It was because I took as reference point the example of the post-WWI territorial losses of Germany and of how the German conservatives didn't like the territorial losses that Germany had suffered after WWI and in this timeline the Russian Empire just lost their Maritime Province to the Republic of China and due to that I would not discard the idea of Russia being the one to start WWII if they go nuts.
A Second Sunrise: Taiwan of 2020 Sent Back to 1911
- Thread starter ChrisProvidence
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- Original Modern Post-1900
ChrisProvidence
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Well, it would be WWI in this context, but yes.
And yes, they go nuts.
So while WWII may not happen,the Russians will go nuts in WWI.
ChrisProvidence
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Pretty much. Problem is that they'll be short several million men by then.
Sure, there won't be a Holocaust or anything like that, but when the government starts doing pogroms again, a lot of people are going to run for their lives. We're talking Leftists, Jews, Ethnic Minorities, and Intellectuals.
On one hand, it would drastically lower the manpower and worker supply, but it would make Russification much easier for the Diterikhs
Is the fact you crossed out the word "regime" a possible reference to the lies that the apologists of the Diterikhs administration will try to spread?
ChrisProvidence
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If you're referring to the "Stab in the Back" myth that could lead to as many as ten to twenty million people fleeing Russia due to state-encouraged pogroms and Russification, then yes.
Yes,I really was referring to the "Stab in the Back" myth.
ChrisProvidence
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Yeah, I was referring to the revanchism when I was saying "Oh God not again."
Stab in the back myths never end well, and they always end up spiraling out of control. When it comes to Post-WWI Germany and Second Sunrise Russia, I guess it's a kind of geopolitical coping method when countries suffer defeats in war.
Chapter 40: The Invisible Hand
ChrisProvidence
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Taipei Textiles International Warehouse, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China, 1 April 1913
As part of the British Delegation to the Nanjing Conference, it was clear to Churchill that the Chinese were open for business. Quite literally, in many ways, with the Chinese government's insistence on expanded trade in exchange for an end to extraterritoriality, the return of the smaller concessions, and an end to basing foreign troops on its territory.
The Chinese had, of course, pushed for the return of the larger settlements in Shanghai, Macau, Hong Kong, Tsingtao, Guangzhouwan, and Weihaiwei, but the European powers had managed to stand firm on holding at least those territories, instead negotiating for the railways and a permanent ban on the production and import of opium in China.
With such a deal on the table, it was no surprise that the European powers had readily agreed to it.
Why wouldn't they? Here was a market that had roughly four hundred million, and their government was offering them expanded trade with their advanced industrialized economies. Moreover, said market was notoriously under-industrialized, allowing for massive trade surpluses.
Truth be told, they would have to be fools not to agree to it.
So the delegations had signed the treaties in a heartbeat. Last Churchill had heard, almost all of their governments had ratified with the same eagerness, no doubt having come to the same realization.
"That is a… remarkable efficiency," Churchill observed. While Britain had a sizable garment industry of their own, the Chinese seemed to have maximized efficiency in every step of the process. I take it that the increased cotton crop this year will lead to an equally-large increase in textile production?"
"Possibly," Wang told him. "Though much of the crop will be brought to market, it is likely that China will produce about fifteen million bales of cotton in 1913. This can mostly be attributed to the sharp increase in relevant mechanization, as well as developments along the Trans-Chinese Railway."
"The Trans-Chinese Railway?"
"Indeed," Wang told their British guest. "Thanks to advances in communications, coupled with modern technology and construction methods that allow for greater coordination and simultaneous projects along the planned route, it is expected that by harvest season, the Trans-Chinese Railroad will be in working order, though the lack of rail cars is likely to limit output until 1914."
"I see…" It all made sense to him, now. The Chinese, with their technological advantages across the board, had utilized them to the utmost efficiency. "Would it be possible for such machinery and equipment to be exported? I am sure that many Europeans would pay quite a pretty penny for machines such as this."
"I do not believe so," Wang told him. "Rather, it is possible, but they would have to go to the back of the line, behind all of the domestic orders. Not to mention the issue of maintenance and supply chains for parts."
"Of course." Now, truth be told, Churchill didn't know if Wang was simply lying to him, or if it would literally take years. Either way, the answer was no. "Very well."
"Unfortunately, any possible export of industrial equipment would be unlikely at the moment," Wang continued. "To put it bluntly, we need as much equipment as we can to develop our own industrial sector."
"Of course. One must take care of themselves before they can sell abroad. I take it that much of your nation's steel production has gone towards railroads or additional steel mills?"
"Of course," Wang told him. "As the saying goes, one must spend money to make money. Or in this case, forge steel to make even more steel."
"Tell me, how much steel does China produce?"
"As of now?" Churchill nodded. "By the end of the year, it is likely that we will be able to produce about ten million metric tons of steel. Give or take."
"Come again?"
"Of course, this is only an estimate, but with a construction time of about two years, it is likely that several new mills will come online in the following years, leading to a further increase in Chinese steel production."
"Much of this production will be for domestic use, yes?"
"Of course."
Thank God.
Though to be frank, the analysis from the Chinese minister-without-portfolio disturbed him greatly. Here was a country that was rapidly industrializing with modern technology, and they already matched Britain in steel in such a short period of time.
Of course, much of this could be attributed to increased production in Taiwan, but two things were clear:
First, that China would experience a near-exponential economic growth in the coming years across several sectors.
Secondly, there was no doubt that they were only using a fraction of their potential at the moment.
Jinan, Shandong Province, Republic of China, 21 May 1913
"So, how was your first day at work, cousin?" Huang Wei asked Huang De. "The work wasn't too hard, was it?"
"Hardly," De told him. While he had been interested in traveling to Taiwan, Wei had convinced him to move to Shandong after a quick visit. "But there was something I couldn't help but notice, cousin."
"What is it?"
"How clean it was."
"Come again?" After all, that wasn't what he expected from somebody whose job it was to make train cars. "It's clean?"
"As far as factories go, anyways. Yes. They make us wear protective suits and masks. For 'worker safety,' as the manager calls it."
"That's nice. So, how is it?"
"How is what?"
"Making train cars, cousin. It must be hard work building cars like the ones you saw in Taiwan."
"That's the thing," De told his cousin. "They aren't like the ones in Taiwan."
"Is this because of the different-sized tracks?"
"Well… yes. But the train cars we are designing seem to be… what's the word?"
"Simple?" De nodded. "How?"
"There are fewer futuristic devices. Plenty of wiring, of course, and the seats are more-comfortable than anything I've ridden on in America."
"So what sets them apart?"
"Fewer complicated parts. None of these fancy electronics that I saw in Taipei or Kaohsiung."
"That bad, I take it?" De shot him a weird look. Only then did he realize he'd accidentally insulted his cousin's work. "Sorry."
"It's alright. Truth be told, these trains are still nicer than anything I've ridden in America. But at the same time, they seem much simpler than the ones in Taiwan. Likely cheaper, as well."
"Of course. Is the pay good, at least?"
"For the quality they expect? You better believe it. I think I can afford to take care of our cousins with this kind of money."
CNS Yushan, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China, 6 June 1913
This had to be the happiest day in Michael Chen's life.
No, that would be the day that Aki agreed to start a relationship with him. Or the first Independence Day. Or when he got promoted to Major General. Or the day after the Great Journey when he learned that his parents' plane was delayed at the airport and stuck in the past with him.
Okay, today was one of the happiest days in his life, and he'd spent the last few hours showing off every nook and cranny he could to his parents and Aki, from bow to stern.
"You kids go on ahead," his mother called after them. "We'll catch up with you!"
"She seems nice. Both of them do."
"Yeah." Both of them want grandkids, too. "So, where do you want to go, now?"
"Honestly, Michael? I'm just going to follow your lead. It's your big day, after all."
"Yeah, I know." From the corner of his eye, his reflection had the dopiest grin on his face, but he didn't care. "It's just, I don't know how to put it."
"Exciting?"
"Yeah. You don't know how long I've been waiting for this, Aki."
"You've been telling me about this every night."
"Yeah, I know."
"...And you wouldn't stop complaining in your diary about how you didn't want to ram another barge into the shore, 'no matter how cool it looked.'"
"I did?" Aki just crossed her arms at him. "Oh right. Yeah. Forgot I had you transcribe it to the computer."
"If it makes you feel better, it did sound pretty cool…"
"Really?"
"Probably. I never watched the videos. Not really my thing, you know?"
"Fair enough. So, how does it look?"
"How does what look?" she asked, motioning to the mostly-empty hangar. "Engineering isn't really my forte, Michael."
"Yeah, but you grew up on ships. Honestly, I'm pretty sure you've been at sea longer than I have.'
"It's a very nice ship. Cleaner than almost any ship I've ever been on, but that's not a high bar."
"Give it time. Anything else?"
"I could say that it's bigger and better-armed than any ship I have ever traveled on, but the biggest threats my father ever faced were pirates."
"Wait, your father fought off pirates?"
"Long story, and it was on shore."
Aw.
"So, other than that, what do you think about it?"
"It works."
"That's it?"
"Michael, it's not like I've been on this ship for more than a couple hours. All I know is that it passed its trial phase with flying colors, and we're riding it back to Ishigaki. Oh, and one more thing."
"Yeah?"
"It makes you happy and keeps you safe. That's good enough for me."
"Thanks, Aki. Oh, and the whole, not-being-a-barge-I-bolted-a-bunch-of-engines-to, right?"
"Yeah, that too."
Bridge of the Kobayashi, Guangzhou Harbor, Guangdong Province, Republic of China, 4 July 1913
"Excuse me," Li asked the captain in Japanese. The Japanese man turned to meet him. "Do I know you?"
"I think so," Fukuyama told him. "You were one of the agents who interviewed Admiral Yaguchi, yes?"
"Yaguchi?" Oh, right, the Japanese captain from two years ago. "Yeah, I remember him. Did he get promoted to Admiral?"
"Yes," Fukuyama told him, with a fond smile on his face. "Not as if there were many qualified men after…"
Well, this is awkward.
"...Yeah, sorry it came to that."
Really, Marty? Okay, not the worst thing you could say to a guy you nearly blew up two years ago.
Fukuyama shrugged. "It can't be helped."
Oh thank God.
"So, how is Yaguchi, these days?"
"Much calmer, ever since the war ended. Thankfully, the Aki wasn't sent into combat against the Chinese Navy."
"Yeah. Glad to hear he made it through. So, you're the captain of this freighter, huh?"
"The Kobayashi is mine, yes. Well, I only own a part of it. The men and I all pitched in our money to save up for it."
"How the Hell- Sorry. How were you and your guys able to afford a whole ship?"
"Backpay. Lots and lots of backpay."
"Yeah, that'll do it. So, how's civilian life treating you?"
"It's nice. Much calmer than life in the Navy, that's for sure."
"Yeah, figured as much. So, what brings you to Guangzhou, Fukuyama?"
"Just doing shipments back and forth. Turns out the Siamese ordered a bunch of fertilizer and farming equipment. Same as the Koreans. Apparently everyone wants them, these days."
"I don't blame them. Have you ever seen one of them in action?"
"Can't say I have, Li."
"These things are nuts. Imagine a machine that can plant entire fields in minutes, along with a machine that can harvest them just as quickly."
"Oh, that explains it."
"Explains what?"
"All the cheap soybeans I keep shipping to Japan. And I guess all the clothes, too."
"That's good, right?"
Because Hell if I know anything about economics.
"For me and my men? Yes. For Japan? Also yes."
"Thank God. You had me worried for a second."
"Li, Japan has to import over half of all our food. Dirt cheap prices are good for us."
"Fair enough; anyways, here's my stop," he said, and offered the man his card.. "Give my regards to Admiral Yaguchi if you ever run into him again."
"I'll be sure to do that, Li," Fukuyama promised. "What's this?"
"My card. If you and your men are ever hard up for work, I'm pretty sure I could find some work for all of you."
"Thanks," the captain said, before looking at the cargo being loaded for their next stop. "But I think we're going to be busy for the next decade at this rate."
Li looked over at the harbor to see the sheer sea of shipping containers filling the docks.
"Yeah, looks like you're going to be busy."
As part of the British Delegation to the Nanjing Conference, it was clear to Churchill that the Chinese were open for business. Quite literally, in many ways, with the Chinese government's insistence on expanded trade in exchange for an end to extraterritoriality, the return of the smaller concessions, and an end to basing foreign troops on its territory.
The Chinese had, of course, pushed for the return of the larger settlements in Shanghai, Macau, Hong Kong, Tsingtao, Guangzhouwan, and Weihaiwei, but the European powers had managed to stand firm on holding at least those territories, instead negotiating for the railways and a permanent ban on the production and import of opium in China.
With such a deal on the table, it was no surprise that the European powers had readily agreed to it.
Why wouldn't they? Here was a market that had roughly four hundred million, and their government was offering them expanded trade with their advanced industrialized economies. Moreover, said market was notoriously under-industrialized, allowing for massive trade surpluses.
Truth be told, they would have to be fools not to agree to it.
So the delegations had signed the treaties in a heartbeat. Last Churchill had heard, almost all of their governments had ratified with the same eagerness, no doubt having come to the same realization.
"That is a… remarkable efficiency," Churchill observed. While Britain had a sizable garment industry of their own, the Chinese seemed to have maximized efficiency in every step of the process. I take it that the increased cotton crop this year will lead to an equally-large increase in textile production?"
"Possibly," Wang told him. "Though much of the crop will be brought to market, it is likely that China will produce about fifteen million bales of cotton in 1913. This can mostly be attributed to the sharp increase in relevant mechanization, as well as developments along the Trans-Chinese Railway."
"The Trans-Chinese Railway?"
"Indeed," Wang told their British guest. "Thanks to advances in communications, coupled with modern technology and construction methods that allow for greater coordination and simultaneous projects along the planned route, it is expected that by harvest season, the Trans-Chinese Railroad will be in working order, though the lack of rail cars is likely to limit output until 1914."
"I see…" It all made sense to him, now. The Chinese, with their technological advantages across the board, had utilized them to the utmost efficiency. "Would it be possible for such machinery and equipment to be exported? I am sure that many Europeans would pay quite a pretty penny for machines such as this."
"I do not believe so," Wang told him. "Rather, it is possible, but they would have to go to the back of the line, behind all of the domestic orders. Not to mention the issue of maintenance and supply chains for parts."
"Of course." Now, truth be told, Churchill didn't know if Wang was simply lying to him, or if it would literally take years. Either way, the answer was no. "Very well."
"Unfortunately, any possible export of industrial equipment would be unlikely at the moment," Wang continued. "To put it bluntly, we need as much equipment as we can to develop our own industrial sector."
"Of course. One must take care of themselves before they can sell abroad. I take it that much of your nation's steel production has gone towards railroads or additional steel mills?"
"Of course," Wang told him. "As the saying goes, one must spend money to make money. Or in this case, forge steel to make even more steel."
"Tell me, how much steel does China produce?"
"As of now?" Churchill nodded. "By the end of the year, it is likely that we will be able to produce about ten million metric tons of steel. Give or take."
"Come again?"
"Of course, this is only an estimate, but with a construction time of about two years, it is likely that several new mills will come online in the following years, leading to a further increase in Chinese steel production."
"Much of this production will be for domestic use, yes?"
"Of course."
Thank God.
Though to be frank, the analysis from the Chinese minister-without-portfolio disturbed him greatly. Here was a country that was rapidly industrializing with modern technology, and they already matched Britain in steel in such a short period of time.
Of course, much of this could be attributed to increased production in Taiwan, but two things were clear:
First, that China would experience a near-exponential economic growth in the coming years across several sectors.
Secondly, there was no doubt that they were only using a fraction of their potential at the moment.
Jinan, Shandong Province, Republic of China, 21 May 1913
"So, how was your first day at work, cousin?" Huang Wei asked Huang De. "The work wasn't too hard, was it?"
"Hardly," De told him. While he had been interested in traveling to Taiwan, Wei had convinced him to move to Shandong after a quick visit. "But there was something I couldn't help but notice, cousin."
"What is it?"
"How clean it was."
"Come again?" After all, that wasn't what he expected from somebody whose job it was to make train cars. "It's clean?"
"As far as factories go, anyways. Yes. They make us wear protective suits and masks. For 'worker safety,' as the manager calls it."
"That's nice. So, how is it?"
"How is what?"
"Making train cars, cousin. It must be hard work building cars like the ones you saw in Taiwan."
"That's the thing," De told his cousin. "They aren't like the ones in Taiwan."
"Is this because of the different-sized tracks?"
"Well… yes. But the train cars we are designing seem to be… what's the word?"
"Simple?" De nodded. "How?"
"There are fewer futuristic devices. Plenty of wiring, of course, and the seats are more-comfortable than anything I've ridden on in America."
"So what sets them apart?"
"Fewer complicated parts. None of these fancy electronics that I saw in Taipei or Kaohsiung."
"That bad, I take it?" De shot him a weird look. Only then did he realize he'd accidentally insulted his cousin's work. "Sorry."
"It's alright. Truth be told, these trains are still nicer than anything I've ridden in America. But at the same time, they seem much simpler than the ones in Taiwan. Likely cheaper, as well."
"Of course. Is the pay good, at least?"
"For the quality they expect? You better believe it. I think I can afford to take care of our cousins with this kind of money."
CNS Yushan, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China, 6 June 1913
This had to be the happiest day in Michael Chen's life.
No, that would be the day that Aki agreed to start a relationship with him. Or the first Independence Day. Or when he got promoted to Major General. Or the day after the Great Journey when he learned that his parents' plane was delayed at the airport and stuck in the past with him.
Okay, today was one of the happiest days in his life, and he'd spent the last few hours showing off every nook and cranny he could to his parents and Aki, from bow to stern.
"You kids go on ahead," his mother called after them. "We'll catch up with you!"
"She seems nice. Both of them do."
"Yeah." Both of them want grandkids, too. "So, where do you want to go, now?"
"Honestly, Michael? I'm just going to follow your lead. It's your big day, after all."
"Yeah, I know." From the corner of his eye, his reflection had the dopiest grin on his face, but he didn't care. "It's just, I don't know how to put it."
"Exciting?"
"Yeah. You don't know how long I've been waiting for this, Aki."
"You've been telling me about this every night."
"Yeah, I know."
"...And you wouldn't stop complaining in your diary about how you didn't want to ram another barge into the shore, 'no matter how cool it looked.'"
"I did?" Aki just crossed her arms at him. "Oh right. Yeah. Forgot I had you transcribe it to the computer."
"If it makes you feel better, it did sound pretty cool…"
"Really?"
"Probably. I never watched the videos. Not really my thing, you know?"
"Fair enough. So, how does it look?"
"How does what look?" she asked, motioning to the mostly-empty hangar. "Engineering isn't really my forte, Michael."
"Yeah, but you grew up on ships. Honestly, I'm pretty sure you've been at sea longer than I have.'
"It's a very nice ship. Cleaner than almost any ship I've ever been on, but that's not a high bar."
"Give it time. Anything else?"
"I could say that it's bigger and better-armed than any ship I have ever traveled on, but the biggest threats my father ever faced were pirates."
"Wait, your father fought off pirates?"
"Long story, and it was on shore."
Aw.
"So, other than that, what do you think about it?"
"It works."
"That's it?"
"Michael, it's not like I've been on this ship for more than a couple hours. All I know is that it passed its trial phase with flying colors, and we're riding it back to Ishigaki. Oh, and one more thing."
"Yeah?"
"It makes you happy and keeps you safe. That's good enough for me."
"Thanks, Aki. Oh, and the whole, not-being-a-barge-I-bolted-a-bunch-of-engines-to, right?"
"Yeah, that too."
Bridge of the Kobayashi, Guangzhou Harbor, Guangdong Province, Republic of China, 4 July 1913
"Excuse me," Li asked the captain in Japanese. The Japanese man turned to meet him. "Do I know you?"
"I think so," Fukuyama told him. "You were one of the agents who interviewed Admiral Yaguchi, yes?"
"Yaguchi?" Oh, right, the Japanese captain from two years ago. "Yeah, I remember him. Did he get promoted to Admiral?"
"Yes," Fukuyama told him, with a fond smile on his face. "Not as if there were many qualified men after…"
Well, this is awkward.
"...Yeah, sorry it came to that."
Really, Marty? Okay, not the worst thing you could say to a guy you nearly blew up two years ago.
Fukuyama shrugged. "It can't be helped."
Oh thank God.
"So, how is Yaguchi, these days?"
"Much calmer, ever since the war ended. Thankfully, the Aki wasn't sent into combat against the Chinese Navy."
"Yeah. Glad to hear he made it through. So, you're the captain of this freighter, huh?"
"The Kobayashi is mine, yes. Well, I only own a part of it. The men and I all pitched in our money to save up for it."
"How the Hell- Sorry. How were you and your guys able to afford a whole ship?"
"Backpay. Lots and lots of backpay."
"Yeah, that'll do it. So, how's civilian life treating you?"
"It's nice. Much calmer than life in the Navy, that's for sure."
"Yeah, figured as much. So, what brings you to Guangzhou, Fukuyama?"
"Just doing shipments back and forth. Turns out the Siamese ordered a bunch of fertilizer and farming equipment. Same as the Koreans. Apparently everyone wants them, these days."
"I don't blame them. Have you ever seen one of them in action?"
"Can't say I have, Li."
"These things are nuts. Imagine a machine that can plant entire fields in minutes, along with a machine that can harvest them just as quickly."
"Oh, that explains it."
"Explains what?"
"All the cheap soybeans I keep shipping to Japan. And I guess all the clothes, too."
"That's good, right?"
Because Hell if I know anything about economics.
"For me and my men? Yes. For Japan? Also yes."
"Thank God. You had me worried for a second."
"Li, Japan has to import over half of all our food. Dirt cheap prices are good for us."
"Fair enough; anyways, here's my stop," he said, and offered the man his card.. "Give my regards to Admiral Yaguchi if you ever run into him again."
"I'll be sure to do that, Li," Fukuyama promised. "What's this?"
"My card. If you and your men are ever hard up for work, I'm pretty sure I could find some work for all of you."
"Thanks," the captain said, before looking at the cargo being loaded for their next stop. "But I think we're going to be busy for the next decade at this rate."
Li looked over at the harbor to see the sheer sea of shipping containers filling the docks.
"Yeah, looks like you're going to be busy."
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Status of the Big 10 Major Countries As of Mid 1913:
GBR: "How the hell are we supposed to compete with that?!"
FRA: "WAIT, THE SOCIALIST BEAT RAYMOND POINCARE? HOW?!"
RUS: "What is a 'Nazi,' and why do people from China keep calling us that?"
JPN: "We will metaphorically beat our swords into plowshares because we can buy new ones from China."
USA: "China is embracing Capitalism and Democracy? They grow up so fast, don't th- wait why is the price of cotton plummeting?"
ITA: "It wasn't as if we were using the legation, anyways."
A-H: "It is good that this New China follows modern law- WAIT THEY LEGALIZED WHAT?!"
GER: "No you can't have Kiautschou. Stop bothering us."
OTT: "Well, the Chinese are the only ones who haven't humiliated us in the last few decades…"
CHN: "No takesies-backsies."
GBR: "How the hell are we supposed to compete with that?!"
FRA: "WAIT, THE SOCIALIST BEAT RAYMOND POINCARE? HOW?!"
RUS: "What is a 'Nazi,' and why do people from China keep calling us that?"
JPN: "We will metaphorically beat our swords into plowshares because we can buy new ones from China."
USA: "China is embracing Capitalism and Democracy? They grow up so fast, don't th- wait why is the price of cotton plummeting?"
ITA: "It wasn't as if we were using the legation, anyways."
A-H: "It is good that this New China follows modern law- WAIT THEY LEGALIZED WHAT?!"
GER: "No you can't have Kiautschou. Stop bothering us."
OTT: "Well, the Chinese are the only ones who haven't humiliated us in the last few decades…"
CHN: "No takesies-backsies."
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- Location
- San Francisco
Needs more countryballs.
How to Vaccinate Over 400 Million People (Published in Popular Science, June 1913)
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
By Christine Kwan
Ever since the Great Journey, diseases we had long thought extinct have resurfaced. While the average Taiwanese Chinese citizen has all of their shots, there remains one glaring question:
How exactly do you vaccinate over four hundred million people?
The simple answer is public health campaigns, and to the government's credit, it seems to be effective. Working with local leaders and meeting people where they are at has been a tried and tested way of convincing them to get on board with vaccination.
Of course, there were the holdouts, but incentives and public expectations were strong motivators.
Which brings us to our next problem:
How do you manufacture four hundred million vaccines?
While China isn't exactly running out of money, there are only so many doses that can be manufactured on Taiwan alone. To that end, private-public partnerships have built several facilities in Shandong, Tianjin, Guangzhou, and Nanjing to manufacture and distribute doses in bulk.
Though this process is much more complicated than building a steel mill or a textile plant, it is expected that the facilities will be up and running by the end of 1915, which should supply China with doses by the end of 1916.
Other countries have also expressed interest, with Japanese PM Ozaki, British PM Asquith and Ottoman Grand Vizier Ferid Pasha have begun small-scale clinical trials with Chinese assistance.
Washington, Vienna, Rome, Paris, and Berlin have expressed similar sentiments, though the Chinese Ministry of Health has warned that mass production will take time.
Moscow has refused to comment.
Ever since the Great Journey, diseases we had long thought extinct have resurfaced. While the average Taiwanese Chinese citizen has all of their shots, there remains one glaring question:
How exactly do you vaccinate over four hundred million people?
The simple answer is public health campaigns, and to the government's credit, it seems to be effective. Working with local leaders and meeting people where they are at has been a tried and tested way of convincing them to get on board with vaccination.
Of course, there were the holdouts, but incentives and public expectations were strong motivators.
Which brings us to our next problem:
How do you manufacture four hundred million vaccines?
While China isn't exactly running out of money, there are only so many doses that can be manufactured on Taiwan alone. To that end, private-public partnerships have built several facilities in Shandong, Tianjin, Guangzhou, and Nanjing to manufacture and distribute doses in bulk.
Though this process is much more complicated than building a steel mill or a textile plant, it is expected that the facilities will be up and running by the end of 1915, which should supply China with doses by the end of 1916.
Other countries have also expressed interest, with Japanese PM Ozaki, British PM Asquith and Ottoman Grand Vizier Ferid Pasha have begun small-scale clinical trials with Chinese assistance.
Washington, Vienna, Rome, Paris, and Berlin have expressed similar sentiments, though the Chinese Ministry of Health has warned that mass production will take time.
Moscow has refused to comment.
Last edited:
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
So, quick warning that Chapter 41 gets dark. Really dark.
As in. "Children get murdered in purges" and dark.
If you don't want to read that chapter 41, here's a quick summary in the spoilers:
Bio on Diterikhs, apparently he's a fanatic true believer in his "Four Foundations for One Russia" ideology.
The pogroms and purges begin against the Jews, Socialists, Dissidents, and anyone else who doesn't try to be an ethnic Russian.
This includes younger members of the OTL Soviet leadership who were children at the time.
Wrangel finds out that Diterikhs is a true believer, and he has a blank cheque.
Anyways, thought I should give a warning, just to be on the safe side.
If there's one thing I hate more than anything else, it's seeing other people be miserable. The last thing I want is to cause it.
As in. "Children get murdered in purges" and dark.
If you don't want to read that chapter 41, here's a quick summary in the spoilers:
Bio on Diterikhs, apparently he's a fanatic true believer in his "Four Foundations for One Russia" ideology.
The pogroms and purges begin against the Jews, Socialists, Dissidents, and anyone else who doesn't try to be an ethnic Russian.
This includes younger members of the OTL Soviet leadership who were children at the time.
Wrangel finds out that Diterikhs is a true believer, and he has a blank cheque.
Anyways, thought I should give a warning, just to be on the safe side.
If there's one thing I hate more than anything else, it's seeing other people be miserable. The last thing I want is to cause it.
Last edited:
Chapter 41: Run For Your Life
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Historical Intelligence (HISTINT) Report
Person of Interest: Mikhail Diterikhs
Compiled By: Military Intelligence Bureau, Division 5
Born in 1874, General Field Marshal Mikhail Konstantinovich Diterikhs is the current Prime Minister of the Russian Empire since the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II in early 1912.
The son of a general, Diterikhs served in a number of positions from 1900-1914, including service in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905.
In terms of Lost History, Diterikhs served in the First World War under General Brusilov and joined the White Movement during the Russian Civil War. During this time, he supervised the investigation into the deaths of Tsar Nicholas II and his family, and held the Jews responsible.
A religious man, Diterikhs is likely to be a religious fanatic, given his Lost History reputation for plastering his railway coach with religious icons, as well as his belief that the Russian Civil War was a crusade against Bolshevism. Given this behavior, it is likely that Diterikhs currently holds similar beliefs and will act as if his actions are not only morally just, but with the backing of God himself.
Despite this, it is unlikely that Diterikhs himself is the main ideologue of his government, given the difference between his diction and that of the Letter by an Anonymous Soldier. Although this cannot be verified, it is likely that Anton Denikin is not only the author of the anonymous letter but also the chief ideologue in Diterikhs' inner circle.
This can be attributed to similarities between Denikin's writings in the Lost History and the Letter by an Anonymous Soldier. Moreover, his statements on the Russian state, as well as his own sentiments about Jews and Masons which are even more radical than Diterikhs seems to be present in this time as well, paint a picture of Denikin, not Diterikhs, as the origin of the "Four Foundations for One Russia."
The "Four Foundations for One Russia" is, in many ways, the Russian equivalent of Sun Yat-Sen's "Three Principles for the People." Though instead of being a reaction to the Century of Humiliation, the Four Foundations are likely in response to the defeat and loss of territory in the Russo-Chinese War of 1911, given their similarities with the ideals expressed in the Letter by an Anonymous Soldier.
Despite taking an ideological back seat to his subordinaye, it is likely that Diterikhs largely shares similar sentiments and ideals as Denikin. While Denikin is likely to be the ideological brains of the "Four Foundations for One Russia," it is clear that Diterikhs has wholeheartedly embraced the ideology, given his recent speeches and political positions.
This, coupled with his religiousness and crusader-esque rhetoric, paints a picture of an uncompromising ideologue, a True Believer who cannot be swayed. While Tsar Kyrill I is the Head of State of the Russian Empire, it is clear that Diterikhs is the true leader of Russia.
Kyiv, Kyiv Governorate, Russian Empire, 9 September 1913
Denys Shevchenko was no stranger to taking a stand. He had his beliefs and his principles, and he'd stand up for them.
Whether it be his vocal opposition to anti-semitism or his membership in the Prosvita Society, he was no stranger to letting his voice be heard, criticisms be damned.
That said, he did not like his chances against an angry mob headed in his direction.
He was no stranger to pogroms, of course. Not when those October nights eight years ago were seared into his memories.
He'd done what he could do, of course, helping his neighbors get out of town before the mob showed up. That didn't stop him from kicking himself over not being able to do more, even if Danylo told him otherwise.
But this time? It was different.
As bad as last time, when the crowd literally chanted, "All Russia's troubles stemmed from the Jews and the Socialists," this time they'd added the "Separatists" to their hit list.
And by "Separatists," they meant anyone who is not an ethnic Russian or tries to be an ethnic Russian, if the book burnings were anything to go by.
Which was how he ended up here, at Danylo's house, with little more than the clothes on his back.
At least Denys could see that he wasn't alone. Plenty of familiar faces were gathered there at the edge of town.
There was Vadym, one of the leaders of the trade unionists. He and his sons were crowded around a campfire.
Then there was Dmytro, one of his colleagues from the Prosvita Society and a university professor. With his briefcase full of books, the man looked like he was here to teach some of his students.
Last but not least was Rabbi Danylo Kovalchuk, his old neighbor who'd returned after the pogroms.
"Denys!" the rabbi shouted with a tired smile. "It's good to see you again, old friend."
"Likewise, Danylo. But what the hell is going on? Another pogrom?"
"It seems as such," Dmytro announced. "God, this one is bigger than the one eight years ago!"
"It's revenge," Vadym told them. "Revenge for dissent."
"Maybe for you," said the professor, "But why are they coming after Ukrainian speakers?"
"Haven't you heard?" the socialist muttered, "The Tsar has called for 'One People, One Voice, One Tsar, One Vision, One Russia,' and the mob has been chanting it all the damn week!"
"That's enough!" Danylo told him. Or at least Denys thought that was directed at Vadym. "Now, does anybody have a plan for our escape?"
"Horses?" Denys offered, "We could outrun them in carts and carriages."
"We don't have enough carts and carriages," Vadym told him. "Enough for the elderly and the children, but the men and women would be on foot."
"Shit." That was all Denys could say right now as he thought aloud. "Okay, what about rifles? How many of those do you have?"
"A dozen?" From the way he spoke, Vadym sounded like he and his men didn't have all of them on their persons. "Along with pistols, we should have about two dozen, give or take a few."
"Then we don't have enough firearms either," Dmytro pointed out. "Not against a mob in the thousands."
Shit. That was all Denys could think of at the moment. This can't be it. Not like this.
Okay, so we have, what, a thousand people here, including women and children? Which means we can't fight them head-on.
Vadym could fight a delaying action while the rest of us escape, but it'd be certain death for him and his men, while the rest of us are defenseless in the night.
"I've got it," he finally decided. "Vadym, what do you know about the mob?"
"It's in the thousands. Think I saw police officers and soldiers there, too. Why?"
"Okay… Were they armed?"
"Do you mean besides the police?" Denys nodded. "Then no. Torches and pitchforks at most."
"Okay, we can work with that."
"How?"
"We can't fight them off, and we can't run them off. So the next best thing we can do is a delaying action."
"I thought you said we couldn't fight them off," Dmytro pointed out. "For what it's worth, I… I volunteer to stay behind."
"No, that won't be necessary, my friend," Denys promised. "We don't have enough weapons to fight them off, but we can probably scare them off. Take a few potshots at them, and that'll scare them long enough for the rest of us to run to the treeline."
"And the riflemen?" asked the rabbi, "What will happen to them?"
"They'll work in pairs. One takes shots at the mob while their partner runs back. Then the partner will take shots while the first shooter runs. Keep doing that until we run out of ammunition or we reach the treeline."
"Fair enough," Vadym relented, and pulled out his pistol. "Any volunteers?"
Of course, Dmytro and Denys were the first to volunteer. But to their surprise, Rabbi Danylo had also stepped forward.
"Not you," Denys told him. "We need at least one leader to guide everyone to the treeline."
"If you say so, Denys," the rabbi told him. "Do you think this will work?"
Denys could only shake his head.
"Do we have much of a choice?"
"Try not to get yourself killed, Denys."
"Likewise, old friend," he said, clapping the rabbi on the shoulder before handing him the professor's briefcase. "Dmytro, you're with me."
Moscow, Moscow Governorate, Russian Empire, 1 October 1913
"Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov!" his uncle sternly admonished him, "What in God's name have you done?"
"Nothing, uncle! I swear!"
"Then why are Okhrana agents coming by, saying you are to be arrested for treason!"
"Treason?!" His uncle nodded. "I don't know what you're talking about."
"Don't lie to me, boy. Were you at the marches last year?"
"Of course not!" Which was technically the truth. He just wished he had been there. Or at least he had, until five minutes ago. "There's a difference between agreeing with people and joining them!"
"Then why is there an arrest warrant out for you?!"
"I don't know, Uncle! I swear I don't!"
"God damn it," the older man told him. "You're telling the truth, aren't you?"
"Honestly, Uncle, I don't know why they are coming after me. Is it a mistake?"
"Unless there is another Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov in Moscow, they specifically wanted you. They said that I was to keep you occupied until they arrived to arrest you."
"Are you going to do that, Uncle?" Georgy asked, standing just a bit taller.
While he wasn't that much taller than his uncle, Zhukov was for sure stronger than the man, just like his mother.
"No. Never in my life."
"Okay. So, what do we do? Fight them?"
"God, no. It would be suicide to try to fight them when they have revolvers."
Right. Forgot about those.
Okay, Uncle, I hope you have a plan, because I don't.
"Punch me in the face."
"What?!"
That's your plan?!
"Punch me in the face, nephew. I can convince them that you attacked me and ran out the back with the horse."
"Will they believe it?" His uncle just shrugged. "Great. So, how hard?"
"Try not to hit me in the mouth, Georgy. I'd rather not be drinking my meals for the rest of my life."
"I'll do my best, Uncle," Georgy told him.
This is insane. Not just Uncle's plan, but what is happening.
What the Hell is happening, anyways?
Pogroms?
Purges?
Alright, I heard about what happened in Kiev, but that had to be an exaggeration, right?
Right?
"One People!" the crowd shouted, breaking his train of thought. "One Voice! One Tsar! One Vision! One Russia!"
Okay, maybe they were telling the truth.
And with that, went the rest of his hesitation as he wound up to his fist.
"Uncle?"
"Yes?"
"Thank you."
Merkheuli, Kutais Governorate, Russian Empire, 24 October 1913
"Lavrentiy Pavlovich Beria," the Okhrana agent said to the young boy, "You are under arrest for treason against the Tsar!"
"There must be some mistake!" Marta Jaqeli shouted, putting herself in between the soldiers and her son. "My son is a child!"
"Our orders were clear. Step aside."
Marta Jaqeli stood up and glared at the officers who'd barged into their home.
"No."
So the Okhrana officer punched her in the face, knocking her out cold by the time she hit the floor.
"Mother!"
"Grab the little bastard!" spat the Okhrana agent, and two of the soldiers did just that, dragging the frightened adolescent out of his house. "Let's get this over with."
"Where are you taking me!" the boy shouted. He tried kicking and screaming to no avail. "Let me go!"
Eventually, they had dragged him to the edge of the village, far away from the gathering crowd.
"Kneel."
"What- what do you want with me?"
"I said kneel!" the Okhrana agent shouted, before he kicked Lavrentiy in the back of the legs.
"Under orders from the Tsar, you are found guilty of treason against the Russian Empire. You are hereby sentenced to death."
"Who are you-" he began, only for a gunshot to end his adolescent life.
The Kremlin, Moscow, Moscow Governorate, Russian Empire, 3 November 1913
"As per the Okhrana's reports," Denikin began, "It is predicted that between one and two million Jews will either flee the Russian Empire or be killed in pogroms. Furthermore, we can expect millions of Poles, Belorussians, Balts, Malorusians, and Finns to leave the country to seek refuge in neighboring nations in Europe. The same could be said of leftists and intellectuals, albeit in smaller amounts."
"Of course," the general continued, "a similar phenomenon is likely to occur in our eastern territories, albeit in much smaller numbers."
"Does this mean that our preemptive actions were successful?" Diterikhs asked, referring to the list they'd been anonymously provided full of important targets. "I do believe you were in charge of that, Kornilov."
"We have had some success. Men such as Lenin, Beria, Jugashvili, Bukharin, and Trotsky were successfully eliminated."
"And the rest?"
"They have most likely fled the country at this point." From the way he looked, this was the first time Kornilov showed even an ounce of fear. "Though it is possible to pursue them, if you would like!"
"That will not be necessary, Lavr Georgiyevich," Diterikhs promised, though the General of the Infantry remained on edge. "We will have enough of a manpower shortage as is, without pursuing these people. All of the significant leaders have been eliminated, and those who reject our vision of a united Russia are fleeing for their lives."
"Marshal Diterikhs," Wrangel began, "May I ask a question?"
"Go ahead, Pyotr Nikolayevich."
"Exactly how many people are either dead or fleeing Russia?"
"Denikin?" Diterikhs asked, turning to the man. "What are your estimates?"
"Approximately fifteen to eighteen million," Denikin said off the top of his head. "Of course, these numbers are the lower end of projections, but it is likely that the vast majority of the Jewish population will have fled the country by the end of 1914. Them, as well as several million dissidents and separatists. Good riddance, I say."
"There you go, Wrangel," Diterikhs told him. "While it is regrettable that we lose such a large number of people, Denikin does have a point; the loss of dissidents and separatists would be a net positive."
"If I may-"
"By all means," said the Prime Minister, "Go ahead."
"Right. If I may, I should point out that our population is currently at roughly one hundred eighty million people. Assuming eighteen million people flee our borders into neighboring regions, it is likely that we will lose about ten percent of our population."
"That's the point, Wrangel," Diterikhs told him. "Self-deportation is preferable to mass imprisonment and subversion."
"Still, that is a sizable chunk of our population would hinder industrialization-"
"It is a sizable chunk of our population that rejects a united Russia," Diterikhs corrected. "And I say, good riddance to them. Had they stayed, they would have hindered our efforts at uniting Russia under the Four Foundations. Industrialization efforts would be similarly affected as well."
Oh, is that what Denikin's calling this madness now? "One People, One Voice, One Tsar, One Vision?"
"Without the separatists," the Prime Minister continued, now that the room was free of dissent, "We can become one people. Without the dissidents, we can have one voice."
"And the Jews?" asked Wrangel, "What about them?"
"Without them, we will have one Tsar, with one vision for one Russia."
From the way he talked, Diterikhs sounded so sure of himself. And even if he wasn't, Wrangel wasn't about to oppose him.
"Does that answer your questions?"
"All but one, Prime Minister: Does the Tsar know about this?"
Was this his idea? Or yours and Denikin's?
"His Imperial Majesty has given his complete approval, as well as a 'blank cheque' in ensuring his vision. Does that answer all of your questions?"
"Of course, Prime Minister."
Person of Interest: Mikhail Diterikhs
Compiled By: Military Intelligence Bureau, Division 5
Born in 1874, General Field Marshal Mikhail Konstantinovich Diterikhs is the current Prime Minister of the Russian Empire since the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II in early 1912.
The son of a general, Diterikhs served in a number of positions from 1900-1914, including service in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905.
In terms of Lost History, Diterikhs served in the First World War under General Brusilov and joined the White Movement during the Russian Civil War. During this time, he supervised the investigation into the deaths of Tsar Nicholas II and his family, and held the Jews responsible.
A religious man, Diterikhs is likely to be a religious fanatic, given his Lost History reputation for plastering his railway coach with religious icons, as well as his belief that the Russian Civil War was a crusade against Bolshevism. Given this behavior, it is likely that Diterikhs currently holds similar beliefs and will act as if his actions are not only morally just, but with the backing of God himself.
Despite this, it is unlikely that Diterikhs himself is the main ideologue of his government, given the difference between his diction and that of the Letter by an Anonymous Soldier. Although this cannot be verified, it is likely that Anton Denikin is not only the author of the anonymous letter but also the chief ideologue in Diterikhs' inner circle.
This can be attributed to similarities between Denikin's writings in the Lost History and the Letter by an Anonymous Soldier. Moreover, his statements on the Russian state, as well as his own sentiments about Jews and Masons which are even more radical than Diterikhs seems to be present in this time as well, paint a picture of Denikin, not Diterikhs, as the origin of the "Four Foundations for One Russia."
The "Four Foundations for One Russia" is, in many ways, the Russian equivalent of Sun Yat-Sen's "Three Principles for the People." Though instead of being a reaction to the Century of Humiliation, the Four Foundations are likely in response to the defeat and loss of territory in the Russo-Chinese War of 1911, given their similarities with the ideals expressed in the Letter by an Anonymous Soldier.
Despite taking an ideological back seat to his subordinaye, it is likely that Diterikhs largely shares similar sentiments and ideals as Denikin. While Denikin is likely to be the ideological brains of the "Four Foundations for One Russia," it is clear that Diterikhs has wholeheartedly embraced the ideology, given his recent speeches and political positions.
This, coupled with his religiousness and crusader-esque rhetoric, paints a picture of an uncompromising ideologue, a True Believer who cannot be swayed. While Tsar Kyrill I is the Head of State of the Russian Empire, it is clear that Diterikhs is the true leader of Russia.
Kyiv, Kyiv Governorate, Russian Empire, 9 September 1913
Denys Shevchenko was no stranger to taking a stand. He had his beliefs and his principles, and he'd stand up for them.
Whether it be his vocal opposition to anti-semitism or his membership in the Prosvita Society, he was no stranger to letting his voice be heard, criticisms be damned.
That said, he did not like his chances against an angry mob headed in his direction.
He was no stranger to pogroms, of course. Not when those October nights eight years ago were seared into his memories.
He'd done what he could do, of course, helping his neighbors get out of town before the mob showed up. That didn't stop him from kicking himself over not being able to do more, even if Danylo told him otherwise.
But this time? It was different.
As bad as last time, when the crowd literally chanted, "All Russia's troubles stemmed from the Jews and the Socialists," this time they'd added the "Separatists" to their hit list.
And by "Separatists," they meant anyone who is not an ethnic Russian or tries to be an ethnic Russian, if the book burnings were anything to go by.
Which was how he ended up here, at Danylo's house, with little more than the clothes on his back.
At least Denys could see that he wasn't alone. Plenty of familiar faces were gathered there at the edge of town.
There was Vadym, one of the leaders of the trade unionists. He and his sons were crowded around a campfire.
Then there was Dmytro, one of his colleagues from the Prosvita Society and a university professor. With his briefcase full of books, the man looked like he was here to teach some of his students.
Last but not least was Rabbi Danylo Kovalchuk, his old neighbor who'd returned after the pogroms.
"Denys!" the rabbi shouted with a tired smile. "It's good to see you again, old friend."
"Likewise, Danylo. But what the hell is going on? Another pogrom?"
"It seems as such," Dmytro announced. "God, this one is bigger than the one eight years ago!"
"It's revenge," Vadym told them. "Revenge for dissent."
"Maybe for you," said the professor, "But why are they coming after Ukrainian speakers?"
"Haven't you heard?" the socialist muttered, "The Tsar has called for 'One People, One Voice, One Tsar, One Vision, One Russia,' and the mob has been chanting it all the damn week!"
"That's enough!" Danylo told him. Or at least Denys thought that was directed at Vadym. "Now, does anybody have a plan for our escape?"
"Horses?" Denys offered, "We could outrun them in carts and carriages."
"We don't have enough carts and carriages," Vadym told him. "Enough for the elderly and the children, but the men and women would be on foot."
"Shit." That was all Denys could say right now as he thought aloud. "Okay, what about rifles? How many of those do you have?"
"A dozen?" From the way he spoke, Vadym sounded like he and his men didn't have all of them on their persons. "Along with pistols, we should have about two dozen, give or take a few."
"Then we don't have enough firearms either," Dmytro pointed out. "Not against a mob in the thousands."
Shit. That was all Denys could think of at the moment. This can't be it. Not like this.
Okay, so we have, what, a thousand people here, including women and children? Which means we can't fight them head-on.
Vadym could fight a delaying action while the rest of us escape, but it'd be certain death for him and his men, while the rest of us are defenseless in the night.
"I've got it," he finally decided. "Vadym, what do you know about the mob?"
"It's in the thousands. Think I saw police officers and soldiers there, too. Why?"
"Okay… Were they armed?"
"Do you mean besides the police?" Denys nodded. "Then no. Torches and pitchforks at most."
"Okay, we can work with that."
"How?"
"We can't fight them off, and we can't run them off. So the next best thing we can do is a delaying action."
"I thought you said we couldn't fight them off," Dmytro pointed out. "For what it's worth, I… I volunteer to stay behind."
"No, that won't be necessary, my friend," Denys promised. "We don't have enough weapons to fight them off, but we can probably scare them off. Take a few potshots at them, and that'll scare them long enough for the rest of us to run to the treeline."
"And the riflemen?" asked the rabbi, "What will happen to them?"
"They'll work in pairs. One takes shots at the mob while their partner runs back. Then the partner will take shots while the first shooter runs. Keep doing that until we run out of ammunition or we reach the treeline."
"Fair enough," Vadym relented, and pulled out his pistol. "Any volunteers?"
Of course, Dmytro and Denys were the first to volunteer. But to their surprise, Rabbi Danylo had also stepped forward.
"Not you," Denys told him. "We need at least one leader to guide everyone to the treeline."
"If you say so, Denys," the rabbi told him. "Do you think this will work?"
Denys could only shake his head.
"Do we have much of a choice?"
"Try not to get yourself killed, Denys."
"Likewise, old friend," he said, clapping the rabbi on the shoulder before handing him the professor's briefcase. "Dmytro, you're with me."
Moscow, Moscow Governorate, Russian Empire, 1 October 1913
"Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov!" his uncle sternly admonished him, "What in God's name have you done?"
"Nothing, uncle! I swear!"
"Then why are Okhrana agents coming by, saying you are to be arrested for treason!"
"Treason?!" His uncle nodded. "I don't know what you're talking about."
"Don't lie to me, boy. Were you at the marches last year?"
"Of course not!" Which was technically the truth. He just wished he had been there. Or at least he had, until five minutes ago. "There's a difference between agreeing with people and joining them!"
"Then why is there an arrest warrant out for you?!"
"I don't know, Uncle! I swear I don't!"
"God damn it," the older man told him. "You're telling the truth, aren't you?"
"Honestly, Uncle, I don't know why they are coming after me. Is it a mistake?"
"Unless there is another Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov in Moscow, they specifically wanted you. They said that I was to keep you occupied until they arrived to arrest you."
"Are you going to do that, Uncle?" Georgy asked, standing just a bit taller.
While he wasn't that much taller than his uncle, Zhukov was for sure stronger than the man, just like his mother.
"No. Never in my life."
"Okay. So, what do we do? Fight them?"
"God, no. It would be suicide to try to fight them when they have revolvers."
Right. Forgot about those.
Okay, Uncle, I hope you have a plan, because I don't.
"Punch me in the face."
"What?!"
That's your plan?!
"Punch me in the face, nephew. I can convince them that you attacked me and ran out the back with the horse."
"Will they believe it?" His uncle just shrugged. "Great. So, how hard?"
"Try not to hit me in the mouth, Georgy. I'd rather not be drinking my meals for the rest of my life."
"I'll do my best, Uncle," Georgy told him.
This is insane. Not just Uncle's plan, but what is happening.
What the Hell is happening, anyways?
Pogroms?
Purges?
Alright, I heard about what happened in Kiev, but that had to be an exaggeration, right?
Right?
"One People!" the crowd shouted, breaking his train of thought. "One Voice! One Tsar! One Vision! One Russia!"
Okay, maybe they were telling the truth.
And with that, went the rest of his hesitation as he wound up to his fist.
"Uncle?"
"Yes?"
"Thank you."
Merkheuli, Kutais Governorate, Russian Empire, 24 October 1913
"Lavrentiy Pavlovich Beria," the Okhrana agent said to the young boy, "You are under arrest for treason against the Tsar!"
"There must be some mistake!" Marta Jaqeli shouted, putting herself in between the soldiers and her son. "My son is a child!"
"Our orders were clear. Step aside."
Marta Jaqeli stood up and glared at the officers who'd barged into their home.
"No."
So the Okhrana officer punched her in the face, knocking her out cold by the time she hit the floor.
"Mother!"
"Grab the little bastard!" spat the Okhrana agent, and two of the soldiers did just that, dragging the frightened adolescent out of his house. "Let's get this over with."
"Where are you taking me!" the boy shouted. He tried kicking and screaming to no avail. "Let me go!"
Eventually, they had dragged him to the edge of the village, far away from the gathering crowd.
"Kneel."
"What- what do you want with me?"
"I said kneel!" the Okhrana agent shouted, before he kicked Lavrentiy in the back of the legs.
"Under orders from the Tsar, you are found guilty of treason against the Russian Empire. You are hereby sentenced to death."
"Who are you-" he began, only for a gunshot to end his adolescent life.
The Kremlin, Moscow, Moscow Governorate, Russian Empire, 3 November 1913
"As per the Okhrana's reports," Denikin began, "It is predicted that between one and two million Jews will either flee the Russian Empire or be killed in pogroms. Furthermore, we can expect millions of Poles, Belorussians, Balts, Malorusians, and Finns to leave the country to seek refuge in neighboring nations in Europe. The same could be said of leftists and intellectuals, albeit in smaller amounts."
"Of course," the general continued, "a similar phenomenon is likely to occur in our eastern territories, albeit in much smaller numbers."
"Does this mean that our preemptive actions were successful?" Diterikhs asked, referring to the list they'd been anonymously provided full of important targets. "I do believe you were in charge of that, Kornilov."
"We have had some success. Men such as Lenin, Beria, Jugashvili, Bukharin, and Trotsky were successfully eliminated."
"And the rest?"
"They have most likely fled the country at this point." From the way he looked, this was the first time Kornilov showed even an ounce of fear. "Though it is possible to pursue them, if you would like!"
"That will not be necessary, Lavr Georgiyevich," Diterikhs promised, though the General of the Infantry remained on edge. "We will have enough of a manpower shortage as is, without pursuing these people. All of the significant leaders have been eliminated, and those who reject our vision of a united Russia are fleeing for their lives."
"Marshal Diterikhs," Wrangel began, "May I ask a question?"
"Go ahead, Pyotr Nikolayevich."
"Exactly how many people are either dead or fleeing Russia?"
"Denikin?" Diterikhs asked, turning to the man. "What are your estimates?"
"Approximately fifteen to eighteen million," Denikin said off the top of his head. "Of course, these numbers are the lower end of projections, but it is likely that the vast majority of the Jewish population will have fled the country by the end of 1914. Them, as well as several million dissidents and separatists. Good riddance, I say."
"There you go, Wrangel," Diterikhs told him. "While it is regrettable that we lose such a large number of people, Denikin does have a point; the loss of dissidents and separatists would be a net positive."
"If I may-"
"By all means," said the Prime Minister, "Go ahead."
"Right. If I may, I should point out that our population is currently at roughly one hundred eighty million people. Assuming eighteen million people flee our borders into neighboring regions, it is likely that we will lose about ten percent of our population."
"That's the point, Wrangel," Diterikhs told him. "Self-deportation is preferable to mass imprisonment and subversion."
"Still, that is a sizable chunk of our population would hinder industrialization-"
"It is a sizable chunk of our population that rejects a united Russia," Diterikhs corrected. "And I say, good riddance to them. Had they stayed, they would have hindered our efforts at uniting Russia under the Four Foundations. Industrialization efforts would be similarly affected as well."
Oh, is that what Denikin's calling this madness now? "One People, One Voice, One Tsar, One Vision?"
"Without the separatists," the Prime Minister continued, now that the room was free of dissent, "We can become one people. Without the dissidents, we can have one voice."
"And the Jews?" asked Wrangel, "What about them?"
"Without them, we will have one Tsar, with one vision for one Russia."
From the way he talked, Diterikhs sounded so sure of himself. And even if he wasn't, Wrangel wasn't about to oppose him.
"Does that answer your questions?"
"All but one, Prime Minister: Does the Tsar know about this?"
Was this his idea? Or yours and Denikin's?
"His Imperial Majesty has given his complete approval, as well as a 'blank cheque' in ensuring his vision. Does that answer all of your questions?"
"Of course, Prime Minister."
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ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Yeah, no jokes this time, but I promise the next chapter/short story will be a lot less depressing.
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Raymond Poincaré: The President That Never Was (Published in Le Peuple, December 1913)
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Raymond Poincaré: The President That Never Was
By Pierre Delaporte
Le Peuple, December 1913
Raymond Poincaré's defeat in the 1913 Presidential Election was a shock to many. Myself included.
However, it is clear that his defeat cannot simply be credited to the arrival of the Republic of China to the global stage. Rather, it is due to several domestic factors here in France.
First of all is the creation of the two voting blocs: the right-wing National Bloc, and the left-wing Bloc of the Left. The former, created through a split in the Radical Party, led to the right wing of the Radicals leaving to form an alliance with the Democratic Republican Alliance and the Republican Federation, with Poincaré as the presidential candidate and Clemenceau as the legislative head.
In response, the now left-wing Radical Party entered an alliance with Jaures' French Section of the Worker's Internationale, and the Republican Socialists to form a second Bloc of the Lefts, with former Prime Minister Aristide Briand as their compromise candidate.
This, however, might not have been enough to defeat Poincaré, who was seen by many as the favorite going into election season. However, two pre-election scandals quickly turned public opinion against the National Bloc candidate.
The first was the publishing of evidence that the Russian government had outright bribed multiple French newspapers to publish pro-Poincaré articles. While said papers were quick to deny the allegations, follow-up pieces in L'Humanité only served to add fuel to the fire.
However, it was the published correspondences between Poincaré and the Vatican that caused an even greater uproar throughout France. While many Frenchmen may excuse Antisemitism, those same people would draw the line at cooperating with the Vatican through the Italian government.
The response was explosive in all but name. Parisians across classes and professions came out to protest against Poincaré, decrying him as an "Agent of Rome and Moscow." Jean Jaures famously quipped that Poincaré "would act in the interest of the people... who live in Moscow and Rome."
It is these scandals, coupled with the subsequent public relations campaign against Poincaré that led to a surprise victory for Aristide Briand, with the former Prime Minister winning 56.23% of the votes in the third round to Poincaré's 34.46%.
As 1914 approaches, the Bloc of the Left seeks to hold onto control of the Chamber of Deputies, and compromise candidate Marcel Sembat seeks to hold the office of Prime Minister under this new coalition.
By Pierre Delaporte
Le Peuple, December 1913
Raymond Poincaré's defeat in the 1913 Presidential Election was a shock to many. Myself included.
However, it is clear that his defeat cannot simply be credited to the arrival of the Republic of China to the global stage. Rather, it is due to several domestic factors here in France.
First of all is the creation of the two voting blocs: the right-wing National Bloc, and the left-wing Bloc of the Left. The former, created through a split in the Radical Party, led to the right wing of the Radicals leaving to form an alliance with the Democratic Republican Alliance and the Republican Federation, with Poincaré as the presidential candidate and Clemenceau as the legislative head.
In response, the now left-wing Radical Party entered an alliance with Jaures' French Section of the Worker's Internationale, and the Republican Socialists to form a second Bloc of the Lefts, with former Prime Minister Aristide Briand as their compromise candidate.
This, however, might not have been enough to defeat Poincaré, who was seen by many as the favorite going into election season. However, two pre-election scandals quickly turned public opinion against the National Bloc candidate.
The first was the publishing of evidence that the Russian government had outright bribed multiple French newspapers to publish pro-Poincaré articles. While said papers were quick to deny the allegations, follow-up pieces in L'Humanité only served to add fuel to the fire.
However, it was the published correspondences between Poincaré and the Vatican that caused an even greater uproar throughout France. While many Frenchmen may excuse Antisemitism, those same people would draw the line at cooperating with the Vatican through the Italian government.
The response was explosive in all but name. Parisians across classes and professions came out to protest against Poincaré, decrying him as an "Agent of Rome and Moscow." Jean Jaures famously quipped that Poincaré "would act in the interest of the people... who live in Moscow and Rome."
It is these scandals, coupled with the subsequent public relations campaign against Poincaré that led to a surprise victory for Aristide Briand, with the former Prime Minister winning 56.23% of the votes in the third round to Poincaré's 34.46%.
As 1914 approaches, the Bloc of the Left seeks to hold onto control of the Chamber of Deputies, and compromise candidate Marcel Sembat seeks to hold the office of Prime Minister under this new coalition.
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ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
So yeah, all those things about Poincaré actually happened. The Russian government basically bribed the press with two million francs, and a socialist accused him of negotiating with the Vatican through Italy.
Except this time, his allies can't blackmail the person accusing him of working for the Vatican with evidence of the socialist accuser cheating on his wife.
Which means that in turn, the socialist's wife won't murder the blackmailer in a famous murder case.
Honestly, at this point, France literally being led by a Radical-Socialist government might actually make the country more stable than it was in our timeline, because at least this time, people's wives aren't performing political assassinations.
Except this time, his allies can't blackmail the person accusing him of working for the Vatican with evidence of the socialist accuser cheating on his wife.
Which means that in turn, the socialist's wife won't murder the blackmailer in a famous murder case.
Honestly, at this point, France literally being led by a Radical-Socialist government might actually make the country more stable than it was in our timeline, because at least this time, people's wives aren't performing political assassinations.
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- Location
- India
Are those refugees going to China? I mean a educated population is ideal for further industrialization and they are certainly more grateful.
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
There's a good chance a lot of them go to Germany or Austtia-Hungary.
That said, China (with its stupidly high standard of living) would probably resettle Ukrainians in Outer Manchuria, Central Asians in Xinjiang, and other groups along the coast.
Now that I think about it, it would be really funny if the Jewish population got resettled in Harbin, since that's basically what Japan wanted to do with European Jews.
Because Imperial Japan, for whatever reason, thought that if the Protocols of the Elders of Zion were true, then they should team up with the Jews.
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Deporting 18 million people with no rhyme or reason through violent action oh I'm sure this will cause no internal or external backlash. Germany and Austria will be more than happy to accept millions of refugees flooding over their border.
WyrmofFrost
One whose Muse delights in being coy
- Location
- USA
- Pronouns
- He/His/Him
Apparently the russo-japanese war had a lot of European/american-jewish bankers give loans to the japanese war effort. Cue a few decades later hearing antisemitism include speals about Jewish bankers. "We need more loans! Lets be nice to the Jews so we can get more loans! Obviously if people hate them so much they still have to be around with money right?"
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Also, sorry to almost double post, but it doesn't look like Rykov or Kamanev were captured/killed by the Russian government either. We're they simply get out of being said or did they escape?
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ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Yeah, I don't think either Kaiser is going to buy the "We want to create a homogeneous Russian Orthodox ethnostate."
Okay, they might actually believe that's what Diterikhs wants to do, but they aren't going to be happy about it, which would make industrialization even harder for Russia.
Good luck telling that to Diterikhs, though. Fanatics like him aren't the best at self-reflection.
That said, I wouldn't put it past him to close the borders (or at least try to) and use katorga labor to industrialize that way.
ChrisProvidence
Time Traveling Unequal Treaty Destroyer
- Pronouns
- He/Him
They got out, which means there will be at least some continuation of the Russian leftist leadership
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Diterikh's plan is so poorly thought out and self destructive that I am literally at a loss for words. If the Russian economy doesn't crash into the ground, or numerous small scale or large scale revolts occur in the Russian periphery, or the Russians find themselves sanctioned or even embargoed by their neighbors who are very annoyed by the Russian exodus, or at the very least the Russians don't suffer a brain drain because of this, I'll eat my hat