They'd never be able to hold the moon. It is haunted, after all.
A Second Sunrise: Taiwan of 2020 Sent Back to 1911
- Thread starter ChrisProvidence
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- Original Modern Post-1900
They'd never be able to hold the moon. It is haunted, after all.
Fellow Human
Verified Roado Rolla
Wow, thanks for using the idea in the story. Just to be clear, it's an experimental technology, it sort of works on the test model, but actual launcher would need to be 3x larger.
Actually this canon launcher seems simpler, more efficient and likely to work.
Will physics prevent SpinLaunch from succeeding?
SpinLaunch will cleverly attempt to reach space with minimal rocket fuel. But will physics prevent a full-scale version from succeeding?
bigthink.com
Hypersonic space cannon promises 10 minutes from ground to orbit
Rockets are expensive, complex, bad for the environment and prone to occasionally exploding – so alternative launch technologies are popping up to reduce their use. We wrote about SpinLaunch's remarkable kinetic launch system earlier this week, which spins a rocket up to incredible speeds on the…
newatlas.com
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
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- He/Him
At this point, they're probably doing multiple methods to try to propel objects to space.Wow, thanks for using the idea in the story. Just to be clear, it's an experimental technology, it sort of works on the test model, but actual launcher would need to be 3x larger.
Actually this canon launcher seems simpler, more efficient and likely to work.Will physics prevent SpinLaunch from succeeding?
SpinLaunch will cleverly attempt to reach space with minimal rocket fuel. But will physics prevent a full-scale version from succeeding?bigthink.com
Hypersonic space cannon promises 10 minutes from ground to orbit
Rockets are expensive, complex, bad for the environment and prone to occasionally exploding – so alternative launch technologies are popping up to reduce their use. We wrote about SpinLaunch's remarkable kinetic launch system earlier this week, which spins a rocket up to incredible speeds on the…newatlas.com
Which probably includes just building a bunch of rockets at this point, because the tech is much less experimental.
Assuming the rockets don't explode on the launchpad, anyways.
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
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- He/Him
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
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- He/Him
Good News: China won't build a killsat anytime soon.
Bad News: China may have accidentally crashed the prices of cotton, textiles, steel, and nitrates through modern industrial expansion and mechanization, so the rest of the industrialized world is kinda freaking out.
Bad News: China may have accidentally crashed the prices of cotton, textiles, steel, and nitrates through modern industrial expansion and mechanization, so the rest of the industrialized world is kinda freaking out.
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I think some nations in South America like Brazil might be negatively affected
As for why I mentioned Brazil it is because I live on it
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
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Probably. Which could lead to the end of "Milk Coffee Politics" as the prices of cash crops (particularly cotton) goes down.
Good chance the Old Republic's economic system is upended, and with it its politics. Not to Chilean levels, though, with the plummeting price of nitrates.
But the fazendas will see a hit to their revenue, especially when they are not that mechanized.
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
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So... Turns out China also capable of producing coffee and sugar.
And they have mechanization, while Brazil basically does everything by hand at this point.
Crap.
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Chapter 43: J'aime la Démocratie
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
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Ishigaki Island, Taiwan Province, Republic of China, 15 March 1914
As part of the humanitarian operation in Vladivostok, the 66th Marine Brigade, now the 66th Marine Expeditionary Brigade, ended up getting sent up north with the CNS Yushan. Thankfully, their first operation was going to be a humanitarian mission, which was reason enough to be happy.
Akira wasn't, however. Her partner being far away came with the relationship, and she'd accepted that. It didn't mean she had to like the tedium. Even if Michael's childhood friend had dropped by to visit.
"Aren't you supposed to be over in Taipei?" she asked him over lunch. "I thought you were in charge of that, now."
"Okay for starters, anything more than that's classified," Li immediately told her, "And two, I'm the head of Section 5, the Intelligence Research division. I make other people do the research, and I have other people than them process it into actionable reports."
"Sounds simple enough," she told him, before shredding another mailer. "So, you're the one who sends reports to Michael?"
"When it's requested and approved, Akira."
"Ah. So those are the files that Michael's been shredding. And incinerating."
"Yeah, basically. Wait, you have clearance, right?"
"Not anymore. I work for NTU now, remember?"
"Oh, right. Anyways, I'm the guy who sends your partner the papers he keeps lighting on fire, like he's supposed to."
"Sounds like a good job. How's the pay?"
"Well, I'm a Colonel now, so it's pretty good," Li figured. "Not like I spend much on anything. We're always hiring, of course. Japanese translators are in high demand, you know."
"I'll keep that in mind." It wasn't a yes, but it wasn't a no. That was good enough for Li for now. "So, what kind of research does Division 5 cover? Everything?"
"Kind of? Okay, I can't tell you the specifics, but here's an example: What do you know about French politics?"
"Besides reading a few articles on Wikipedia and hearing Michael call it a 'Clusterfuck,' not much."
"Okay then." This, Li could work with. "So right now there are two major alliances in the French Chamber of Deputies: The Bloc National, or the "National Bloc," and the Bloc de Gauches, or the "Bloc of the Lefts." These are the right-wing and left-wing alliances, respectively. Does that make sense?"
"Yes, it does."
"Okay then. So my job in Division 5 is to task several researchers with researching both the Bloc National and the Bloc de Gauches. This can be everything from party platforms, to biographies, to newspaper articles. Even some opinion pieces. Eventually, all this information gets compiled into a report by another researcher, and it goes up the chain to me or one of my assistants, and we send the information to the person who requested the report in the first place."
"Okay, that makes sense," Akira told him, much to his relief. He did not want to go over that again. "So you get a request for a report, and your division compiles a new report or sends them an old one?"
"Basically. Well, sometimes our researchers are tasked with subjects when they don't have anything else to do, or they propose a subject that gets sent up the chain to me to approve."
"I see… Out of curiosity, how much does the average researcher get paid?"
"Let's see…" Li needed a second to come up with the number. "Okay, you know how much you get paid by NTU?"
"Yes?"
"An entry-level researcher makes double that-" He'd say more, but Akira seemed to choke on her drink. "You good?"
"Me? I'm fine. Also, that offer is open, right?"
"Yes?"
"And if I applied to work for the MIB as a researcher, would I be hired?"
"Probably? I mean, you'd probably have to go through the whole background check procedure, but with your previous experience as a civilian contractor under Michael…"
"Martin, all I wanted to know is if I would get the job?"
"Yeah, probably."
"Good."
Hotel Matignon, Paris, French Republic, 17 May 1914
As the de-facto newspaper of the French Section of the Workers' Internationale (in the sense that it was literally founded and edited by Jean Jaures), it was no surprise that Jean Brodeur had been given access to the negotiations between the various members of the Bloc de Gauches.
Nor was it any surprise that they had already negotiated the specifics of such an electoral alliance. As the largest members of the coalition, the SFIO and the Radicals would be in a power-sharing agreement, with the compromise candidate in the form of Marcel Sembat.
This, coupled with Aristide Briand's surprise victory over Raymond Poincare, left the left bloc in the unique position where they had both the offices of President and Prime Minister, which gave them the unique opportunity to reshape France according to their bold platform.
Of course there would be the usual protection of workers' rights, favorable government policy towards strikers, as well as an active encouragement of unions and a discouragement of militarism. That much was par for the course for these types, assuming the Great War was averted.
But there were two particular planks in their legislation that truly stuck out to him.
There was, of course, universal suffrage for men and women. While all French men had the vote for almost seventy years, women were not afforded the same rights. However, universal suffrage was, if anything, a rallying cry for the Radicals and the SFIO, with the French Union for Women's Suffrage (UFSF) coming out in force to campaign for the coalition on every front.
Having won both the Presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies, as well as a slim majority in the Senate, women's suffrage was all but assured.
But it was the second plank, a shift in colonial policy, that stuck out most to Brodeur. He was biased, of course, with his role in its conclusion.
In short, it was an extension of the coalition's policies to the colonies, particularly in the form of workers' rights and eventually the expansion of suffrage to the colonial subjects, with the end goal of either autonomy or integration into the French metropole. That, of course, would be for later discussion, though Leon Blum did discuss some ideas with him.
To that end, a large investment in the colonies would be undertaken, financed by an increase in taxes on colonial products. These funds would go towards infrastructure, of course, in the form of telegraphs, roads, and bridges. But it was the educational investment that he appreciated the most. Though a critic of what he called the "White Man's Burden Painted Red," Brodeur was a practical man, and he could see the importance of educating the locals in the merits of democracy and socialism.
The right wing would be upset, of course. Them, the Catholic Church, and the business interests.
But if the last election was anything to go by, the French people didn't agree with the National Bloc.
So why would Sembat govern as if they did?
Chinese Foreign Legion Headquarters, Haikou, Hainan Province, Republic of China, 1 June 1914
"Huh." Nguyen Sinh Cung did not expect to read that headline in the paper. "Radical-Socialist French Government Proposes New Colonial Policy."
"That's what some people call anyone left-of-center," Le told him. It wasn't much of a surprise, of course, given that the Master Sergeant outright joined an anarchist militia in Syria during the lost history. "I swear, it's practically lost all meaning at this point."
"Not this time," Nguyen told him. "The new French government is literally made of a coalition of Radicals and Socialists."
"Oh. So, what does that mean for us?"
"The short answer," Nguyen told him, "Is that this new French government wants to invest in Indochina's infrastructure and education and eventually expand the vote to the people there."
"Hey, that's pretty cool. What's the long answer?"
"All of that, plus a paragraph on how President Sun is happy and another paragraph on how the right wing is furious."
"Sounds about right. How's Phan's reaction?"
"Same as most of the uptime and downtime Indochinese in China: 'It's a step in the right direction.'"
"Is that politician-talk, or does he mean it?"
"Probably a mix of both," Nguyen figured. "From what I can tell, he basically wants the same thing that the Radical-Socialists want, just sooner."
"And you, Nguyen?" asked his military counterpart. "What do you think?"
"If the French want to do our jobs for us and work towards the same goal as us, then I have no problem with that."
"If anything, it makes our job easier."
"Exactly, Le." Nguyen's voice lowered to a whisper. "Now, don't tell the men and women, but MIB's told us that the Radical-Socialists have reached out to Phan and wanted to cooperate."
"Well that's nice. Why?"
"If you were a colonial power and you wanted to build up and educate your colonial subjects so you could either integrate them into your government or, more likely, grant them independence or autonomy, who is your biggest obstacle?"
"Right wingers."
Alright, maybe he has a point there.
"Besides them, Le."
"Us?" Nguyen nodded. "We're pretty much on the same page as them.."
"Of course. You and I know that. Phan knows that. What's important is that the Radical-Socialist government of France knows that, too."
"Fair enough," Le told him. "So, did anything else interesting happen?"
"In France? No. But Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha's government has reached out to Nanjing for developmental assistance."
"Wait, is he with the Young Turks?" Nguyen shook his head. "Liberal Union?"
"Yes, the ones who are less likely to genocide the Armenians."
"Please tell me that Nanjing said yes."
"Of course they did. China needs all the friends it can, right now, and if that means the French and the Ottomans, then who is Sun to say no?"
"Think they'd recognize us when we win? You know, when Indochina is free."
"The Ottomans? Possibly."
"Works for me. Wait, hold on a sec."
"Yes?"
"What about the right wingers?"
"In the Ottoman Empire?"
"In France. How are they reacting to the Radical-Socialists?"
"Do you want my honest opinion, Le?" The Master Sergeant nodded. "I couldn't care less what they had to say."
Indochinese Trade Union Headquarters, Hanoi, Protectorate of Tonkin, French Indochina, 6 June 1914
The Indochinese Trade Union (UCIC) was in an emergency meeting today, and none of the board of directors were particularly happy.
"It is clear," said Joseph Vine, "That we cannot rely on Paris, given the outcome of the results of the election."
"While we can rely on our contacts in the National Bloc to represent our interests," began Vice President Joseph Thierry, "it is clear that the Radical-Socialist government will be, at best, unhelpful in any and all problems that we are likely to face. Given these circumstances, I motion to begin a discussion on the options the UCIC has to deal with these issues."
"Seconded," said President Henri Estier. "So, who wishes to begin?"
Vine raised his hand, and Estier nodded at him.
"Given our status as a private entity," the Administrative-Director began, "It is unlikely that the Radical-Socialist government can directly interfere with our operations so long as we operate through legal means. Instead, it is likely that they will target us through administrative and legal means."
The various members of the board nodded their heads. Radical as this new government was in almost every sense of the word, it was likely that the Radical-Socialists would respect the Rule of Law and use legalism as their preferred weapon of choice.
"Furthermore, it is clear that while the Radical-Socialists have the levers of power, those levers of power are located in France and enacted through the next Governor-General. Contrast that with us, who are located here in Indochina."
"Your point?" asked Thierry, "Exactly what advantage does that give us?"
"The advantage of speed," Vine told him, as if the answer was right in front of them. "Every action that a Radical-Socialist colonial administration takes will require Paris' input in one form or another. In contrast, we can communicate and coordinate our responses faster, allowing us to out-maneuver them at every turn."
"That is all well and good," Estier told him, "But we will need our own system of support besides business interests."
"Anyone who would be opposed to the Radical-Socialists is a potential ally, Henri. Take, for example, the Catholic Church or the various monarchs. I imagine none of them have much sympathy for the Radical-Socialists."
"Manpower will also be a problem," Thierry pointed out. "A quarter of a percent of Indochina is French. While the various monarchs have their own forces, I do not think they will be so willing to lend us their manpower to protect our interests. Let alone go on offensive operations against Phan and his men."
"Of course," Vine agreed. It went without saying that while the local garrison may be sympathetic to the UCIC, the Radical-Socialists prevented any formal agreements. "Given these circumstances, I believe that a private security force would be a worthy investment."
"Wouldn't the Radical-Socialists reject such a force?" asked one of the board members. "What you are proposing is a private army of mercenaries."
"No, I am not," Vine was quick to say, "What I am proposing is a private security force, one that would be explicitly operating within any and all French laws."
The White House, Washington, District of Columbia, United States of America, 4 July 1914
Theodore Roosevelt considered himself a formidable man. After all, he had managed to win the presidency despite his age and getting shot by a would-be assassin.
What a terrible event. The man had punctured such a well-prepared speech.
But the last few days had particularly drained him. It was all the same, day in and day out.
Cotton plantation owners, or at least the people those plantation owners paid, kept filing complaints at him, asking him to do something about the Chinese driving down the price of cotton.
At this point, it was starting to get on his nerves, if he was being completely honest. What was he supposed to do, anyways? Ask the Chinese to stop flooding the market with cotton?
It wasn't just them, though. The steel industry was also raising a fuss about lower global prices, ever since the Chinese began outpacing the British. Then there was the textile industry, whose concerns about plummeting prices outweighed their excitement at cheap cotton.
And unlike the plantation owners, he needed their support if he wanted to be re-elected. Sure, the average American was pretty happy about cheaper clothing, but unless the trade treaty with the Chinese was renegotiated, there would be thousands out of the job by the end of 1915.
At this point, his sole consolation was that the rest of Europe was also dealing with plummeting cotton, steel, and textile prices. That, and cheaper prices on coffee, sugar, and other cash crops, but those weren't threatening thousands of jobs in America right now.
Still, he had to do something, and it wasn't as if the United States was out of options or industrial allies. Tariffs, for one, would have to be renegotiated to protect industry, or at least buy time for them to catch up. That, along with a stronger welfare state, could alleviate anyone who did end up losing their jobs.
"Send a message to the ambassadors from the 'Big Six' at their embassies," he said to an aide. ""I would like to discuss terms."
"Of course, Mr. President."
"Thank you. Afterwards, please contact the Chinese embassy. I would like to arrange a meeting between us and them."
It was a bit of a gamble, and he had to admit that it felt a bit underhanded. Here he was, attempting to use every bit of political capital to bring everyone to the negotiating table in an effort to save the west from economic domination.
Still, this wouldn't be the first time he'd brought people to the negotiating table. And like last time, both sides had something the other side wanted. China wanted the rest of the concessions, while the Europeans and Americans wanted to renegotiate the newly-signed trade agreement.
Ever the optimist, Roosevelt smiled. He'd done this before, and he still felt up to the task.
Caracas, United States of Venezuela, 20 August 1914
"What do you mean, coffee prices are down this year? To put it mildly, that wasn't what President Gómez wanted to hear. "What exactly is the reason for this?"
"It's the global market, sir," his aide told him. "While we still outproduce them, the fact remains that China's rapid industrial growth has led to an increased supply. Assuming demand remains constant, we will see a slight decrease compared to last year."
"Which is a smaller decrease in export price than that of sugarcane, cotton, and tobacco," another aide told him. "Especially those latter two."
"God damn it," Gómez muttered. In just a few years, his country was already on the verge of a serious budget deficit. All because of an island that appeared out of nowhere with modern machinery, scientific methods, and logistics. "So we are at risk of three of our exports being worth a fraction of what they were last year?"
"More or less," said the first aid. "The good news is that the price of cocoa is relatively stable."
What, did the Chinese not also manage to plant that and rapidly harvest it, too?
This was not good. Not by any means.
Cash crops weren't just Venezuela's primary exports. No, they were Venezuela's primary source of revenue at this point, and now they were next to worthless. Well, not to that level, but they weren't worth as much as they would have been, just last year.
And if the numbers are correct, they'll be worth even less by next year!
"And the oil concessions?" he asked his advisors. At this point, it, as well as the coffee and cocoa trades, was his best chance at having a neutral budget by next year. "Have our English and Dutch friends found anything?"
"Nothing yet, sir."
"Of course. If there is anything we can do to support them, they need only ask. Make sure they know that."
Shit.
This was not what he needed right now. Of course, he knew that Venezuela wasn't the worst-off out of all of the South American nations.
No, that medal of dishonor went to Chile, whose economy was on the verge of collapse now that the Chinese had begun synthesizing ammonia.
All things considered, he would rather be Venezuelan right now. Debt was a preferable alternative to complete and utter economic collapse.
São Paulo, Republic of the United States of Brazil, 9 September 1914
As far as First Lieutenant Miguel Costa was concerned, it was another social call. A meeting between colleagues as they discussed the news and life in general. Officers being officers, after all.
In truth, what had once started as a conversation between himself and Major Isidoro Dias Lopes had snowballed into a secret club of like-minded officers who would mess with one another. The fact that they all seemed to get along with one another only helped to sell the masquerade.
"Well, that's not good," Costa sighed aloud. "Coffee prices are down, which means the government is, once again, going to enact valorization."
"Valorization?" one of the cadets asked, "What is that?"
"To put it simply," said the Major, "Brazil produces so much of the world's coffee supply that the government can withhold supply from going to the market. This lowers the supply while demand stays steady, which increases the price. Does that make sense?"
"I think so," the cadet told him, earning a proud smile from the Major.
"I think the coffee trade is the best off," Costa continued. "The prices of cotton and sugar are expected to go down even further over the next few years."
"Is that bad?" asked one of the other Lieutenants.
"Yes, it is," Costa told him. "Right now, Brazil has to pay its foreign debt, and President Rodrigues is seeking a loan to buy us time. The problem is that the sharp drop in the price of cotton and sugarcane means that it won't be enough. Which means that more drastic measures would need to be taken."
"Which is bad for Brazil?"
"Probably." Costa wasn't much of an economist. "In all likelihood, the landowners and the upper class should be fine. With how many times the government's used valorization, I wouldn't be surprised if they bail them out again."
"Then it's back to business as usual?" Costa and Lopes nodded.
"So what do we do?" asked one of the other lieutenants. "We can't spend all our time discussing it with ourselves while Brazil slides further into debt and oligarchy!"
"Which is why I have invited Professor Oiticica and Mr. Pereira," Lopes told the assembled soldiers. "While we do not agree on everything, it is clear that we have more in common."
"Indeed," said the professor. He still spoke with the cadence of a professor, even if these men were only young enough to be his students. "What seems to be clear to all of us is that Brazil is, I fear, a backwards country. While the rest of the world invests in machinery and education, the elites of our nation seem content with keeping our people as uneducated farm hands with primitive tools."
"It is clear we need change," Pereira added. Unlike the professor, he wasn't about to beat around the bush. "Industry and education are the tools to our prosperity. Not just the rich men in Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais, but all Brazilians."
Costa could only nod at the man, despite their differences. The man did have a point.
And despite their differences, he knew they needed all the help he could get.
The meeting would continue for another few hours, with Oiticica making grand observations and criticisms of the government, only for Pereira to reiterate it into simpler, more-accessible terms for the young officers and cadets.
By the time they'd all left, they had all agreed on four things:
As part of the humanitarian operation in Vladivostok, the 66th Marine Brigade, now the 66th Marine Expeditionary Brigade, ended up getting sent up north with the CNS Yushan. Thankfully, their first operation was going to be a humanitarian mission, which was reason enough to be happy.
Akira wasn't, however. Her partner being far away came with the relationship, and she'd accepted that. It didn't mean she had to like the tedium. Even if Michael's childhood friend had dropped by to visit.
"Aren't you supposed to be over in Taipei?" she asked him over lunch. "I thought you were in charge of that, now."
"Okay for starters, anything more than that's classified," Li immediately told her, "And two, I'm the head of Section 5, the Intelligence Research division. I make other people do the research, and I have other people than them process it into actionable reports."
"Sounds simple enough," she told him, before shredding another mailer. "So, you're the one who sends reports to Michael?"
"When it's requested and approved, Akira."
"Ah. So those are the files that Michael's been shredding. And incinerating."
"Yeah, basically. Wait, you have clearance, right?"
"Not anymore. I work for NTU now, remember?"
"Oh, right. Anyways, I'm the guy who sends your partner the papers he keeps lighting on fire, like he's supposed to."
"Sounds like a good job. How's the pay?"
"Well, I'm a Colonel now, so it's pretty good," Li figured. "Not like I spend much on anything. We're always hiring, of course. Japanese translators are in high demand, you know."
"I'll keep that in mind." It wasn't a yes, but it wasn't a no. That was good enough for Li for now. "So, what kind of research does Division 5 cover? Everything?"
"Kind of? Okay, I can't tell you the specifics, but here's an example: What do you know about French politics?"
"Besides reading a few articles on Wikipedia and hearing Michael call it a 'Clusterfuck,' not much."
"Okay then." This, Li could work with. "So right now there are two major alliances in the French Chamber of Deputies: The Bloc National, or the "National Bloc," and the Bloc de Gauches, or the "Bloc of the Lefts." These are the right-wing and left-wing alliances, respectively. Does that make sense?"
"Yes, it does."
"Okay then. So my job in Division 5 is to task several researchers with researching both the Bloc National and the Bloc de Gauches. This can be everything from party platforms, to biographies, to newspaper articles. Even some opinion pieces. Eventually, all this information gets compiled into a report by another researcher, and it goes up the chain to me or one of my assistants, and we send the information to the person who requested the report in the first place."
"Okay, that makes sense," Akira told him, much to his relief. He did not want to go over that again. "So you get a request for a report, and your division compiles a new report or sends them an old one?"
"Basically. Well, sometimes our researchers are tasked with subjects when they don't have anything else to do, or they propose a subject that gets sent up the chain to me to approve."
"I see… Out of curiosity, how much does the average researcher get paid?"
"Let's see…" Li needed a second to come up with the number. "Okay, you know how much you get paid by NTU?"
"Yes?"
"An entry-level researcher makes double that-" He'd say more, but Akira seemed to choke on her drink. "You good?"
"Me? I'm fine. Also, that offer is open, right?"
"Yes?"
"And if I applied to work for the MIB as a researcher, would I be hired?"
"Probably? I mean, you'd probably have to go through the whole background check procedure, but with your previous experience as a civilian contractor under Michael…"
"Martin, all I wanted to know is if I would get the job?"
"Yeah, probably."
"Good."
Hotel Matignon, Paris, French Republic, 17 May 1914
As the de-facto newspaper of the French Section of the Workers' Internationale (in the sense that it was literally founded and edited by Jean Jaures), it was no surprise that Jean Brodeur had been given access to the negotiations between the various members of the Bloc de Gauches.
Nor was it any surprise that they had already negotiated the specifics of such an electoral alliance. As the largest members of the coalition, the SFIO and the Radicals would be in a power-sharing agreement, with the compromise candidate in the form of Marcel Sembat.
This, coupled with Aristide Briand's surprise victory over Raymond Poincare, left the left bloc in the unique position where they had both the offices of President and Prime Minister, which gave them the unique opportunity to reshape France according to their bold platform.
Of course there would be the usual protection of workers' rights, favorable government policy towards strikers, as well as an active encouragement of unions and a discouragement of militarism. That much was par for the course for these types, assuming the Great War was averted.
But there were two particular planks in their legislation that truly stuck out to him.
There was, of course, universal suffrage for men and women. While all French men had the vote for almost seventy years, women were not afforded the same rights. However, universal suffrage was, if anything, a rallying cry for the Radicals and the SFIO, with the French Union for Women's Suffrage (UFSF) coming out in force to campaign for the coalition on every front.
Having won both the Presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies, as well as a slim majority in the Senate, women's suffrage was all but assured.
But it was the second plank, a shift in colonial policy, that stuck out most to Brodeur. He was biased, of course, with his role in its conclusion.
In short, it was an extension of the coalition's policies to the colonies, particularly in the form of workers' rights and eventually the expansion of suffrage to the colonial subjects, with the end goal of either autonomy or integration into the French metropole. That, of course, would be for later discussion, though Leon Blum did discuss some ideas with him.
To that end, a large investment in the colonies would be undertaken, financed by an increase in taxes on colonial products. These funds would go towards infrastructure, of course, in the form of telegraphs, roads, and bridges. But it was the educational investment that he appreciated the most. Though a critic of what he called the "White Man's Burden Painted Red," Brodeur was a practical man, and he could see the importance of educating the locals in the merits of democracy and socialism.
The right wing would be upset, of course. Them, the Catholic Church, and the business interests.
But if the last election was anything to go by, the French people didn't agree with the National Bloc.
So why would Sembat govern as if they did?
Chinese Foreign Legion Headquarters, Haikou, Hainan Province, Republic of China, 1 June 1914
"Huh." Nguyen Sinh Cung did not expect to read that headline in the paper. "Radical-Socialist French Government Proposes New Colonial Policy."
"That's what some people call anyone left-of-center," Le told him. It wasn't much of a surprise, of course, given that the Master Sergeant outright joined an anarchist militia in Syria during the lost history. "I swear, it's practically lost all meaning at this point."
"Not this time," Nguyen told him. "The new French government is literally made of a coalition of Radicals and Socialists."
"Oh. So, what does that mean for us?"
"The short answer," Nguyen told him, "Is that this new French government wants to invest in Indochina's infrastructure and education and eventually expand the vote to the people there."
"Hey, that's pretty cool. What's the long answer?"
"All of that, plus a paragraph on how President Sun is happy and another paragraph on how the right wing is furious."
"Sounds about right. How's Phan's reaction?"
"Same as most of the uptime and downtime Indochinese in China: 'It's a step in the right direction.'"
"Is that politician-talk, or does he mean it?"
"Probably a mix of both," Nguyen figured. "From what I can tell, he basically wants the same thing that the Radical-Socialists want, just sooner."
"And you, Nguyen?" asked his military counterpart. "What do you think?"
"If the French want to do our jobs for us and work towards the same goal as us, then I have no problem with that."
"If anything, it makes our job easier."
"Exactly, Le." Nguyen's voice lowered to a whisper. "Now, don't tell the men and women, but MIB's told us that the Radical-Socialists have reached out to Phan and wanted to cooperate."
"Well that's nice. Why?"
"If you were a colonial power and you wanted to build up and educate your colonial subjects so you could either integrate them into your government or, more likely, grant them independence or autonomy, who is your biggest obstacle?"
"Right wingers."
Alright, maybe he has a point there.
"Besides them, Le."
"Us?" Nguyen nodded. "We're pretty much on the same page as them.."
"Of course. You and I know that. Phan knows that. What's important is that the Radical-Socialist government of France knows that, too."
"Fair enough," Le told him. "So, did anything else interesting happen?"
"In France? No. But Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha's government has reached out to Nanjing for developmental assistance."
"Wait, is he with the Young Turks?" Nguyen shook his head. "Liberal Union?"
"Yes, the ones who are less likely to genocide the Armenians."
"Please tell me that Nanjing said yes."
"Of course they did. China needs all the friends it can, right now, and if that means the French and the Ottomans, then who is Sun to say no?"
"Think they'd recognize us when we win? You know, when Indochina is free."
"The Ottomans? Possibly."
"Works for me. Wait, hold on a sec."
"Yes?"
"What about the right wingers?"
"In the Ottoman Empire?"
"In France. How are they reacting to the Radical-Socialists?"
"Do you want my honest opinion, Le?" The Master Sergeant nodded. "I couldn't care less what they had to say."
Indochinese Trade Union Headquarters, Hanoi, Protectorate of Tonkin, French Indochina, 6 June 1914
The Indochinese Trade Union (UCIC) was in an emergency meeting today, and none of the board of directors were particularly happy.
"It is clear," said Joseph Vine, "That we cannot rely on Paris, given the outcome of the results of the election."
"While we can rely on our contacts in the National Bloc to represent our interests," began Vice President Joseph Thierry, "it is clear that the Radical-Socialist government will be, at best, unhelpful in any and all problems that we are likely to face. Given these circumstances, I motion to begin a discussion on the options the UCIC has to deal with these issues."
"Seconded," said President Henri Estier. "So, who wishes to begin?"
Vine raised his hand, and Estier nodded at him.
"Given our status as a private entity," the Administrative-Director began, "It is unlikely that the Radical-Socialist government can directly interfere with our operations so long as we operate through legal means. Instead, it is likely that they will target us through administrative and legal means."
The various members of the board nodded their heads. Radical as this new government was in almost every sense of the word, it was likely that the Radical-Socialists would respect the Rule of Law and use legalism as their preferred weapon of choice.
"Furthermore, it is clear that while the Radical-Socialists have the levers of power, those levers of power are located in France and enacted through the next Governor-General. Contrast that with us, who are located here in Indochina."
"Your point?" asked Thierry, "Exactly what advantage does that give us?"
"The advantage of speed," Vine told him, as if the answer was right in front of them. "Every action that a Radical-Socialist colonial administration takes will require Paris' input in one form or another. In contrast, we can communicate and coordinate our responses faster, allowing us to out-maneuver them at every turn."
"That is all well and good," Estier told him, "But we will need our own system of support besides business interests."
"Anyone who would be opposed to the Radical-Socialists is a potential ally, Henri. Take, for example, the Catholic Church or the various monarchs. I imagine none of them have much sympathy for the Radical-Socialists."
"Manpower will also be a problem," Thierry pointed out. "A quarter of a percent of Indochina is French. While the various monarchs have their own forces, I do not think they will be so willing to lend us their manpower to protect our interests. Let alone go on offensive operations against Phan and his men."
"Of course," Vine agreed. It went without saying that while the local garrison may be sympathetic to the UCIC, the Radical-Socialists prevented any formal agreements. "Given these circumstances, I believe that a private security force would be a worthy investment."
"Wouldn't the Radical-Socialists reject such a force?" asked one of the board members. "What you are proposing is a private army of mercenaries."
"No, I am not," Vine was quick to say, "What I am proposing is a private security force, one that would be explicitly operating within any and all French laws."
The White House, Washington, District of Columbia, United States of America, 4 July 1914
Theodore Roosevelt considered himself a formidable man. After all, he had managed to win the presidency despite his age and getting shot by a would-be assassin.
What a terrible event. The man had punctured such a well-prepared speech.
But the last few days had particularly drained him. It was all the same, day in and day out.
Cotton plantation owners, or at least the people those plantation owners paid, kept filing complaints at him, asking him to do something about the Chinese driving down the price of cotton.
At this point, it was starting to get on his nerves, if he was being completely honest. What was he supposed to do, anyways? Ask the Chinese to stop flooding the market with cotton?
It wasn't just them, though. The steel industry was also raising a fuss about lower global prices, ever since the Chinese began outpacing the British. Then there was the textile industry, whose concerns about plummeting prices outweighed their excitement at cheap cotton.
And unlike the plantation owners, he needed their support if he wanted to be re-elected. Sure, the average American was pretty happy about cheaper clothing, but unless the trade treaty with the Chinese was renegotiated, there would be thousands out of the job by the end of 1915.
At this point, his sole consolation was that the rest of Europe was also dealing with plummeting cotton, steel, and textile prices. That, and cheaper prices on coffee, sugar, and other cash crops, but those weren't threatening thousands of jobs in America right now.
Still, he had to do something, and it wasn't as if the United States was out of options or industrial allies. Tariffs, for one, would have to be renegotiated to protect industry, or at least buy time for them to catch up. That, along with a stronger welfare state, could alleviate anyone who did end up losing their jobs.
"Send a message to the ambassadors from the 'Big Six' at their embassies," he said to an aide. ""I would like to discuss terms."
"Of course, Mr. President."
"Thank you. Afterwards, please contact the Chinese embassy. I would like to arrange a meeting between us and them."
It was a bit of a gamble, and he had to admit that it felt a bit underhanded. Here he was, attempting to use every bit of political capital to bring everyone to the negotiating table in an effort to save the west from economic domination.
Still, this wouldn't be the first time he'd brought people to the negotiating table. And like last time, both sides had something the other side wanted. China wanted the rest of the concessions, while the Europeans and Americans wanted to renegotiate the newly-signed trade agreement.
Ever the optimist, Roosevelt smiled. He'd done this before, and he still felt up to the task.
Caracas, United States of Venezuela, 20 August 1914
"What do you mean, coffee prices are down this year? To put it mildly, that wasn't what President Gómez wanted to hear. "What exactly is the reason for this?"
"It's the global market, sir," his aide told him. "While we still outproduce them, the fact remains that China's rapid industrial growth has led to an increased supply. Assuming demand remains constant, we will see a slight decrease compared to last year."
"Which is a smaller decrease in export price than that of sugarcane, cotton, and tobacco," another aide told him. "Especially those latter two."
"God damn it," Gómez muttered. In just a few years, his country was already on the verge of a serious budget deficit. All because of an island that appeared out of nowhere with modern machinery, scientific methods, and logistics. "So we are at risk of three of our exports being worth a fraction of what they were last year?"
"More or less," said the first aid. "The good news is that the price of cocoa is relatively stable."
What, did the Chinese not also manage to plant that and rapidly harvest it, too?
This was not good. Not by any means.
Cash crops weren't just Venezuela's primary exports. No, they were Venezuela's primary source of revenue at this point, and now they were next to worthless. Well, not to that level, but they weren't worth as much as they would have been, just last year.
And if the numbers are correct, they'll be worth even less by next year!
"And the oil concessions?" he asked his advisors. At this point, it, as well as the coffee and cocoa trades, was his best chance at having a neutral budget by next year. "Have our English and Dutch friends found anything?"
"Nothing yet, sir."
"Of course. If there is anything we can do to support them, they need only ask. Make sure they know that."
Shit.
This was not what he needed right now. Of course, he knew that Venezuela wasn't the worst-off out of all of the South American nations.
No, that medal of dishonor went to Chile, whose economy was on the verge of collapse now that the Chinese had begun synthesizing ammonia.
All things considered, he would rather be Venezuelan right now. Debt was a preferable alternative to complete and utter economic collapse.
São Paulo, Republic of the United States of Brazil, 9 September 1914
As far as First Lieutenant Miguel Costa was concerned, it was another social call. A meeting between colleagues as they discussed the news and life in general. Officers being officers, after all.
In truth, what had once started as a conversation between himself and Major Isidoro Dias Lopes had snowballed into a secret club of like-minded officers who would mess with one another. The fact that they all seemed to get along with one another only helped to sell the masquerade.
"Well, that's not good," Costa sighed aloud. "Coffee prices are down, which means the government is, once again, going to enact valorization."
"Valorization?" one of the cadets asked, "What is that?"
"To put it simply," said the Major, "Brazil produces so much of the world's coffee supply that the government can withhold supply from going to the market. This lowers the supply while demand stays steady, which increases the price. Does that make sense?"
"I think so," the cadet told him, earning a proud smile from the Major.
"I think the coffee trade is the best off," Costa continued. "The prices of cotton and sugar are expected to go down even further over the next few years."
"Is that bad?" asked one of the other Lieutenants.
"Yes, it is," Costa told him. "Right now, Brazil has to pay its foreign debt, and President Rodrigues is seeking a loan to buy us time. The problem is that the sharp drop in the price of cotton and sugarcane means that it won't be enough. Which means that more drastic measures would need to be taken."
"Which is bad for Brazil?"
"Probably." Costa wasn't much of an economist. "In all likelihood, the landowners and the upper class should be fine. With how many times the government's used valorization, I wouldn't be surprised if they bail them out again."
"Then it's back to business as usual?" Costa and Lopes nodded.
"So what do we do?" asked one of the other lieutenants. "We can't spend all our time discussing it with ourselves while Brazil slides further into debt and oligarchy!"
"Which is why I have invited Professor Oiticica and Mr. Pereira," Lopes told the assembled soldiers. "While we do not agree on everything, it is clear that we have more in common."
"Indeed," said the professor. He still spoke with the cadence of a professor, even if these men were only young enough to be his students. "What seems to be clear to all of us is that Brazil is, I fear, a backwards country. While the rest of the world invests in machinery and education, the elites of our nation seem content with keeping our people as uneducated farm hands with primitive tools."
"It is clear we need change," Pereira added. Unlike the professor, he wasn't about to beat around the bush. "Industry and education are the tools to our prosperity. Not just the rich men in Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais, but all Brazilians."
Costa could only nod at the man, despite their differences. The man did have a point.
And despite their differences, he knew they needed all the help he could get.
The meeting would continue for another few hours, with Oiticica making grand observations and criticisms of the government, only for Pereira to reiterate it into simpler, more-accessible terms for the young officers and cadets.
By the time they'd all left, they had all agreed on four things:
- Brazil needed drastic change from the ground up. Changes in education, economics, and most importantly, politics.
- The Chinese Tongmenghui's success was an example they could follow. After all, theirs was also a movement of soldiers, intellectuals, and civilians.
- An alliance of reform-minded civilians, intellectuals, and soldiers would be formed to bring about the aforementioned changes to Brazil.
- The new organization would be known as the Revolutionary Alliance of Brazil.
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nachtingale
20. On that "honk, mimimi" type beat everyday.
- Location
- Malaysia
- Pronouns
- He/They
"We will bury you! (With steel, coffee, sugar, cotton etc.)"
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
You know what's the funniest part of this?
New China basically crashed the global prices of multiple goods by accident.
As far as New China was concerned, they just wanted to compete on the global stage by using modern technology and logistics to maximize production and exports.
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- Location
- Philippines
Also as seen by the viewpoint during the Republic of China Interlude they were not even paying attention as they were focused on averting the famine.
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
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Yeah, basically.
There's only so much manpower, time, and political capital, so they're going to spend it on important things like preventing their people from starving to death.
At the time, accidentally flooding the global market wasn't really a concern. I don't think anyone thought they could do that.
Which is a fancy way of saying that I also didn't think they could do that when I wrote those previous chapters.
- Location
- Bangkok, Thailand
Is there any particular resource that China needs to import from elsewhere that's not some rare spices?
I can only think of vanilla and cocoa, although the former can be mimic somewhat with synthetic flavours and the latter were already grown in Siam (though they would remain very obscured until 1950s Thai government heavy subsidisation in the lost history) so that's less of a concern. Perhaps the sago starch would have some increase in demand from Taiwan's own bubble milk tea culture seeking new trends?
In terms of industrial goods, rubber trees were first grown in French Indochina and Siam from 1897 and 1899 respectively and would likely be China's primary source until their own plantations in Yunnan (only started in the 1950s in lost history) started to mature in the next 5-6 years. Oil and gas concerns wouldn't be a factor until a few decades into the story too due to the initial low demand.
I can only think of vanilla and cocoa, although the former can be mimic somewhat with synthetic flavours and the latter were already grown in Siam (though they would remain very obscured until 1950s Thai government heavy subsidisation in the lost history) so that's less of a concern. Perhaps the sago starch would have some increase in demand from Taiwan's own bubble milk tea culture seeking new trends?
In terms of industrial goods, rubber trees were first grown in French Indochina and Siam from 1897 and 1899 respectively and would likely be China's primary source until their own plantations in Yunnan (only started in the 1950s in lost history) started to mature in the next 5-6 years. Oil and gas concerns wouldn't be a factor until a few decades into the story too due to the initial low demand.
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Honestly, I was going to say lithium, but it turns out they have that. And cobalt. And titanium. And aluminum.
Not in the world's largest quantities of course, but it's there.
Vanilla and cocoa would definitely be there for edible resources.
As for rubber, synthesized rubber would probably be the mainstay in China.
Honestly, the only thing I can think of is copper.
Which is actually really funny, seeing that they kind of screwed over Chile's economy by lowering the price of nitrates, so I guess Chinese companies are going to be investing in Chilean copper mines.
As for oil, there's the South China Sea and offshore. And the Ottomans, of course, if they need more.
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Huh, you know, this is one of the first times I've seen 19th/20th Century French politics explored in alternate history.
I am very, very, very happy right now.
By the way, could anybody recommend me a few TLs that talk about post-Napoleonic/19th Century/20th Century France?
I am very, very, very happy right now.
By the way, could anybody recommend me a few TLs that talk about post-Napoleonic/19th Century/20th Century France?
- Location
- San Francisco
If they're smart, they won't become a major concern (or AS major a concern) because they'll plan against becoming too dependent on it. Lay rails before roads, and you will save vastly on transportation.
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
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Yup. Lots and lots of railroads and public transportation.
Granted, a lot of that is due to the average person in New China not being able to afford a car right now, so that's probably the best way to get around.
That, or bicycles, which are a heck of a lot cheaper than cars.
They need to start making zoning laws asap to prevent them running into the issues that California is facing with the loss of its boom economy. Cali went from nothing into a Gold rush, straight into a Agriculture economy due to the massive immigration boom from across the world. From Agriculture they dove into the oil fields of southern California that lead to rapid industrial development especially in the wake of the 2 ocean navy act. Post-war that development bled into the foundation that silicon valley developed from and the start of the car centralized suburban environment that's choking out California's needs in the present day. Needs like a massive housing crises and major corporation's pulling out as it becomes increasingly more expensive to operate in the state due to crumbling infrastructure and wasteful construction zoning laws to say nothing of the steadily increasing imbalanced tax's on the upper income population.
Sigh in other news you might want to arrange as a peace offering for your accidental economic war a road map of all natural disaster's, bridge collapses, mine collapses, and dam collapses focusing on currently built infrastructure. Follow that up by offering cheap/free training about modern building practices to architects world wide. Include with that a modern understanding of foundational material sciences including anti-septic concrete and roman self repairing concrete.
Sigh in other news you might want to arrange as a peace offering for your accidental economic war a road map of all natural disaster's, bridge collapses, mine collapses, and dam collapses focusing on currently built infrastructure. Follow that up by offering cheap/free training about modern building practices to architects world wide. Include with that a modern understanding of foundational material sciences including anti-septic concrete and roman self repairing concrete.
Foresight
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Burdur, Ottoman Empire, 4 October 1914
Somehow, convincing the Ottoman government that there would be an earthquake was the easy part. Ever since the Committee of Union and Progress ignored the warnings back in 1912, Constantinople had taken care to heed their warnings.
Admittedly, this was due in part to the Liberal Union not wanting to commit political suicide like the CUP did, but when the Chinese warned them the second time around, they listened.
Though if you asked Major Kenneth Ma, it was the helicopter carrier that hammered the point home. After all, it wasn't as if the CNS Lu Haodong, (formerly the CNS Huang Xing) had enough firepower to invade them.
No, the Lu was there to fly as many people out of the area as possible.
Which led to the truly hard part: None of them could speak Turkish.
Thankfully, one of the Turkish officers, a Captain going by Mehmet, could speak English, so Ma could work with that. Admittedly, all of his directions had to go from Chinese to English to Turkish and back, but the locals would listen to him.
After that came the task of loading the locals onto the helicopters, where they'd spent the next week flying people out of Burdur, Kilinc, Keciborlu, and Isparta. It was a difficult task, but the Mehmet was convincing enough.
"Is that everyone?" Ma asked his Ottoman counterpart. Mehmet just nodded. "Good."
"And not a moment too soon," the Ottoman officer told him, and pointed to the city they were flying behind. "See that?"
Ma looked out the closed window to see Isparta... or what was left of it. But really stuck out to him was minaret of the Great Mosque crumbling down.
Christ... Half the damn city is gone.
"Can I ask you something?"
"Sure, Mehmet. What is it?"
"How did your people know?"
It was a fair question, but Ma didn't know how to explain "We read it on Wikipedia" to him.
"Records. Our archives have vast records of information about the time we came from. Those records include the dates, times, and locations of earthquakes, for example. Or hurricanes, but those could be less reliable."
"I see... Do your records cover other things?"
"Like what?"
"Say I wanted to find oil, yes? Would your records be able to tell where the oil is located?"
"I guess?" Truth be told, this wasn't Ma's forte. "I guess Google Earth has satellite photography that would show where the wells are, so we could tell you guys where to drill."
"Ma, I'm going to be honest. I don't know what 'Google' or 'satellite photography' are. But your people do know where to drill, yes?"
"Yes." It wasn't exactly a lie. If he could find an oil well on Google Earth, then so could MIB. Which meant that the ambassador could, as well. "As long as Istanbul's willing to work with Nanjing, anyways."
"I think they will," Mehmet promised. "After all, if you Chinese can go from being the 'Sick Man of Asia,' there might be hope for us Ottomans."
Somehow, convincing the Ottoman government that there would be an earthquake was the easy part. Ever since the Committee of Union and Progress ignored the warnings back in 1912, Constantinople had taken care to heed their warnings.
Admittedly, this was due in part to the Liberal Union not wanting to commit political suicide like the CUP did, but when the Chinese warned them the second time around, they listened.
Though if you asked Major Kenneth Ma, it was the helicopter carrier that hammered the point home. After all, it wasn't as if the CNS Lu Haodong, (formerly the CNS Huang Xing) had enough firepower to invade them.
No, the Lu was there to fly as many people out of the area as possible.
Which led to the truly hard part: None of them could speak Turkish.
Thankfully, one of the Turkish officers, a Captain going by Mehmet, could speak English, so Ma could work with that. Admittedly, all of his directions had to go from Chinese to English to Turkish and back, but the locals would listen to him.
After that came the task of loading the locals onto the helicopters, where they'd spent the next week flying people out of Burdur, Kilinc, Keciborlu, and Isparta. It was a difficult task, but the Mehmet was convincing enough.
"Is that everyone?" Ma asked his Ottoman counterpart. Mehmet just nodded. "Good."
"And not a moment too soon," the Ottoman officer told him, and pointed to the city they were flying behind. "See that?"
Ma looked out the closed window to see Isparta... or what was left of it. But really stuck out to him was minaret of the Great Mosque crumbling down.
Christ... Half the damn city is gone.
"Can I ask you something?"
"Sure, Mehmet. What is it?"
"How did your people know?"
It was a fair question, but Ma didn't know how to explain "We read it on Wikipedia" to him.
"Records. Our archives have vast records of information about the time we came from. Those records include the dates, times, and locations of earthquakes, for example. Or hurricanes, but those could be less reliable."
"I see... Do your records cover other things?"
"Like what?"
"Say I wanted to find oil, yes? Would your records be able to tell where the oil is located?"
"I guess?" Truth be told, this wasn't Ma's forte. "I guess Google Earth has satellite photography that would show where the wells are, so we could tell you guys where to drill."
"Ma, I'm going to be honest. I don't know what 'Google' or 'satellite photography' are. But your people do know where to drill, yes?"
"Yes." It wasn't exactly a lie. If he could find an oil well on Google Earth, then so could MIB. Which meant that the ambassador could, as well. "As long as Istanbul's willing to work with Nanjing, anyways."
"I think they will," Mehmet promised. "After all, if you Chinese can go from being the 'Sick Man of Asia,' there might be hope for us Ottomans."
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ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Is using future knowledge to help people (and score brownie points) technically cheating?
Yes.
Is New China going to do that?
Also yes. (The brownie points are just a bonus.)
Yes.
Is New China going to do that?
Also yes. (The brownie points are just a bonus.)
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- Location
- Philippines
Also the Ottomans are really safe as an investment because they have something China wants (Oil) and safer Geopolitics (no conflicting interest near China).
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
That too.
Basically, the Ottomans are the best bet against the spread of Wahhabi and Salafi sects of Islam gaining prominence.
And that's assuming that they don't preemptively try to wipe out the Saud.
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Basically.
That, and there's something fitting about the "Sick Man of Europe" reaching out to the former "Sick Man of Asia." In-story as well.
With China's meteoric rise, the Ottomans would want to cooperate with them to modernize themselves. Especially when China is one of the few countries that hasn't spent the last few decades trying to screw them over.
Funny thing about the oil is that there's only one company surveying for oil right now: The Turkish Petroleum Company or TPC. Turns out the TPC is almost entirely owned by foreigners, including Royal Dutch Shell.
Who are also aiding the dictator of Venezuela as of Chapter 43.
And unlike the TPC or Shell, the Chinese actually know where the oil is.