Legacy of The Tenth Crusade - A Divergences of Darkness Nation Quest [Finished]

===
Egypt, Summer 1918 - Education Results
===

Over the course of the discussion the party line held true on nearly every issue. Education was a force for modernization in Egypt, which meant sweeping changes had to be made across the board. The government would not raise additional money for the ministry, instead the funding would be found elsewhere. It was decided that the Islamist schools would lose their state funding and be entirely privately funded.

It was a decision which Salaam fought against.

The nationalization of foreign private schools was tentatively agreed upon. No one wanted to risk angering an outside power, but nobody particularly cared for other nations attempting to form a monopoly on education in Egypt. Marcato himself was on board with the project. The governor strongly believed that schooling must remain firmly in the government's control in order to shape the future. The rest of the cabinet agreed with the sentiment, even if they disagreed with the future he personally envisioned. Issa steeled himself for the expected flood of threats from embassies in Egypt. The decision would not earn them many friends with the countries the missionaries were from. It was a concern that Hakim hoped would be somewhat alleviated by the fact that they weren't laying a hand on any missionaries or throwing them out of the country, simply seizing the facilities they were using.

'Though the Europeans probably cared more about losing property than they do about men of the cloth dying. At least in the latter case they can use it as an excuse for a punitive attack,' Hakim grimly thought to himself.

The issue of language was resolved swiftly. Everyone was on board with Modern Standard Arabic. It still had a future and would not need to switch alphabets to suit the needs of Europeans and import thousands of their words. There's no question that it was a matter of pride and practicality, and not an unfounded one at that. Arabic was considered an outdated language in many European circles, something like Sanskrit or Greek, an old oddity that stuck around with its founding people clinging to it out of habitual stupidity.

The cabinet as one would respond 'no more!' Arabic would flourish once more as a language of science, philosophy, and art. Every minister agreed that it would not fade away and adapt Latin characteristics like the European imperialists had long hoped it would. Egypt was not the first to adopt it, Morocco and Maghreb had implemented it, while Turkey, Tatarstan, and Iran had implemented their own versions of it with many Turkish, Azeri, Persian, and Tatar words created in the Arabic script. Matters of national pride aside, it was also agreed that it'd be too expensive and difficult to switch to a Latin alphabet for Arabic.

Mandating bilingualism received mixed responses from the ministers. The more conservative of them thought it was unnecessary, citing cost concerns and the ubiquity of Arabic as the majority language. There was no need to force people to learn any other language. In fact, the right Ba'athists said, it should be discouraged entirely. A homogenous society was preferable for national unity and solidarity. They were Arabs first and foremost, even if they had to be convinced of that fact. Islamists approved the position as well, wanting to stamp out Coptic as a language in its entirety. Copts were accused of being foreign stooges, and Salaam claimed their language was a fake one created by Greek imperialists in an attempt to divide Egyptian society.

The other ministers did not agree with those positions. There was no question that Arabic would be mandatory to learn, but they strongly argued in favour of the decision. Egypt's minorities would not be trampled down in the name of national unity, especially when many of them supported the party. Copts and Jews would have their rights preserved in the education system, Hakim reprimanding several ministers for wanting to eliminate Ladino as a language alongside Coptic. The issue was decided and they moved on.

Women would be allowed into public schools. Many in the cabinet thought it was cruel and pointless to exclude half of the population from obtaining an education. The gender segregated specialized track was considered equally ridiculous.

Salaam fought against it.

Since women were being allowed into schools the topic of hijabs came up. There were a few Marxists and Ba'athists staunchly opposed to allowing them to be worn at all. They believed that they had to be banned so that Egypt would continue modernizing. What point was there in educating women if they still hid their heads from their peers? It was an outdated practice. Khouri himself came down on tentatively allowing them. He agreed with the argument, however Muslims had suffered enough persecution for their religion under imperialism and thought it was best to leave it to personal decision for the time being. The majority of cabinet agreed with the position: optional to be decided upon later.

Salaam fought again.

Finally the content of education came up. That's when the yelling started. Fault lines among the ministers emerged immediately. All of them knew the social fight was coming, waiting in equal parts anticipation and dread for the moment. It was one of the most important decisions the ministry made. It decided what the future held for the country's youth and much of the population.

"Pan-Islamism? Are you developing a speech impediment, Salaam?" Nadir sharply inquired, looking hard at the minister. "It's Pan-Islamic."

"It's my own take on it because your concept felt lacking. Solidarity with Muslims across is meaningless if we do not make the faith the central tenet of our society. It's a complete betrayal of our traditional values," Salaam smugly replied, turning a hand upwards. "That should be self-evident, yet you insist that we maintain a secular society."

"The traditional values you so clearly embody?" Nadir shot back, shaking his head and scoffing. He stood up from his chair and spread his arms. "You've gone on about denying women access to schooling, but my friend, isn't your daughter in medical university. The one established by our comrades from Oxford."

A lull in the argument as soft chuckles erupted from around the table. Salaam blushed in furious embarrassment. "I fail to see how that has anything to do with this! It's completely unacceptable for you to be making remarks about another minister's own personal decisions."

"Yet it's acceptable for you to deny half the country the privilege you've bought for your own family with the party's money. You are truly a pillar of moral self-righteousness." Nadir smiled at Salaam, motioning across the table. "You can't even make your daughter wear a hijab but you expect us to force every female student to do so? It's ridiculous."

More ministers laughed, and the one other Islamist minister could only give Salaam a helpless shrug and sheepishly said, "it seems that Pan-Islamism is out of the question."

It would come down to a close decision by the Marxists and Ba'athists of the cabinet. It was a slim vote but a Marxist education had won out over the party line of Arab Socialism. There was a great deal of similarity between the two positions on the surface and in terms of overall goals, making it acceptable to most present. The right wing of the Ba'athists would decry it as undermining Arab nationalism and solidarity. They say it as forcing Egypt to conform to an European ideology rather than adapting it to fit the country. Khouri, among others, vehemently disagreed with that idea. The Islamists were forgotten. Their own dissent noted then drowned out by the rest of the cabinet.

The arguing continued until Nadir weighed in on it. His word carried weight as one of the party heads and leading thinkers of the party. He was the one that put in the work into defining the AENC's ideology. "The education program proposal is acceptable and in line with the party doctrine. Arab Socialism does not mean isolationism but internationalism. We are not alone in our struggle for liberation from imperialism." He, and several others, shot a glance at Marcato. The governor stared back at each of them.

Hakim interjected, "I agree with Nadir. We may revisit the issue in the future if the program is not satisfactory." It was a bone thrown towards dissenting ministers. He held some reservations about it but felt it was splitting hairs to a certain extent.

On the subject of where to spend the funding, it was fairly straight forward. People needed access to basic education, which meant building new facilities across the country and expanding existing ones. Egypt's few colleges and universities would suffice for the time being. It made little sense to expand them when they lacked students, even if tuition was free and open to all so few in the country could pass any class. So free university was shelved for the future, unfortunately.

It was decided that alongside the new schools built in rural communities would be public libraries. Nadir spoke strongly in favour of them to encourage reading and self teaching, believing that people learn best when doing it in their own time out of genuine interest for a subject. Books should be free and accessible to everyone in Egypt, without any inclusion of late fees for books too.

Salaam would take issue with it since the funding for the programs partially came from defunding Islamist schools. He argued that they needed more funding, not less, and that they operated fine in covering rural areas. Public schools were a waste of money that could be spent on providing existing professionals, i.e. his supporters, everything they needed to run the school system on their own.

Nadir's response was to call the meeting adjourned.

===

"This is ridiculous! Marxism in a mosque!" the imam yelled at the party official. "I refuse to teach the writings of an infidel. It's absolutely unacceptable."

The party official, a mousy bureaucrat, shrugged in sympathy. "You're required to teach state mandated materials and the state has mandated Marx be taught. Just make it an optional course or something and pretend to go along with it."

The imam shook his head. "Even that's too far. I refuse. They take our funding but think they can dictate terms to us. Have you heard their list of demands?! They want me to teach girls how to read, in the same class as boys. That is absolutely haram."

"I can file a complaint for you, see if it can be taken into consideration," the party official suggested. He'd dealt with several complaints already, all from imams refusing to accept the new education mandates. "You don't have to follow the new guidelines if you don't draw attention to yourself. What Alexandria doesn't know won't hurt them."

The imam scoffed and threw a hand up into the air. "Fine! I will file a complaint, but don't expect me to be quiet. I will speak out against the evils of the government and not stop until they've reversed their decision."

The party official nodded along, writing down a note to file later. He'd make sure it made its way further up the chain of command. As a fellow Islamist, he shared the outrage the imam felt.

===

The predicted wave of letters arrived on Issas desk within days of the decision. Churches from around the church were denouncing the government of Egypt as tyrannical, godless, and evil, unchanged from biblical times with a new pharaoh commanding its legions of faithless servants to undo their holy work. Many denounced Hakim in particular as a Sephardi Jew and claimed it was but one step in killing all Christians like the Jews killed Jesus.

Issa threw many of those letters into the trash. They weren't worth his time. The ones that came from state churches were the only ones that got anything longer than a curt response. The most curious was from China. The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom was gravely concerned when it heard the school had been nationalized because they believed it was an excuse to massacre their missionaries. However when they received word from them that nobody had been harmed they were greatly relieved…

'The Holy King, Heir to Heaven, Child of God, and Cultivator of Human Happiness extends his most gracious thanks for sparing His flock from deprivations that are so cruelly inflicted upon them elsewhere. He hopes that you will allow our brothers and sisters to continue their work bringing His light to your country. We are a Kingdom of Heaven but we hold no malice towards Mohammedans like so many of our fellow Christians who have strayed from peace and love…'

It was the best response Egypt received. Issa was unsure how to take the response but decided it was better to have the approval of the theocracy than its ire.

Many of the missionaries that ran the schools would leave Egypt following their nationalization and more once they learned what the curriculum entailed. Very few were on board with the idea of teaching Marxism in classrooms. Many left the country and moved on to greener pastures, though a few Egyptian converts remained on staff. The mandated bilingualism appealed to them as they used it as an opportunity to teach in the language of their church. It meant that there'd be a small selection of Egyptians that could speak Mandarin, Burgundian French, Scandinavian, Belgian French, Spanish, German, or Anglois French as a secondary language.

If nothing else, Egypt wouldn't be lacking for French speakers. Both in terms of numbers and variety.

===

Across the country construction programs took place. Teams of workers moved around the clock to put up innumerable schools. A semi-standardized design was created for rural communities. It was a small building with only a few rooms, meant to house the children of a village for a few hours of the day and adults during the evening. Nonetheless it wasn't lacking in amenities. The builders took advantage of the sewage infrastructure program to equip the schools with indoor plumbing. They lacked electric lights but did not lack running water or working toilets.

The first classes would open before the end of the summer. For nearly everyone, young and old alike, the schools were the most modern buildings they'd seen in their lives. The access to water was greatly appreciated by all. The sight of children carrying buckets of water with them once the school day was over slowly became a common sight in many villages. Adults were taught in the afternoon and evening, many needing the same lessons as their children did to learn how to read and write.

In Cairo and Alexandria the languishing schools were given a new lease on life as funding flooded into their coffers. Teachers were rehired, buildings refurbished, and students brought back in to continue off their education where it'd left off years ago. The masses of urban youth would not lack for opportunities, taking many of them off the streets and out of jobs. The uniform would all be provided free of charge to the students.

The Textiles Syndicate had taken it upon themselves to produce them at a small loss, uncharging the Education Ministry for their purchase. The decision had been made by a vote in the syndicate because most of the workers thought it'd be a cruel burden to demand children pay for a uniform. It removed a potential financial strain the families might have had, removing some financial strain that the families might have

The private schools, labour programs, reservist training, and ministry expansions had all helped to make a dent in illiteracy. They provided access to education in one form or another, but they all lacked scale. The rural schools though, they would take a sledgehammer to illiteracy. The ball had begun to roll and it would only gather speed with every passing day.

It was the first mass education program in Egypt. It was only getting started. Nadir had great plans to expand it even further down the line. The minister was excited when talking about making university free and open to all, and turning Egypt into a center of learning for the Arab world once again. He wanted to train hundreds of thousands of doctors, teachers, and engineers to build the country, and send them abroad to build up other countries. Its strength would become the strength of all those oppressed by imperialism.

And all of it would begin by teaching the people how to read and write.

Imams and Islamists protested the curriculum and regulations. Corporal punishment was use extremely frequently against girls that attended Islamist private schools, until their parents were coerced into withdrawing their daughters from school. The Islamist teachers often singled out the children of people they disliked and made a point to publicly beat them in front of their classmates on a daily basis. The small tyranny of the classroom run by the dictatorship of the teacher who exercised total control over a single space in the whole world. In there they felt like they were god and that their word law. Their favourite victims were children of peasant militia supporters and members. The organization was a vocal supporter of the Marxist programs.

Altercations happened during the summer months. The militia took it upon themselves to correct an abusive teacher's behaviour, and if persuasion did not work then giving them a taste of their own medicine was the common recourse. Islamists beaten by parents of teachers they beat and imams threatened into closing their schools. That was perhaps the one saving grace. The Islamists' reach was short and the Marxists' reach was far. The ministry had given one domain over education and it was not the Islamists.

It would take years for the fruits of the programs to bear their fruit but the seeds had been planted. The islands of tyranny existed though they were not the majority. They could not halt the march of the revolution in the classrooms.

Nadir considered it some of his finest work yet and it was only just the beginning, an appetizer to the main course that would come once Egypt had the money to spare. It was made possible by the allies that Egypt had cultivated, a fact which Hakim and Issa were quite proud of. It had been their connections that'd gotten Egypt the extra bit of funding for the ministry. People in the Comintern had come through for them without even needing to be asked.

And as the summer came to an end, Hakim once again prepared for another diplomatic trip. It was the long overdue visit to the Black Sea Pact.

===
Iran, Fall 1918 - Black Sea Pact
===

The Egyptian officers sent to Nejd returned as Hakim's diplomatic team prepared. The officers had spent the two years in the kingdom training soldiers and getting valuable experience. They shadowed Arab League officers, watching them conduct operations against Levant and command their soldiers. Eventually they'd get the opportunity to take part in the constant border skirmishes. They weren't given control over many men because they were not entirely trusted, but it was experience all the same.

When they weren't working, the two groups of Egyptian officers were forced to stay away from Arab League soldiers and officers. The king had followed through on his word and stopped them from trying to teach theory to his soldiers. He'd gone a step further and prevented Egyptians from working with Yemeni soldiers too, fearing the possibility of them colluding to spread socialism among the ranks. The two groups found themselves with only each other for companionship during their downtime.

In those two years they shared their fears, desires, and hopes with each other. There was tension at first but it did not last, not when they were both cast as outsiders with only each other as familiar companions. It was during that time that theory was taught, frankly and bluntly, by socialists officers. It came up in daily conversation, and the Copts would come around on it. It was harder for them to sell the idea of Copt supremacy to their fellow officers and in time harder for themselves to believe in it when they worked and fought alongside Muslims and Jews, and came to see them as friends and brothers in arms. Egypt was rich enough for everyone to share equally in its bounty, once it freed itself from the shackles of imperialism.

So when those hundreds of officers returned to Egypt, they were changed men.

Officer Pool: 1 Copts become 1 Radical Copts
Currently: 3 Socialists, 1 Radical Copts, 1 Copt, 1 Islamist, 1 Royalist, 1 Other

===

It was decided that to reach the Black Sea Pact, Hakim and his diplomatic retinue would travel from the Red Sea around the peninsula to reach southern Iran by the Persian Gulf. They didn't want to be shadowed by Macedonian ships the entire way from Egypt to Turkey if they went the shorter way. It wasn't like the diplomatic trip was entirely secret. It was tough to keep such things hidden.

It was clear to anyone which way Egypt was leaning internationally. The Christian League wasn't blind to Egypt's diplomatic trips and overtures. They'd view the mandate with increasingly suspicious eyes.

When Hakim reached Iran, they took a train into the interior of the country, traveling north to Tehran. It was one of the largest cities in the country, but not its capital. It was deemed a suitable spot for meeting with the members of the Black Sea Pact. Once in the city, the retinue was well received by the government, greeted by the Iranian foreign minister. It was a warm welcome of a modest display of international solidarity and affection by the citizens of Iran. While not officially a socialist republic, much of its government was made up by socialist leaning parties who had taken part in the revolution against the monarchy. Several of which were observers in the Comintern, even if the country was not.

Scores of people waved the Iranian and Egyptian flags side by side along with the other members of the Black Sea Pact. Hakim was hit by a sense of solidarity he had not expected. People chanted in a variety of languages, Arabic one of many shouted by the crowd. Modern Egypt had always lived under the threat of the Ottoman Empire and its allies, and now they found themselves on the same side for once. It was an ironic change that was not lost on the prime minister. It was a golden opportunity for an alliance, some sort of military agreement between them. If the Black Sea Pact fell, there was a good chance that the Arab League would fall too, though the inverse was not entirely true. Egypt needed their help more than they needed Egypt's.

The possibility of being stonewalled and left to die crossed Hakim's mind, though the reception he received eased that fear. It was a better reception than they received at Nejd two years ago. He felt that perhaps they could be more than allies of convenience.

'It'd certainly fulfill the party's Pan-Islamic stance if the Arab League and Black Sea Pact could be tied together.' The Muslim majority countries in the world standing side by side against imperialism was one of AENC's goals after all, along side its other tenets.

===

Gain +1 Budget Farmer Syndicate

Current Government Budget: -3

===

Iran's prime minister, Kamal Nicatlu, met with Hakim with an enthusiastic handshake once they arrived in the provincial palace in Tehran. It was founded by one of the many competing dynasties in the previous century. It was turned into a summer home when the Azerbaijani Shaki Khanate unified the country, then into a home for the provincial governor when the republic was formed.

Nicatlu proudly showed off historical artifacts within the palace. Centuries of history gathered in one place, taken from all over Asia. The Khanate had spread far and wide, and the republic had held onto its conquests during the turmoil, albeit with more rights for those on the former imperial fringes of the country. The immense wealth from oil had fueled its modernization program and increased the quality of life across the country. It was a success story of socialist and national liberation, though one which only survived because of WW1 distracting the great powers of Europe.

It gave the revolution room to breathe and consolidate its gains. Economic concessions given to Tatarstan also ensured that the Crimean monarchy would not view the revolutionaries as a threat in the early days of the fighting. Iran's firm commitment to those agreements and respect for their current borders helped keep the peace between the two countries. It was a story Hakim could relate to, and a success he hoped Egypt would replicate for itself.

Iran's immediate threats from the Christian League were Armenia and Assyria. The two buffer states established by the Christian League. Nicatlu was sure that Iran would be able to crack the former's mountain forts and overrun the second. That wasn't an issue that concerned Egypt. No, what Nicatlu wished to discuss was Iran's borders and Iraq.

In the course of Iranian Unification, the Shaki Khanate had held onto Iraqi land taken by another dynasty. It was nearly a third of Iraq's eastern border, which was home to millions of Arabs. Iraq itself still wanted the land back but was unable to contest Iran's control over it. There was also Khuzestan, a province in Iran, which was never held by Iraq but was majority Arab.

"While I fully support the All Egyptian National Congress's goal of Pan-Arabism, I trust that does not include seizing our lands," Nicatlu said with a chuckle, placing a hand on his chest. Despite the laughter his eyes were sharp, gauging Hakim's reaction.

"We don't want war with the Black Sea Pact, though I trust that they are treated well," Hakim replied, echoing the prime minister's words and gaze.

"Iranian Arabs have shared in the country's prosperity, alongside the many Kurds that live there. They've all been part of Iran for nearly eighty years now."

Hakim nodded along, not entirely disagreeing with the prime minister's concerns. The possibility of claiming the region later or after the war briefly crossed his mind. Refusing to recognize it would be a thorn in diplomatic relations between the two countries, but something to diplomatically hammer Iran with in the hopes of a future land transfer."

"If Iranian Arabs are content, then there is no harm in a plebiscite to confirm that," Hakim said, shrugging one arm and turning his hand upwards.

"Redrawing the borders, even on peaceful terms, would be… messy," Nicaltu said, lips turning downwards at the thought. "Egypt also does not share a border with Iran. It may be premature to make requests like that."

"Does not share a border yet," Hakim countered. He was testing the waters, seeing what Egypt could hope to push for from its future neighbour. He was not set on gaining the border region. "Which is why Egypt wants to reach an understanding with Iran now rather than later."

Nicaltu hummed and crossed his arms. "We are willing to cede Iraq to Egypt," he replied after a moment, "should it fall to revolution or invasion. It's been a useful buffer against the rest of the peninsula, but the king has become a thorn in our side. It's reaching out to the Entente for arms and money in exchange for oil and basing rights."

"That's a common trend with the rest of the peninsula's monarchies," Hakim remarked. All of them taking Entente money while claiming they were liberators.

"In exchange for that, we'd expect Egypt to respect our current borders and leave the eastern side of the Euphrates River a demilitarized zone. We both enter into a non-aggression pact. It'll be the start of good relations between our two countries." Nicaltu paused. "Do we have an understanding?"

The 'and if we don't?' was left unsaid. Hakim imagined that Iran had their own plans to deal with Iraq in the event that Egypt didn't do it first.

[ ][IRA] Accept the deal.

[ ][IRA] Refuse the deal.

Edit: I realized I meant to include a map to make it easier to visualize the region in question.

===

The prime minister, Azime Mintimer, from Tatarstan was the next person that Hakim met after a few days. He had been delayed by last second changes back home. Tatarstan had moved its capital from the Crimean Peninsula further inland, to a major city and rail hub on Atil River. The process was done over several years and there were still bureaucratic errors that cropped up now and again. One of which required the direct oversight of the prime minister to sort out before he could depart for Tehran.

Hakim did not mind the delay. It gave him and his retinue time to tour the city. It was nowhere near the front lines during the Tenth Crusade, so despite the push into Iranian Georgia and Armenia, life continued on as normal in the city. It sat inland behind mountain forts, so many that the city and much of the country would be safe in any eventual war. There was a sense of peace there unlike the tension he often felt in Alexandria and Cairo. The lucky given geography and a state capable of effectively using it.

Eventually, Azime Mintimer arrived in Tehran. The man had dedicated his life to the service of the king, working hard as head of the government to maintain Tatarstan's modernization programs going decades after they'd started in a series of five year plans. It was not socialist in any way, merely the crown keeping a tight grip over the economy to strengthen the country. Mintimer's hard work, strict demands of the cabinet, and fixation on heavy industry had earned him the nickname 'The Man of Iron.'

Mintimer greeted Hakim as he sat down across from the Egyptian prime minister. He unfolded his briefcase and laid out several folders in front of him. He hummed as he looked over before glancing up at Hakim. "I see that Egypt has increased its machine tooling output this year. That's good, very good. It'll give you a fighting chance against those zealots."

"That was the hope," Hakim said. "It's only a start though."

Mintimer agreed, firmly nodding. "It's good to see that Egypt is in capable hands then. His Majesty hopes that your country will survive the coming war with the Christian League."

"You may thank His Majesty for the kind thoughts and prayers, however I hope that we may receive more tangible aid. Goodwill is appreciated, but it does not kill Crusaders."

"No, it doesn't, however we are stretched thin preparing ourselves. There is only so much that we can do to aid Egypt, while also aiding Turkey and Iran at the same time. It is not out of a disregard for your country," Mintimer apologetically said, motioning to Hakim. "We will sign a non-aggression pact and recognize your government once you declare independence."

Hakim faintly frowned at the news. He'd hoped to receive a better response from the juggernaut of the Black Sea Pact. It was the largest and most industrialized member, yet he felt like he'd have to beg to get table scraps from them. "While that is appreciated, surely Tatarstan can do more."

The Tatar rested his hands together in front of him. "Understand that His Majesty is rightfully concerned with building close ties with yet another socialist country. It's circumstances that have forced us to sit at a table together on the same side rather than as enemies. We're both facing the Christian League however, so we are forced to work together for the sake of national survival."

"Try not to sound too put upon," Hakim shot back. "We're not in an ideal position to offer any aid to Tatarstan."

"Keeping the Arab League in the fight puts pressure on the Christian League. It prevents them from concentrating on Turkey and Iran's southern fronts," Mintimer sternly explained. "His Majesty doesn't believe that the Arab League will survive without Egypt's help. We want you to keep that pressure up on them. However we'd need a few guarantees from Egypt before we can promise anything."

"So you need us but want to make demands too," Hakim scoffed. "Name them, then we'll see."

"First, Egypt does not work, associate, or organize with any socialist parties, unions, or any such groups in Tatarstan," Mintimer immediately replied. "Second, Egypt does not publicly condemn any internal decision taken by Tatarstan. Third, Egypt will recognize potential land gains made by Tatarstan in the event of our victory over Poland." He unfolded his hands. "We will respect your national politics as long as you respect ours."

'Accept that they're a monarchy and don't make any fuss about it,' Hakim thought to himself. He'd heard that workers were treated well by the government because of its focus on national development over profits. The largest industries were state owned and operated, protecting them from foreign competition and private interest. That went a long way in reducing worker unrest, even if they had few rights to independently organize.

Mintimer took the silence as a sign to continue. "In exchange, we can provide Egypt with heavy industrial equipment. It won't be much but it's machinery we can spare. I'm sure you can find a good use for it."

"It's a start…"

The two went back and forth for some time. Tatarstan could have helped Egypt break new ground in so many fields, but found that Egypt had already done so in the last couple years. It could offer its experience in some regards to help things along. The big thing that Hakim kept returning to was money. Egypt was in debt and it wanted out of debt fast. Tatarstan's financial reserves were being tapped hard by reparations to Poland and investment into war mobilization.

They continued until a possible agreement was hammered out between the two. Tatarstan would recognize Egypt's independence, enter into a military alliance, provide industrial and financial aid, and in exchange Egypt would declare war on Levant and wouldn't interfere in Tatarstan politics and recognize any land seized during the war.

[ ][TAT] Agree. Gain +1 Budget. Megaprojects complete 1 turn earlier. Egypt is expected to declare war on Levant.

[ ][TAT] Refuse.

===

It took a couple days before Chairman Hassan arrived from Turkey. The stretch of land sandwiched between Armenia and Assyria was heavily patrolled by Turkish and Iranian soldiers. Nobody wanted to risk the Chairman being taken out by a surprise attack by "partisans" from across the border. The sweeps for possible encampments and mines on the track delayed him from leaving Ankara until it was deemed safe enough.

Hakim and his retinue witnessed the Turkish chairman arrive in Tehran in an armoured train. It looked more like a battleship on wheels, the engines groaning and chugging hard as it pulled into the station. People buzzed around the train as cargo was unloaded and passengers let off, including a team of guards. All of them wore a red star on their uniform. They formed a line, and out stepped Chair Hassan.

He was a tall man, head held high, and back straight with a rigid military posture. He surveyed the assembled crowd before his eyes locked onto Hakim, and immediately he marched over to the prime minister. He moved quickly, like a man on a mission, and extended a hand to Hakim, who readily took it.

"Comrade Hassan, welcome to Tehran," Hakim said, finding himself in charge of welcoming the chairman to the Iranian city. He'd wanted to see the train but found himself doing Nicaltu's job. He glanced to the side to see the Iranian prime minister nonplussed by it, as if he expected Hassan to make a beeline for Hakim.

"Comrade Hakim, it is good to finally meet you," Hassan said, stern face softening as he smiled at the Egyptian and clapped him on the shoulder. "We have much to discuss."

"Indeed we do…"

===

The chairman wasted no time getting into negotiations with Hakim. It took a great deal of convincing from his foreign minister to do some photos for the press, and fill the time with idle chatter, until finally the various retinues entered into their cars and drove to the palace to handle negotiations. Once they were inside, Hassan went to speak with Hakim.

So the two sat across each other in a lounge rather than a conference table, Hassan preferring the casual atmosphere of the room.

"I believe that this meeting is long overdue," Hakim admitted with an apologetic shrug. "We only had the time to do so much though, so we had to prioritize. You understand."

Hassan waved off the remark. "The Comintern has been good to Egypt. It was the right decision to seek their aid when you did. We're strapped financially. We couldn't have offered Egypt the same aid that they did."

"Then perhaps it's for the best it took until now for us to speak in person. Egypt needs all the help it can get to handle the Christian League. Turkey is in a similar position," Hakim replied. It'd lost a lot of territory to Macedonian, including its capital and major industrial centers along the coast. He'd heard the country's industry had to be rebuilt from nearly scratch.

"That we are. Macedonia seeks to end both of our peoples," Hassan gravely said. "Every decision I have made has had that fact in mind, even if it may not entirely fit into orthodoxy ideology. You've spoken with Prime Minister Mintimer. You understand what I mean."

Hakim nodded. Turkey had sought closer ties with the Black Sea Pact over the Comintern. It wasn't surprising that Hassan was silent on the issue of worker liberation in his allies. Those issues matter less than coordinating their militaries and war industries together. "That I have, it's an understandable decision."

"It's one that cost a great deal of political capital in the Committee, but one that I still stand by. It's not ideal and in time perhaps future chairmen may curse me for my decision, but Turkey must survive for there to be future chairmen." Hassan pointed a finger at the ceiling. Turkey had also recognized Iran's claims on most of Armenia, instead of pushing for creating their own puppet state out of the region. Iran wanted its land back. "That's why I'd also like to extend an alliance between Turkey and Egypt. Syria and Levant sit between us, so it's there that we must work together to push them out."

"That's a generous offer," Hakim nodded along. "Are you aware of our goal to unite them together into a single Arab state?" As more time went on, the more confident Hakim got in Egypt's chances of actually united the Arab world under its banner. It was a heady idea, one fraught with danger too considering the threats that lay before them.

"How could I not be? I fully endorse the creation of a United Arab Republic. The peoples of the Middle East have been divided by reactionaries and imperialists for too long!" Hassan exclaimed, pausing before continuing. "There is however the matter of dividing the lands between us."

'I'm confident in our ability to win but it feels like it may be getting ahead of ourselves,' Hakim silently thought. He didn't share that out loud, and instead motioned for Hassan to continue.

"You may have all of Syria. Turks," Hassan closed his hand into a fist, "no longer live in Hatay. They've all been killed or pushed out. Assyria however, I would like all of it. The plurality of the population is Kurdish. I wish to unite them with Turkey's own Kurds."

Hakim found himself frowning at the comment. The chairman so easily drew lines in the sand where they would have authority over the people living there. "How can we say that we're liberating these lands when we talk about ownership when they aren't here? Shouldn't it be up to them to decide their own fate?" It wasn't a lie. Hakim did truly believe that. He also believed that it was a good idea to know where other country's interests lie, in case they decided to interfere in Egyptian politics.

"You are correct, comrade, however you and I both know that should we prove victorious over the Crusaders, revolutionaries will flock to your banner. The first to march into Jerusalem and Damascus will unite the Arab world. It won't be me that does it," Hassan rested a hand on his chest, before gesturing to Hakim. "It will be Egypt. It is possible that the peoples of Levant and Syria will decide to be independent from Egypt, but I believe the chances of that are very slim."

It certainly made sense to Hakim. He couldn't deny it, not entirely. "Nonetheless, I will be working with representatives from Syria and Levant when the time comes to decide their future."

"That is your right to do so. I've done the same with the Kurds. They are the ones that desire unification with Assyria once the colonial regime falls."

Hassan went on to explain that he would not be creating a separate Kurdistan SR out of Turkey. He felt that trying to carve out Kurdistan from Turkey and Assyria would only result in ethnic tensions flaring up across the country that would risk its stability. Instead, he resolved to follow the USR model of devolving cultural decisions to the local level and forming a unitary state to encompass all of Anatolia.

Turkey will become Anatolia, a socialist republic home to Turks, Greeks, Kurds, Armenians, and everyone else in its borders. "God willing, we'll march across the Bosphorus and won't stop until we reach Salonika!" Hassan launched himself up from his seat, moved by his own words. "There will be no population exchanges when this war is over."

Hakim found himself nodding. "We've charted a similar path for Egypt. Arabs are the majority, but there will be a place for Copts and others in it." That wasn't even getting into the regional differences glossed over by the word 'Arab.'

"I am a committed materialist, this you are aware of no doubt," Hassan said, walking behind his chair and beginning to pace as he spoke, "but I can not help but feel that it is destiny, if you will, at work this day. The great peoples of the Middle East have come together to form an unbreakable bond to stand united against Crusaders. Turks, Arabs, Persians, and everyone in between, standing shoulder to shoulder in defense of our nations. It was only twenty years ago that we were ruled by reactionary regimes that plotted against one another for control over the riches of the region. You can't say that isn't a moving thought."

"It's the very definition of the Pan-Islamic dream. Nadir was a bigger proponent of it than I ever was, but it is compelling. It's a good catch-all term for us coming together. If we do… win, we'd form a bloc that stretches from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean." Hakim said, thrilled by the idea. The people of the Arab world united for the first time in centuries, finally in command of their own destiny, their old rivals and rulers turned into friends and comrades.

"It'll be the foundation for the liberation for the rest of Africa, India, and Asia! Hundreds of millions of our comrades and brothers suffer in chains. We will see them broken and liberated, even if it takes the rest of our lives to achieve," Hassan declared, stopping in his tracks. "Excuse me, I've gotten ahead of myself. Those are concerns for the future, which we can deal with in the future. For now, do we have an agreement on an alliance and division of land?"

Turkey and Egypt will enter into an alliance. Turkey will not claim any Syrian or Levant land, but in exchange Egypt does not claim any Assyrian land.

[ ][TUR] Accept. Egypt is expected to declare war on Levant.

[ ][TUR] Refuse.

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Please vote by plan. It must include all three sections. All deals can be renege at a later date.
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