite their differences. The man did have a point.

And despite their differences, he knew they needed all the help he could get.

The meeting would continue for another few hours, with Oiticica making grand observations and criticisms of the government, only for Pereira to reiterate it into simpler, more-accessible terms for the young officers and cadets.

By the time they'd all left, they had all agreed on four things:

1. Brazil needed drastic change from the ground up. Changes in education, economics, and most importantly, politics.
2. The Chinese Tongmenghui's success was an example they could follow. After all, theirs was also a movement of soldiers, intellectuals, and civilians.
3. An alliance of reform-minded civilians, intellectuals, and soldiers would be formed to bring about the aforementioned changes to Brazil.
4. The new organization would be known as the Revolutionary Alliance of Brazil.

 

[ChrisProvidence]

Burdur, Ottoman Empire, 4 October 1914

Somehow, convincing the Ottoman government that there would be an earthquake was the easy part. Ever since the Committee of Union and Progress ignored the warnings back in 1912, Constantinople had taken care to heed their warnings.

Admittedly, this was due in part to the Liberal Union not wanting to commit political suicide like the CUP did, but when the Chinese warned them the second time around, they listened.

Though if you asked Major Kenneth Ma, it was the helicopter carrier that hammered the point home. After all, it wasn't as if the CNS Lu Haodong, (formerly the CNS Huang Xing) had enough firepower to invade them.

No, the Lu was there to fly as many people out of the area as possible.

Which led to the truly hard part: None of them could speak Turkish.

Thankfully, one of the Turkish officers, a Captain going by Mehmet, could speak English, so Ma could work with that. Admittedly, all of his directions had to go from Chinese to English to Turkish and back, but the locals would listen to him.

After that came the task of loading the locals onto the helicopters, where they'd spent the next week flying people out of Burdur, Kilinc, Keciborlu, and Isparta. It was a difficult task, but the Mehmet was convincing enough.

"Is that everyone?" Ma asked his Ottoman counterpart. Mehmet just nodded. "Good."

"And not a moment too soon," the Ottoman officer told him, and pointed to the city they were flying behind. "See that?"

Ma looked out the closed window to see Isparta... or what was left of it. But really stuck out to him was minaret of the Great Mosque crumbling down.

Christ... Half the damn city is gone.

"Can I ask you something?"

"Sure, Mehmet. What is it?"

"How did your people know?"

It was a fair question, but Ma didn't know how to explain "We read it on Wikipedia" to him.

"Records. Our archives have vast records of information about the time we came from. Those records include the dates, times, and locations of earthquakes, for example. Or hurricanes, but those could be less reliable."

"I see... Do your records cover other things?"

"Like what?"

"Say I wanted to find oil, yes? Would your records be able to tell where the oil is located?"

"I guess?" Truth be told, this wasn't Ma's forte. "I guess Google Earth has satellite photography that would show where the wells are, so we could tell you guys where to drill."

"Ma, I'm going to be honest. I don't know what 'Google' or 'satellite photography' are. But your people do know where to drill, yes?"

"Yes." It wasn't exactly a lie. If he could find an oil well on Google Earth, then so could MIB. Which meant that the ambassador could, as well. "As long as Istanbul's willing to work with Nanjing, anyways."

"I think they will," Mehmet promised. "After all, if you Chinese can go from being the 'Sick Man of Asia,' there might be hope for us Ottomans."

 

[ChrisProvidence]

Comments on "The Trans-Chinese Railroads: How China Plans to Reduce Emissions and Future-Proof Transportation"

BTCLife • 5h ago

What about underground tunnels? With how much steel and other resources China is producing, it wouldn't be too hard to start drilling.

cGh ONE • 5h ago

Okay, as somebody who actually studies this stuff, it could be done, but this kind of digging tech will be expensive AF. Plus, that would take longer to set up than rail

BTCLife • 4h ago

C'mon, don't be like that. That's downtimer talk.

You're smarter than that.

The benefits are there. It just needs the resources and funding, like the satellite slingshot or EVs.

JamesSmith1870 • 3h ago

Look, I may be from the past for you, but even I know this is a stupid idea.

Say, aren't you that guy who tried to sell me Bitcoin last year?

cGh ONE • 3h ago

Yeah… problem is that the space slingshot was funded because it is actually cheaper than building a rocket to launch GPS satellites.

And even then, we still got rockets, just in case it didn't work.

Sure, experimental tech is all well and good, but outside of extreme necessity, reinventing the wheel can be a waste of money and resources, assuming it even works.

Also, EVs are still impractical outside of Taiwan, and almost unaffordable to your average mainlander.

BTCLife • 3h ago

Honestly, this seems like you just don't get it.

Is it because this is one of Elon's ideas?

JamesSmith1870 • 2h ago

I don't know who this Elon is, but the project sounds like it is a less efficient road.

While it would be faster, most people in China don't own cars. They use bicycles and use public transportation.

It seems like a lot of money that could go elsewhere.

BTCLife • 1h ago

That's the cost of innovation.

JamesSmith1870 • 1h ago

It's a bit off topic, but what good is a digital currency when barely anyone on the planet owns a computer?!

cGh ONE • 10m ago

Holy shit, guys. I just came up with a new transportation idea.

I've been looking at the cars in tunnels prototype in Vegas and I think it has a lot of promise.

Electrified vehicles? Awesome.

I think I can do better, though.

Cars seat what, 4-5 people? So first thing we need to do is expand the vehicle to hold more seats.

Next thing: wheels. Rubber wheels are cool and all, but wear and tear only have so much reliability.

We'll use metal wheels.

They don't need to be checked for air pressure, and don't wear out as easily.

Hell, we can put them on tracks, since they're pretty much on autopilot, anyways.

Keep the electrification, though. That's great for the environment.

So, that's my proposal. A long, electrified vehicle that can travel through tunnels on tracked metal wheels.

What do you think?

ShanDragon • 8m ago

lol

AkiH85 • 5m ago

lol

Also, people from the past aren't dumb. We're fast learners.

For example, I've talked with at least one mechanical engineer who said the loop wouldn't be practical for the forseeable future.

BTCLife • 3m ago

Source?

66th Marine Expeditionary Brigade • 2m ago

Hi.

BTCLife • 2m ago

STFU Brand.

66th Marine Expeditionary Brigade • 1m ago

Hey, you asked for her source, so here I am.

Me and my Master's Degree in Mechanical Engineering.

 

[ChrisProvidence]

Saint Petersburg, Saint Petersburg Governorate, Russian Empire, 27 October 1914

Being far away from the Kremlin had its benefits for Wrangel.

Here, he could focus on his position as a general, rather than the court politics of the Diterikhs Administration. While he could serve as a voice of reason over there, it wasn't as if they would actually listen to him.

Here, he could at least do some good, serving Russia. Not Diterikhs' insane ramblings or Kornilov's rage, but Russia itself.

That's what I tell myself, anyways. At least I can get some peace and quiet.

To that end, he had requested every bit of intelligence the Okhrana could gather on the Chinese military capabilities, and he had gathered quite the trove. Entire folders of analyses, news reports, and articles about the Chinese now lay on his desk, well-worn from his constant studies.

Exactly how the Okhrana obtained those articles? He would never know, but the crisp paper and ink patterns gave the impression that they just sent somebody over there as a diplomat and had them print as many files as they could get their hands on.

For all he knew, that was what they'd actually done.

While he had no love for any enemy of Russia, he could at least respect the Chinese's skills in engineering and strategy. Or rather, their adaptation of the Americans' engineering and strategy if these articles were to be believed.

To his surprise, much of the Chinese equipment was not actually designed in China. From their tanks to the vast majority of their aircraft, and even the bulk of their firearms, almost all of it was either designed outside of their borders or built outside of their borders.

Yet here they were, victorious over Russia, Japan, and the Qing.

There was the logical conclusion that the Chinese had a finite amount of these modern weapons and equipment, but with the rapid industrialization of the country, it was unlikely that they could rely on the Chinese simply running out of ammunition and equipment in any future war.

No, the Chinese would almost certainly be able to replenish both by the time any future conflict occurred, and that meant finding a way to defeat them.

The first issue would be motorization, given General Brusilov's reports on the rapid advancements made by the Chinese in Zheltorossiya. These, coupled with the released images of the Chinese with their trucks and armored vehicles, demonstrated the importance of the motorized and mechanized vehicle in modern warfare, rather than static warfare.

The problem, as far as he could tell, was not just how Russia could design and build so many vehicles, but if Russia even had the industrial capacity to build them in the first place. It was why he'd been so insistent to Diterikhs, Denikin, and Kornilov about the mass exodus happening right now.

"Idiotic" was a good way of putting it, and he meant it. How else could he describe it when the Prime Minister heard that up to twenty million Russians could emigrate by the end of the decade and say it was a good thing?!

While yes, the departure of non-ethnic Russians, socialists, intellectuals, and other opposition members could make Diterikhs' "One Russia" policy an insane reality instead of just insane rhetoric, it did the exact opposite for things other than "Making Russia a homogeneous Russian state."

Industrialization needed manpower. It needed resources, too. And what do resources need to be extracted?

Fucking manpower!

How in God's name did they expect to industrialize a country when its most important ingredient was walking out the door while they spoke about "One Russia" this, or "One Vozhd" that?!

Honestly, Wrangel thought Diterikhs was a fucking idiot. What was next? Would Diterikhs start throwing Ukrainians and Poles into labor camps and factories to build and extract the industrial equipment Russia so desperately needed?

Right now, Wrangel wanted nothing more than to scream out loud, run to Moscow, and call Diterikhs and Denikin "Fucking Morons" to their faces before unloading a his revolver into their faces.

This was idiotic, but the worst part was that Diterikhs wanted to find a way to make it work.

How, in God's name, are we supposed to do that? Start buying industrial equipment from the British, and Germans?

Honestly, we might have to do that, at this rate, because it's not as if we can develop and build it here!

Truth be told, there was a good chance that German and British industry would look the other way and invest heavily into Russia. It would cost the Motherland dearly, but industrialization (and by extension, military modernization), was still possible.

Diterikhs would have his modern Russia in a decade. It would be expensive, inefficient, and take twice as long to accomplish, but it would happen.

Now if only Russia could have somebody more-competent to lead it.

Office of the Grand Vizier, Cemile Sultan Palace, Istanbul, Ottoman Empire, 8 November 1914

Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha had been a most gracious host to the Chinese delegation. That much was clear as day to Ambassador Ma Fuxiang.

"I do hope that your new accommodations are more fitting, Ambassador," said the Grand Vizier. "Finding lodging can be a hassle."

"Indeed, Grand Vizier," said the Muslim former general. "And yes, they have. You have my thanks."

But what truly stuck out to the Ambassador throughout this meeting was how eager the man was to cooperate with Nanjing on areas of mutual interest. Particularly on the matters of industrialization, modernization, and education, to name a few things.

Truth be told, Ma was probably here because Nanjing wanted to keep him as far away from his power base as possible, and being the first Muslim ambassador to the Ottoman Empire seemed like the perfect fit. Given how the winds had blown in the Revolution, he was not about to complain anytime soon.

That said, even he could tell that the Grand Vizier was negotiating from a spot of weakness. The Ottoman Empire was divided, relatively-uneducated, and poorly-industrialized. Now that he thought about it, they were in the exact same scenario as China had been, though Ma doubted that Cyprus would also magically travel back in time.

Still, Ma didn't get this far by being stupid. And despite this position being little more than a sinecure and a kick upstairs, he could tell that trying to wring every drop of oil out of the Ottomans would be an idiotic idea.

Sooner or later, the Ottomans would realize what the Chinese had done, and then the next administration would either backtrack or wait for the perfect moment to stab China in the back.

It was what he would do, anyways, if he were in their shoes.

No, any deal with the Ottomans would have to be deliberated and equitable, if for nothing else than it not exploding in their faces five, ten, or even fifty years down the road.

"...Regarding the issue of oil," Ferid Pasha had said, dragging Ma back into the conversation, "I believe that a "Finder's Fee" would be appropriate for any oil that is found through our nations' joint efforts."

"And what form would this take?" Ma half-asked, half-offered, "Profit-sharing, discounts, or shares in any ventures?"

He was leading this conversation. Sure, he could ask for all three, but Ma had a feeling that would bite them in the future.

"I believe a reduced price would be in order," the Grand Vizier, "Though I would like to propose a partnership between our two countries with regard to oil exploitation. I am sure you are aware of the Turkish Petroleum Company, yes?"

"The Anglo-German company operating in your country?" Ferid Pasha nodded. "I thought one of their stakeholders was an Ottoman subject."

"Ah, Mr. Gulbenkian," the Grand Vizier sighed. "Yes, Mr. Gulbenkian is an advisor to the government, however his interests are largely… how do I put it?"

"Unaligned with the government's interests."

"Precisely," said Ferid Pasha, now that Ma had come to the same conclusion. Maybe, just maybe, the Grand Vizier was smarter than Ma gave him credit? "The Germans receive a quarter of the profits, the British a third, Royal Dutch Shell receives another quarter while Mr. Gulbenkian receives the rest."

"And the Ottoman Empire receives nothing. Besides 'economic development and jobs,' I imagine?"

"Indeed, Ambassador. Which brings me to my proposal: I am offering a partnership between my country's government and yours to form a joint venture in the oil industry here. Both governments would have a fifty percent share in the company, and said company would be tasked with the exploration and exploitation of any oil deposits in the Ottoman Empire that are not already signed away to the Turkish Petroleum Company."

"You do realize that you are offering quite literally half of your country's oil revenue to Nanjing, right?"

"Of course, Ambassador. And tell me: Is fifty percent not more than zero percent?"

"Of course; this way, at least some of the oil revenue would go to your people. But this does seem a bit much, doesn't it?"

"In fairness, we would require a heavy investment of capital and equipment from Nanjing. That, and the fact that your government's access to information from the future, you actually know where the oil is located."

"Not to mention that this would be part of a larger agreement between our two nations, Mr. Ma. Particularly in the areas of diplomatic support between one another, as well as geopolitical areas of mutual interest."

"You mean Russia."

"Exactly."

"Well then," Ma was wrong about Ferid Pasha. Despite his historical reputation as an appeaser in the Lost History, it was clear that the man had his reasons to act as he did. "I'm sure that Nanjing would practically jump at this offer, but I will need to forward it to them to get it in writing."

"Of course, Ambassador."

"And you? How will the people of the Sublime Porte react to this partnership?"

"Truth be told, Ma, I do not know for sure. However, it wouldn't be too hard to convince people that this is a step in the right direction for prosperity. Especially when my party can portray this as a victory over the foreign exploiters."

"Perhaps." Ma didn't know for sure, but it was possible it worked. "And what of the Turkish Petroleum Company? I imagine they would raise their own objections."

"The TPC's concessions largely consist of a single forty kilometer strip along a proposed railway, as opposed to the rest of the Empire."

"I doubt they will like the competition, Grand Vizier," Ma said, to which the man only grinned. "Is there something I should know?"

"Competition is necessary in this great game we call world politics, Ma. And with your nation's cooperation, I believe the Sublime Porte can finally end its losing streak."

Presidential Palace, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province, Republic of China, 10 November 1914

"We're taking this deal, right?" Song Jiaoren asked Sun. "We have the seats to ratify this treaty. More than that, if I'm being honest."

"Of course we are," Sun told him, along with the rest of the cabinet. "We'd be idiots not to take this offer, especially when the Ottomans can spin this as a victory over the nations that have humiliated it for the last few decades."

"CPC has said that they can begin transporting equipment immediately," Wang chimed in. "While we are not exactly running out of oil anytime soon, they seem content with drilling somewhere that isn't offshore for once."

"See to it Wang," Sun ordered, to which the Interior Minister nodded. "Thank you."

"It does seem interesting," Huang told him. "Wouldn't you say, Sun?"

"What about it, Huang?"

"How eager the Turks- er, the Ottomans were to cooperate with us, rather than the British or the Germans."

"We're kindred spirits, us and them," Sun told the head of the NRA. "Just as we were once the 'Sick Man of Asia,' the Ottomans are still the 'Sick Man of Europe," a moniker I am sure they wish to rid themselves of. A partnership with us, a global power without a history of humiliating them for the last few decades? Why wouldn't they take it?"

"Of course. Which brings me to my next point: We are a global power, now. And the rest of the world is growing to respect that. But as far as global powers go, we seem to be one of the better ones."

"Decades of humiliation does provide a certain perspective, I suppose," mused the President. "But that's enough policy for one day. How is the planning for the San Francisco Conference?"

"Ambassador Lea has told us that Roosevelt is very receptive to the idea. And he is very eager to speak with you, Sun."

"Of course. Now, is this the 'happy' kind of eager, or the 'annoyed' kind?"

"Probably both of them," Huang chuckled. "The man has gone on record saying that he sees our republic as a brother, and his foreign policy has acted accordingly. But at the same time, I can't imagine he is too enthused about us crashing the price of cotton and textiles with this year's crop."

"And the price of sugarcane?"

"Actually, he might be happy about that one."

Santiago, Republic of Chile, 21 December 1914

When the Great Journey happened, Chile was largely unaffected.

While one could make the argument that the Revolutionaries' victory had helped raise the Radicals' profile here, the same could be said of the Radical Civic Union over in Argentina. And unlike the Chinese, the Argentine radicals had been supporting their Chilean brothers.

Though in fairness to the Chinese, the Argentines were right next door, rather than on the other side of the mountains.

Next came the Chinese textile industry's imports, which most Chileans seemed fine with. While the fashions were a bit of a culture shock at first, the cheap cotton and clothing was welcomed by almost everybody.

After all, who didn't like cheaper clothes?

But it was the Chinese nitrate industry that had gotten them to where they were today. Or rather, their use of the Haber-Bosch process and the industrialized manufacture and export of nitrates that led to the mass protests in the streets of Santiago.

It wasn't much of a surprise to anyone who kept an eye on the nitrate industry. Everyone needed fertilizer and gunpowder, which put them in high demand. Which meant that Chile, with their large supply of nitrate deposits, was able to profit handily off of the trade.

It had gotten to the point that people started calling it "white gold." For all intents and purposes, it might as well be, and it was Chile's primary export, followed by copper.

Or at least it had been, until China had begun synthesizing ammonia on an industrial level in early 1913. That alone wouldn't have alarmed anyone in the know, given that the Germans had come up with something similar at BASF. However, it was the sheer magnitude of the production in China that crashed the market.

Over the span of a year, the increased supply meant that the price of nitrates had plummeted into the ground, and the Chilean economy soon followed them. Such was to happen, when Chile kept reinvesting half of their yearly profits into mining more saltpeter while the other half was used to fund infrastructure projects and economic development that wasn't based around saltpeter mining.

Which, in hindsight, was something they should have invested in, but it wasn't as if they could have expected an island from the future suddenly arriving, then crashing the price of their main export in a few years.

This now left Chile in the unenviable position where they'd gone from being a wealthy two-trick pony to a one-trick pony, if the pony had spent the last few decades doing that one trick and only occasionally practicing the second one.

Analogies aside, the members of the Liberal Alliance were here in Santiago to figure out what they could do. They couldn't compete with the industrial production of ammonia, and that was before Alessandri had pointed out that it would only decrease further as the Chinese built more industrial capacity.

Diplomacy was also out of the question. While they did have some leverage, by virtue of their connections to various foreign companies who also weren't happy about losing their profits, they doubted that China would share their concerns and slash their production.

Which meant that copper would be the lifeline they'd depend on. There wasn't much else they could offer, and the demand for copper had gone up.

The only problem was mining and exporting it.

CNS Yushan, San Francisco, California, 24 February 1915

"I've been to many places," Michael's partner told him, "But not the United States."

"You went to Hawaii as a kid, Aki. That counts."

"They were still independent. Besides, I've never been to the mainland United States."

"Fair enough," he told her, before adjusting his dress uniform once again. "So, how do I look?"

"I think you have more medals than some monarchs, Michael," she told him,.trying her best not to laugh. "But you make it work."

"Thanks. So, you ready to go explore San Francisco-"

He'd ask more, but she was practically dragging him through the halls at this point.

"Morning, General!" Chiu greeted as she pulled Michael along. "Morning, Ms. Higa. Enjoy your day off!"

"We will, Chiu!" Aki told him, speaking for the two of them. "Just call if you need anything."

"Well, somebody's excited," Michael chuckled. "You really want to tour San Francisco, don't you?"

"Of course I do. I've never been here before."

"You know, we're going to be here for a few months, right?"

"Today's your day off, and I can't speak English."

"You're not that bad."

"I can't speak English well."

"Okay, fair enough."

As they walked, he could see the rest of the Chinese pavilion being set up. There was everything, be it military equipment, computers, solar panels, windmills, weapons, vehicles, farming equipment, helicopters, and of course the Yushan itself.

He was pretty sure Shannon was off somewhere with Rachel prepping the helicopters on the Lu Haodong.

"They're really going all-out for this one, aren't they, Aki?"

"I guess Nanjing wants to leave a good… how do you say it in English?"

"First impression?"

"Right. A good first impression. This is the first time people are seeing the Republic of China firsthand. This way, people can see that China is a modern country. Not just Taiwan."

"Makes sense." He wasn't one for politics, but she broke it down enough for him while a crowd gathered around the block. "Hey, what's going on over there?"

"Want to check it out?" Michael just shrugged, and she led him over there. "Wait."

"What?"

"I can't speak English. Can you translate?"

"Sure. Let's see…" He peered around the crowd to see just what people were all worked up about, until he saw the large man in question. "Holy shit."

"What is it?"

"That's the President of the United States, Aki. Want to get closer?"

"Sure."

"...so we are here in this city," Roosevelt continued, "For two reasons. First, we are here to celebrate technology, prosperity, and progress. Not just in the past, but in the years to come!"

"Second," he said with an equally-booming voice, "We are here to ensure that prosperity. Not just for the rich or the people of one country, but of all countries. That is why I am pleased to announce that I and my staff, along with the delegations from all the great nations of the world, are here to discuss."

"When these negotiations are over, I promise you all that we will be one step closer to having true liberty and justice for all!"
That, out of all things, was something everyone could get behind. Even Michael and Aki, and they technically weren't US citizens anymore.

At least I don't think they'd recognize my papers.

I should try that sometime. Would be pretty funny at least.

"Without further ado, I would like to introduce the first President of China, Sun Yat-Sen."

If anything, that got an even louder applause from the crowd, though even more looked on at the man in curiosity.

After all, this was the man who'd saved China from becoming the Sick Man of Asia in only a few years.

"It is good to be back in America," Sun said to the crowd. Unlike Roosevelt, he carried a quiet, more-focused cadence. "The Republic of China has a long and rich history, but we have followed in America's footsteps. But now, we intend to walk side-by-side as brothers, united in purpose, democracy, and prosperity."

And to make sure that we don't accidentally start another trade war and crash the price of even more goods.

Which, in fairness, hadn't led to mass layoffs yet, so Michael and his fiancee were still laughing at how China accidentally started one. In fairness, they were busy spending 1912 and 1913 preventing famines.

Now, they had the exact opposite problem.

But Sun isn't going to say that quiet part out loud. "Oh hey, sorry for accidentally nearly destroying entire sectors of your economy; we're here to renegotiate tariffs so long as you help us get our land back and end the Chinese Exclusion Act," just doesn't have the same ring to it.

"Through technology, education, and our shared values," Sun continued, "Let us walk hand-in-hand into the future, so that the light of democracy will shine even brighter!"

If the crowd liked what they'd heard before, they loved this, if their loud cheers were anything to go by.

Eventually, the speech ended, and Roosevelt and Sun walked off the stage, shaking hands with the people until they reached the couple."

"General Chen?" If Sun was surprised, he didn't show it. "How good to see you."

"Friend of yours, Sun?" asked Roosevelt. "Ah, one of your generals."

"Yes sir," Michael answered in his old Californian accent. He didn't notice it, but he stood just a little straighter than he had before. "Major General Michael Chen of the 66th Marine Expeditionary Force."

"I see…" Roosevelt told him, having taken an interest in the marine general.

Michael was just trying his best not to look starstruck as the man offered a smile and a handshake.

"Your English is very good, General."

"Thank you, sir. I grew up in California."

"An American at heart!" Roosevelt exclaimed, and shook Chen's hand even harder. "I will be sure to visit the Yushan before I leave, General. Good day."

"Thank you, sir." Chen said politely, before nodding to Sun. "Best of luck to you two in the negotiations."

Sun gave him a polite nod, while Roosevelt gave another hearty smile as they walked past the rest of the crowd.

"Well then," Aki told him, once the crowd began to leave. "Martin is going to be jealous of you."

"Probably. I mean, who gets to meet two living legends in a single day?"

"Us, apparently?" She just shrugged. "So, do you remember your way around San Francisco?"

"Seeing that I'm over a hundred years in the past… no."

"Ah. You have a map, right?"

"'Course I do."

HISTINT Analysis of Colombia in 1914, MIB Section 5

As far as countries in Latin America go, Colombia is one of the least-affected by economic effects of our country's mass-industrialization and modernization. While some would say that their country is over-specialized in the coffee trade, it is this fact that has allowed them to weather the storm better than Venezuela, Brazil, or Chile.

Despite this, it is likely that Colombia will also see a net decrease in revenue this year, as well as the following years. As good as their coffee is, the price still went down this year, which means their income does, too.

However, it is clear that there are other, more pressing issues, particularly the outgoing Restrepo Administration's conflicts with the Catholic Church.

Despite his conservative political affiiliation, Restrepo is rather progressive on several issues, particularly the separation of church and state, as well as women's rights. Unfortunately, this has led to him angering his fellow conservatives and even his excommunication.

With his departure from office, as well as the returning deficit due to the decreasing price of coffee, it is likely that the Concha Administration will face an uphill battle with the Liberals on one side, and the Catholic Church on the other.

The latter of which could likely see a rightward-shift in the country, with the Catholic Church asserting itself against the conservative yet more-progressive Concha. However, it is worth noting that Concha will at least attempt to maintain the policies of Restrepo, which he may very well be able to do.

However, should a Conservative leader side with the Catholic Church without even a semblance of progressivism, it is within the realm of possibility that the Liberal Party returns to power in 1918.

Delhi, British India, 1 March 1915

Jin Hua was no stranger to India. After all, he had visited on numerous occasions to learn from the Buddha's example.

However, he never thought he would be here, under these circumstances. Or with these many converts in a few months.

Then again, pretty much everyone he'd managed to convert were either Dalits or Shudras, people of the lower castes. Them and a few intellectuals from the Kshatriya and Vaishya classes who joined for more philosophical reasons.

That wasn't to say that the Dalits or Shudras were less-philosophical. Not when he kept discussing philosophy with his companions who were also, unsurprisingly, Dalits and Shudras.

Or they were, anyways.

But at the same time, it didn't surprise him too much that the people most willing to listen to him convert and speak with them were near the bottom. Most people don't consider a new faith, let alone convert, when things are going alright for them.

"Like Hindus," he said to the assembled around him, "We believe in the cycle of life and death, which we call 'Samsara,' as well as the concept of suffering, which we call 'Duhkha.'"

"But to put it simply," he continued, making sure the translator could keep up with him, "The main difference between Buddhists like us and Hindus is that we do not believe in the same type of hierarchy as the caste system."

Again, he paused long enough for the translator to speak for him, but this time he could see some nods from the crowd.

Jin Hua needed a moment to think of the right way to word his next sentence. After all, his own opinions on Hinduism should not blind him in his mission to spread the Buddha's teachings.

"You see, Hinduism says that a Dalit will always be a Dalit, while a Brahmin will always be a Brahmin. In practice, this can lead to mistreatment, prejudice, and abuse."

"While I will not claim that Buddhists are perfect people, we fundamentally don't see people as Brahmins, Dalits, or Shudras, which means we don't see or treat people as Brahmins, Dalits, or Shudras."

Well, technically the Pali suttas say that if you convert, you effectively lose your caste status, but basically that.

"I believe in a life of dignity, respect, and equality. While Hindus would argue that anyone can achieve moksha, in practice many Dalits and even Shudras face mistreatment, poverty, and violence by being seen as 'lesser.'"

"As far as I am concerned, you are all my equals, just as I am yours. In a few minutes, we will eat together, and if you chose to share our faith, we will work together. Not as men and women of different castes, but as people seeking Enlightenment.

"While there are those who would see you as Shudras and Dalits, I do not see that. What I see in front of me, right now, are human beings. People."

"People who, by virtue of being human beings, deserve a life of dignity, equality, and respect. No matter where you came from."

 

[ChrisProvidence]

So, because we're at over 40 chapters and almost 100k words.

Also it turns out that writing additional sections on Colombia and India didn't get me to 100k words

So, here's a quick rundown of every country of note in Second Sunrise for any newcomers:

China:
Successfully overthrew the Qing in 1911 in a combined Tongmenghui-Taiwanese offensive. Also curbstomped Japanese and Russian invasions, leading to the return of Outer Manchuria, Sakhalin, and those two countries' concessions. Currently practicing free trade as part of the 1913 Nanjing Agreement that returned most concessions and ended extraterritoriality. Said agreement may have accidentally resulted in a trade war. Currently renegotiating the Free Trade clause of the Nanjing Agreement in exchange for the last of the concessions.

Siam:
Overthrew the government in 1912 by assassinating the King and framing the Wild Tiger Corps. Now allied with China. Currently modernizing their agriculture sector.

Philippines:
Set to achieve independence in 1920 as part of the Jones Act signed by Teddy Roosevelt. The American population is happy to just get out of there at this point. Currently holding provisional elections.

Korea:
Liberated during the Chinese counterattack in the Chinese Revolution. Ally of China. Currently working towards industrialization with their allies' help.

Indonesia:
Tirto Adhi Soerjo and other independence-minded intellectuals have set up shop in China. Currently heavily influenced by Royal Dutch Shell.

British Raj: Humanist Buddhist monks from China have arrived, and they are very effective at converting Dalits and Shudras with talk about equality, dignity, and respect. Also, members of the Ghadar movement have moved to China to set up a base of operations.

Japan:
Tried to intervene in the Chinese Revolution on the Qing's behalf. Tried to arrest the Mayor of Tokyo for opposing the intervention. Both led to riots, the release of the Mayor and his promotion of Prime Minister, and the defeat basically strangled Japanese militarism in the crib. Currently shifting away from Britain and towards China, given the new Emperor's intent to modernize the country.

Indochina:
Thousands of Indochinese have answered Phan Boi Chau's call to go to China for education and military training by joining the Chinese Foreign Legion. The revolutionaries welcome the new Radicals-Socialist French government's promises of colonial reforms. The business interests, nobility, and Catholic Church... not so much.

United States:
Teddy becomes President, signs the Jones Act, and pushes for as much progressive legislation as he can get his hands on. Currently hosting a World's Fair and trying to renegotiate tariffs so cheap Chinese goods don't flood their markets.

Britain:
Churchill isn't sure how to defeat the Chinese Navy. Not yet, anyways. Currently welcoming Joseph Chamberlain into 10 Downing Street, since his protectionist sentiments were vindicated.

France:
Raymond Poincare's scandals come much sooner, leading to Aristide Briand winning a sleeper victory in the 1913 election. The earlier creation of the right-wing National Bloc leads to the Bloc of the Left alliance between the SFIO and the Radicals, leading to a left-wing victory in 1914. Currently enacting nationalization, women's suffrage, and colonial reform.

Germany:
Surprisingly stable, though alarmed at the left-wing victory in France. Currently deciding if they should even try to hold onto their concession, after the Russians and Japanese got curbstomped.

Italy:
Managed to obtain Libya without bloodshed thanks to the Congress of Copenhagen. Currently administering their new territory and sidelining Mussolini.

Austria-Hungary:
Largely ambivalent about what happens in Asia. Also the Archduke is still angering the Hungarian population with his "United States of Greater Austria" proposal.

Russia:
The Tsar tried to nab Manchuria, Mongolia, Tuva, and Xinjiang during the Chinese Revolution. His armies got annihilated, leading to the Treaty of Irkutsk, which surrendered Outer Manchuria and Sakhalin. Tsar Nikolai II was overthrown by General Mikhail Diterikhs and a "Stab in the Back" narrative has formed. Currently distracted by committing pogroms and purges while millions leave, a brain drain, Wrangel and Kornilov plotting to overthrow the government, and anarchists waging a guerrilla war in Ukraine.

Ottoman Empire:
The Young Turks ended up getting kicked out of office in 1912 thanks to the political suicide of ignoring China's warnings and offers of assistance, which is turn led to the Ottomanist Liberal Union coming to power. The Liberal Union sees the Chinese as a partner to counter European interests and modernize themselves, so that they would no longer be the "Sick Man of Europe." Currently not committing genocide against ethnic minorities.

Chile:
China mass-producing ammonia on an industrial level has crashed the export price of nitrates into the ground. Currently trying to rapidly expand their copper mining industry.

Brazil:
Cafe con Leite politics continues as usual, but China's mechanized production of sugarcane and cotton has led to sharp price drops and a massive budget deficit. This, plus inspiration from China, has led to the formation of what can only be described as a "Brazilian Tongmenghui."

Venezuela:
Still a dictatorship, but they also are experiencing budget shortfalls because of declining sugarcane and cotton prices. Currently working with Royal Dutch Shell to find oil and at risk at having their own version of the Tongmenghui pop up.

Colombia:
The Conservatives have control of the government, but it is likely that Concha will continue his predecessor's moderate and at times progressive agenda for the time being. However, the Catholic Church is making moves, which could fracture the Conservative movement.

 

[ChrisProvidence]

Book Review: Winston Churchill's Twenty Years Difference Series
By Christopher della Providenzza

Of all things, you would not expect the former British MP and First Lord of the Admiralty to write alternate history.

Fiction, yes, what with how Disraeli was quite the prolific writer himself. But alternate history is (or rather, was) a niche genre.

Yet here we are, reviewing Winston Churchill's Twenty Years' Difference series of books.

Summary

It begins in 1891, with the island of Taiwan being sent back two decades earlier than in our time. After some initial tensions between the staunchly-Republican Taiwanese and the monarchist Mainlanders, the timely arrival of one Sun Yat-Sen is able to prevent an all-out war between the Taiwanese and the Mainland.

Through Sun's arbitration, the Guangxu Emperor with the help of Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao are able to form an alliance with the Taiwanese by various reforms, including Constitutional Monarchy. All is not well, however, as Empress Dowager Cixi and Yuan Shikai attempt a coup of their own, only to be thwarted by Colonel Michael Chen and Major Martin Li, resulting in Yuan and Cixi's deaths.

Come 1894, the Chinese are able to defeat the Japanese in battle after battle with their now-modernized forces, until both the Japanese and the Koreans are annexed into the Empire.

After that is a string of conquests, with the Chinese defeating the Spanish in the Philippines in 1898, the Portuguese in 1899, and the still-backwards and arrogant Russian Empire in 1904, shocking the world.

Soon, this modernist Pan-Asian empire travels westwards, modernizing and uplifting the new subjects of the Qing Empire with their technology and values while the Europeans continue to disregard the threat they pose, even as the Ottomans and Persians fall to them in 1910.

By 1915, Europe's Day of Reckoning comes, and an army of forty million modern soldiers marches into Europe, Africa, and their remaining colonies in Asia, where local rebels fight alongside modern troops in decisive victory after decisive victory.

Within three years, Europe, Africa, and Asia are under the Qing banner. Indonesia, Britain, and Australia soon follow them in 1920.

Across the ocean, the United States, along with their American allies and the refugees from Europe, had been adapting to the Chinese' technology and strategies, learning what their European brothers so arrogantly ignored as the Americas unite into one final effort against he Chinese horde.

Come 1925, the Qing and the Pan-American Alliance clash in a bloody war of epic battles that sees the Qing matched, blow-for-blow, to the point that they are forced to retreat. But just when the protagonists begin to celebrate, the second Chinese invasion begins, wiping out what remains of the Western resistance.

The story ends on a somber note, with Supreme Commander Chen accepting the Pan-Americans' surrender and offering them positions within the ranks of the Qing's now-global empire as they rebuild and look towards the future.

The story then jumps forward a decade, with the Chinese Supreme Commander on his deathbed, remarking on how China's victory was hard-fought, and they had only won because the West had taken so long to take them seriously.

Unfortunate Implications?

Now, to address the elephant in the room that is the "Yellow Peril" rhetoric.

At first glance, it's easy to see where these come from. After all, this is a story where non-white people become a military superpower and conquer the world for the Qing Emperor.

But what I found the most interesting about this story was that Churchill didn't stoop to racial stereotypes. Sure, the Chinese are the bad guys in this story, but they're portrayed as people, who have lives and interests of their own. Even Supreme Commander Chen, the closest thing the setting has to a Big Bad Evil Guy, is seen as a noble and professional figure who, while brutal on the battlefield, is a professional and efficient military leader who respects those he defeats in battle after battle.

One could even argue that the only "Yellow Peril" here is the cold efficiency and technological superiority of the Qing war machine, along with the destruction they wreak on those who continue to underestimate them, again and again. In fact, characters who claim that the Qing forces are a horde out to pillage and burn like the Mongols are routinely proved wrong by the occupation forces who are pragmatic, albeit brutal.

Moreover, it seems that almost every character who does treat the Qing and their allies as backward savages is shown to be in the wrong. Whether they are talking out of fear or arrogance, they are proven wrong, one way or another. Interestingly enough, those who do hold those beliefs are often portrayed as either bigoted, ill-informed, or both.

If anything, Churchill seems to save his contempt for those on his own side. To be precise, he paints those who either underestimate the Qing or do not take them seriously as a threat as arrogant, idiotic, or incompetent, despite the well-founded protestations of the fittingly-named protagonist, Cassandra Windsor.

Of particular note are those who claim that they have some innate sense of superiority over the Chinese. These characters often serve as a secondary antagonistic role to the Chinese, often disregarding Cassandra out of their own arrogance, corruption, or prejudice and hindering the war effort against the Chinese.

These types of people tend to be Churchill's favorite punching bags, as they often meet a fitting and poetic end by the end of the entry, whether at the hands of Cassandra, the Chinese, or the two of them forming a temporary alliance.

While at first it seems that Churchill plays into the "Yellow Peril" rhetoric that has nearly spawned an entire genre of novels, he has masterfully subverted it at every turn, converting what has now become a tired trope into a scathing social criticism of those arrogant or incompetent enough continue to underestimate the Chinese and their allies to this day.

Summary

The Twenty Years' Difference series of books can be described as many things: "Formulaic," "Detailed," "Critical," "Predictable," "Prophetic," "Surprisingly Progressive," and above all else, "Engaging and Fun."

Sure, you know how the story is going to end: Eventually, the Chinese are going to win against Cassandra Windsor and her allies, even if she's able to pull off victory after victory from the clutches of defeat.

But it's the characters and the journey there that makes this series worth reading, even if you know how it's going to end.

Yes, the plots get recycled time and time again, and Churchill does go out of the way to mock those he'd deem idiots or incompetents, but the man knows how to make you care about the people in this alternate world he's created.

Even the ones you should be rooting against.

Overall Rating:
Four out of Five Stars