In the wake of the Spanish-American War, the US Senate signed the Treaty of Paris. But with opposition from interest groups across the country, massive protests, the strike, the electorate, and some senators themselves (socialists, Populists, and anti-imperialist Democrats), in order to get the 2/3 votes needed they added an amendment promising to let the annexed territories vote in a referendum to be independent in two years once America had established stable democracy there. As the primary opposition from all groups was the annexation, they believed this promise would be enough. As long as they kept it, that is.
As for other legislature, the house was slow with no one party having a majority. The Republicans had to concede more to the Democrats to have some defectors on each vote, a necessity even with both parties beginning to turn against the new parties more than each other. Electing a speaker took three votes, with ten Democrats defecting on the third vote, more than enough to elect a Republican speaker. Still, it meant that aside from war related bills and general upkeep like the budget, no major legislation was passed this year.
The Great Blizzard of 1899 tore through the country this year and people, livestock, and wildlife succumbed to the cold. Bird populations were brought to near extinction and almost a hundred people died. The US army, meant to be suppressing the strike, was forced inside as the cruel conditions prevented any sort of rail travel, and the government's continued insistence that they cannot return home bread resentment.
The Nationalist Citizens' Alliance began to arm up this year, with meetings without armed men being a rare sight.
Meanwhile their enemy and ally the White Union Army established itself on the national field as a union of all white supremacist groups. Claude Kitchin emerged as the leader of the group, one of the men leading the successful Battle of Wilmington. As the President of the WUA he began to give impassioned speeches in public and give interviews, portraying it as a respectable organization which simply wished to protect the Anglo-protestant way of life. A married man and well educated, he would reassure established interests that the WUA was their friend.
The United States also took possession of Wake Island, an uninhabited Pacific island.
In foreign news, the SPD acted. The rising star of German politics, even efforts to stop their votes or ban the party weren't enough to drive them out of politics. They had a few hundred thousand members, making them the second largest socialist party globally. They were revolutionary Marxists and had strong ties to the General Commission of German Trade Unions (Free Trade Unions for short), an umbrella body for trade unions which also promoted standardization and mergers.
Under the general agreement of the Second International, the Social Democratic party was to oppose imperialism in anyway. Moreover they saw the example the American SLP made of a general strike protesting imperial acquisitions that same year.
This year Germany bought the Caroline Islands, Mariana Islands, and Palau from Spain, the last of their Pacific colonies after their loss to America. They also annexed the western part of the Samoan Islands in the Tripartite Convention, America annexing the other half.
SPD Anti-Imperial Protests: 53
In response, the SPD requested that the Free Trade Unions perform a strike while they made trouble in parliament and organized protests. While they did consider it, the Free Trade Unions ultimately decided not to do a general strike, but instead a two week demonstration with their dockyard workers, railroad workers, and mineworkers, showing that they could shut down Germany's ability to perform naval projection.
With the short nature of the strike and the lack of pressing need, the Emperor decided to ignore the demonstration, letting it go on and end with minimal repression. While unsuccessful, it did establish for the workers a precedent of political strikes.
All-Continental Union Association:
The ACUA began the year riding high, justified in their strike last year in the eyes of much of the public.
Merge Unions: 47 + 7 (The Continental Worker) + 3 (The Valkyrie) + 3 (Inter-Union Mutual Aid) = 60
This year, the ACUA called for all their various associated unions to unify based on industry. Prior, they had expanded in large part by contacting existing unions and affiliating with them, resulting in a hodgepodge of tens of dozens of unions with overlapping areas and designs.
In an effort to integrate them all, as well as fully commit to the idea of industrial unionism, they would establish several departments inside of which each industrial union would be a part of. Agriculture and Fisheries, Mining and Energy, General Construction, Manufacture and General Production, Transportation and Communication, and Public Service. Integration into these would be required for all associated unions.
In particular, the United Mine Workers and Western Federation of Miners merged into the Mine Workers Union under the Mining and Energy section. As two of the largest unions this was the toughest, but the UMW having more members (and so would naturally be dominant in the combined union) and the WFM being more radical (and so was more in favor of industrial unionism) proved a natural compromise.
The American Railway Union also benefited, seamlessly merging the other railroad workers into them. They also changed their name to the Railway Workers Union in the process to standardize names.
Continue and expand the strike: 54 + 5 (striking think group) + 5 (teachers) = 64
With the continued war and support riding high, they decided to continue the strike and expand it. For this the ACUA established more strike funds, helped paid for by that the rest of the union last year. But with the unions combined into an industrial union, it was the perfect time to commit to a general strike across the country among all industries they had a secure enough hold in. More mines, construction, agriculture, and the vast factories of the steel belt shut down. The American government had betrayed its peoples trust, and they weren't about to let that go.
Army Agitators: 43 + 7 (The Continental Worker) + 3 (The Valkyrie) = 53
But for this to work, they'd need the army to stop their suppression. The army had already heard of their concepts through the newspapers, but were isolated now. So through sending covert agitators, they were able to talk to them face to face, to convince them to end the strike.
While they started, the great winter also begun, paralyzing traffic across the country and making the strikebreaking efforts temporarily useless as no rail nor barge could be operated in the whether. It was in this lull that organizers bundled up and went to talk to the army.
Combined with anarchist agitators, the pressure of the futurist protests against them, and Minutemen leaders talking to groups in the east, they listened. Against the orders of the federal government they began requesting resignations and backing away from armed unions during confrontations, refusing to actually enforce the injunction. As such the rail strike began up again, albeit still somewhat reduced, and the railroads slowed. And none of the other strikes could be put down as the militant unions armed themselves and were guarded by local militia across the country, especially due to relatively high public opinion of the strike due to the efforts of many groups in and out of the United Front.
As a compromise, the Senate passed the Treaty of Paris with a bipartisan amendment that two years from now Guam and Puerto Rico would hold referendums to either stay as part of the US or become independent. They were vague on if American Samoa was included in this deal.
With strike funds running low, the ACUA decided to end the strike.
Dues Committee: 33
(One time 9% decrease in supporters but mechanically all supporters pay dues, this is equivalent income to before now, but more in the future even before the recruitment bonus. Supporters now represents number of members paying dues.)
The ACUA also established a Dues Encouragement Committee. With the established dues allowing for delinquency for those who could not afford to pay them, the ACUA was still very much in need of more funding. Thus this committee's job was to advertise to associated unions recommending that members also pay dues to the ACUA.
National campaign for industrial unionism: 43 + 5 (omake) + 7 (funds) + 5 (inter-union mutual aid) + 7 (The Continental Worker) + 3 (The Valkyrie) = 70
The ACUA engaged on a national campaign advocating for industrial unionism and the One Big Union of the ACUA over the AFL craft unions or AAWA's small-but-allied associated unions. They sent people out to each and every union they could find, talking to them personally about the benefits of industrial unionism.
While they didn't achieve work concessions, just this year they were able to force the federal government government to bow down to their demands in a general strike.
Meanwhile they emphasized the AFL's scabrous treason at the height of the Great Anti-Imperialist Strike, to the point of helping the army break pickets without even a pottage-mess of heightened wages as a reward.
They also emphasized the efficacy of their political action, such as the labor rights bills in Illinois, New York, and New Orleans and direct action of the rail and mine workers in '94 and the eastern miners in '97 over the AFL's class collaboration and the All-American Workers' Alliance company unionism that made the union a tool of management and jingoism which would have workers murder each other in the name of empire.
As a result of the campaign, the AFL was diminished. Their remaining unions were mostly conservative Catholics following the lead of anti-socialist clerics (Catholics being around half of the AFL in the first place), who hated the ACUA's racial integration and progressive values enough to stick together against them. But at this point they were all but doomed to die out, especially with the APFA and socialists being more popular among new immigrant Catholics. The liberal protestant activists who had previously dominated the AFL with reformist craft unionism were largely discredited as workers turned to socialism or the more immediate reformism of the futurists. Whatever came of the ACUA, whether they continue or die out, the AFL would not be their successor.
In particular the railway unions were back strong, helped by the RFAA's strong campaign this year. They also did well in New York, with this and the new labor laws there convincing many of the older unions to jump ship. They also managed to get many deserters from the International Seaman's Union, whose leadership stayed in the AFL but much diminished. These seamen wished for national political reforms that the ACUA were in a better position to grant them such as abolishing the practice of imprisonment for seamen who deserted their ship, regulated working hours, minimum food quality, safety regulations such as lifeboats, and more.
Book Clubs: 45
With the influx of new members, they started a series of book clubs across the country. These would serve to teach Marxist theories, with some anarchists texts as well portrayed as the (implicitly only other) alternative. These would prove to be somewhat popular, with workers across the country discussing the works of Marx, Engels, Bakunin, as well as more local theorists such as Goldman, Voight, DeLeon, and some new agrarian socialist writings.
Helping Cuba: 63 + 10 (extra funds) = 73
Gonzales Lozana, the leader of the anarcho-syndicalist Cuban Workers' Federation, has requested covert resources and collaboration to help unionize Cuba. The ACUA and RFAA both responded.
With the end of the war, Cuban railroads, cigarette factories, mines, and land were quickly being bought up by American business due to the advantages of cheap labor and free trade with America.
The ACUA sent organizers from their own agricultural unions and covert strike funds to help the nascent union federation. They worked mainly with the sugar and tobacco workers to unionize (the RFAA organizers mainly worked with the dock workers, railway workers, and factory workers), and then declared a general strike for better pay and less hours.
When the police were sent in to put down the strike, parts of the army moved in. The victorious Liberation Army never disbanded, with those it demobilized becoming reservists, and its left wing was Afro-Cuban, rural, poor, and extremely sympathetic to the workers movement. That part of it rose to confront the police, preventing violence. The unions managed to achieve wage increases as businesses buckled, and though they fell short of equality to American workers they did manage to stay together.
In the wake of the incident, there were more calls to disband the Liberation Army and form a new standing army. Estrada Palma, presidential candidate of the Republican Party of Havana and favorite to win the election, supported this, while Enrique Messonier's Socialist Party of Cuba explicitly was against it.
In the elections this year the Cuban Workers' Federation would support the Socialist Party of Cuba in accordance with their United Front strategy.
Illinois Labor Laws: 50
The ACUA worked with the SLP to establish a set of labor laws in Illinois. These would establish the 8 hour workday and 40 hour workweek, mandatory pay in wages instead of scrip, a minimum wage, public assistance in meals, books, clothes, etc. for schoolchildren, and state and municipal employment programs for the unemployed. The latter would begin as a series of infrastructure maintenance and building projects, the result being owned and operated by the state.
With their majority control of the state and an enthusiastic rolling out the reforms was steady across the year. They were popular among the working people of the state, including many of the labor rights demanded for so many years. It was also national proof that they would act on their platform, making Illinois the most labor-friendly state in the country, and ensuring voters wouldn't start to distrust them.
California Militia: 65
They also began reshuffling the California state militia. Most of the current members were conservative or liberal, and very racist. Out of all the SLP held states they were the most important to switch out and Governor Harriman decided to begin now. Over the course of the year he would get rid of the old members, especially in leadership positions, and selectively hire union men and members of the Friends. While there was some backlash to Asian men in the militia, there was little they could do about it.
The Land and Labor Reform Party:
This year, the party focused on legislation.
Party-outreach committee: 45
To help with this, they established a party-outreach committee. This committee would consist of legislators and other members of the party involved in negotiation with other parties over bills. By strategizing and providing training, they would be able to better get other parties to work with them.
Women's Suffrage Michigan: 51 + 5 (Party Outreach Committee) = 56
Michigan had already given women the right to vote in school meetings over a decade ago. Since then the Michigan Equal Suffrage Association had campaigned for municipal suffrage, and almost won it with the state senate barely voting it down multiple times. When they finally passed it (limited to literate women), the judiciary ruled it unconstitutional.
Now with the Land and Labor Reform Party with a majority, they took up the cause. Governor Johnson requested that the legislature listen to the impassioned speeches of the suffragists, and they did. With a few defectors in both the house and senate from other parties, they just barely passed the constitutional amendment giving women the right to vote in the entire state.
North Dakota Suffrage: 25 + 123?! (funds) + 5 (POC) = Overflow?
North Dakota Taxes: 36 + 100?! (funds) + 5 (POC) = Overflow?
Meanwhile in North Dakota, the legislature was not as cooperative. The LLRP had only a minority in the Senate, and this years senators were much more conservative. In the past they had repeatedly voted down women's suffrage, and this year looked to be much the same.
Used to the politics of Michigan, with more representatives and used to much more money flowing around, the party tried their normal lobbying. But North Dakota was a small state with fewer and poorer moneyed interests, part of what made it possible for the Populists to win it just a few years ago. With the amount of money earmarked for lobbying, many politicians took it as an outright bribe. On its own that would have been fine, but one decided to leak it. Progressive politicians, the same ones they sought to ally with for passing women's suffrage, were commonly anti-corruption, and they happened to attempt to bribe one with principles.
In the aftermath of attempting to save their progressive reputation and prevent a bigger disaster, neither bill was passed in North Dakota this year. But they did manage to keep the public relations disaster from spilling over to the public too much, and so hoped to still win next year's election.
They did have a small win in North Dakota, and that was in the cities. While they were being wracked by scandal on the state level, in most cities they had a sizable majority, and so were able to pass municipal tax changes. While less than a tenth of the population lived in cities, this was also where the policy was most popular, and urban workers applauded the effort.
Root Amendment: 52 - 15 (funds) = 37
The Root Amendment, proposed by Secretary Elihu Root in collaboration with Republican Representatives, would demand the Philippines include in their constitution certain rights tying them to the USA. They would acknowledge the permanent naval base in Manilla, they would not be able to enter a treaty with a foreign power that may affect their independence, and the US had the right to intervene to protect their independence.
On a national scale, the LLRP took the lead in campaigning against the Root Amendment. This came as a surprise to many, with the amendment being quite similar to the Hanna Amendment the LLRP championed but with even less strong ties. But during the war the LLRP took a sharply anti-imperialist turn, disappointed with how it went. With the long debates about ratifying the Treaty of Paris and possible amendments to it, by the time they started discussing the Root Amendment the new Congress had been sworn in.
With their 9 representatives allied with the SLP's 25 representatives, the Populist's 10 representatives, 6 pacifist Republicans who worked closely with The Orange Disciples, and 7 futurist politicians. The latter only reluctantly joined the block upon pressure from their base, voting with them but not loudly advocating as they were pro-war normally.
These 56 representatives were opposed by 161 Republicans, with both sides needing 179 for a majority. While the LLRP lobbied and tried to ally with as many anti-imperialist Democrats as they could, their alliance with the black socialists meant that many felt they couldn't join with them. Additionally, the Republicans and Democrats had been becoming closer together lately, fearful of the growing radicalism of the American left. And unlike Cuba, this bill did not mean free trade with the Philippines, and so the Bourbon Democrats' interests were not threatened. It primarily concerned allowing for US power projection in the Pacific and Asia, as well as denying other European powers (many believed that without US protection, Germany would annex the Philippines). As such it was possible for McKinley to get the 18 Democrats he needed, and when the vote came the bill passed with a small majority.
The American Reform Movement: 19
After a ticket to a train station was lost in the mail, five people were forced to stay in a Chicago train station. Hailing from the LLRP, the APFA TOD, the NAP, and the Minutemen, it initially looked like they would not get along. But soon the conversation shifted towards what they saw as the American experiment buckling, and the people's feelings of hopelessness and discontent creating apathy and extremism. But all of them believed nothing couldn't be fixed, reformed. All they needed was to give a little hope and that would be enough.
In the month after, all those groups' leadership corresponded, and at a five-year celebration of the Sons of the Frontier, delegates came together to set up The American Reform Movement.
And that was where they went into trouble. The futurists and Minutemen called TOD cowards, the Orange Disciples fired back that the APFA were warmongers that got them into this mess of the war, along with the LLRP who came up with the Hanna Amendment and the NAP who sold weapons for the war. The Minutemen were attacked as radicals and insurrectionists themselves for their support of the FAM and SPA.
Soon the meeting with split in two, not even among party lines but among delegates. The Pacifists including TOD, most of the LLRP, and one futurist representative thought entering the war at all was a mistake. Meanwhile the militarists, including the Minutemen, NAP, APFA, and some of the LLRP thought entering the war wasn't inherently bad, just made so by the Treaty of Paris' terms afterwards.
The only thing they could agree on was to meet again next year, each half of the convention planning on a new one the next year. If that wasn't bad enough, the news then got ahold of it, branding them as radicals themselves hoping to destroy America's core. As much as they were reformists, it was true most of the organizations wished for changes to American society, whether it be tax reform, industrial reform, progressive ideals, or general militancy. As America radicalized, those on both the radical left and establishment right would grow to increasingly be against the relative center-left that ARM represented.
The Revolutionary Federation of American Anarchists:
The anarchist movement continued expanding this year as people across the country were disillusioned with their elected representatives and turned towards libertarianism.
Agitators to Army Camps: 49 + 2 (extra funds) + 7 (The International Traveler) + 3 (The Valkyrie) = 61
The anarchists also sent agitators to the army. They sought to convince them to organize, establishing soldier's councils and refusing to put down the strike. While they didn't quite succeed in the former, they did manage to convince most groups of soldiers they talked to refuse to actively put down the strike.
After demobilization, a few of the veterans even joined the RFAA, having few options for a job and their main support network being run by the RFAA. Many joined their militia, wanting to do something good with their training.
North-East Railway Unions: 71d20 = 851 - 71 (business fears) - 142 (NCA) = 638/500
They worked with the Railway Workers Union to get the rest of the Northeastern rail workers to join it. They had to fight the Nationalist Citizens' Alliance and the railroads themselves, outnumbering the NCA in protest actions and demanding union shops from the businesses through the threat of and follow through on small scale strikes and picket lines.
By the end of the year the North-East had joined the Midwest in having the vast majority of railroad workers as part of the Railway Workers Union, ensuring that of need be they could shut down transportation once more.
Pro-Labor Laws: 81
Surprisingly, the RFAA worked with Mayor Hillquit on establishing new labor laws in NYC. Of course, the anarchists had a different focus than a more statist group would have in drafting these laws. Their priority here was protecting the union's ability to act, and therefore stopping the capitalists from interfering with organizing labor.
While the True-Anarchists opposed even this, that mostly meant that they didn't get involved in the community discussions as to what the laws should contain, focusing their efforts elsewhere. Much of the effort was done by a short term commission appointed by the New York Collective Council consisting solely of Solidarity anarchists working with the SLP.
They established firm laws protecting unions, the right to bargain and strike, and having either a union shop or closed shop. It explicitly protected sympathy strikes and made it illegal for hired security to interfere with a strike, effectively barring the Pinkertons and other strike-breaking groups from working within the city.
At the insistence of their more feminist members they also modified Teddy Roosevelt's old laws to be the same for both men and women, and only 40 hours.
They also consolidated the city, reducing the powers of the Boroughs in favor of a more unified policy. This ensured that instead of having SLP majority and Republican majority sections of the city, it would be all SLP—assuming they kept winning elections. They also made sure to having polling booths in the poorer (and redder) parts of the city, ensuring voting access. Finally they restructured the city legislature to be unicameral, making it easier to pass decisions with a majority hold.
They also passed a universal suffrage bill, but it was quickly declared unconstitutional by the state legislature.
The old newspapers of the city harshly criticized all these measures, declaring them to be undemocratic and doomed to drive away business by giving all power to the unions. While no such vast fleeing of capitalists materialized, nationally it was becoming a trend for them to invest more in areas with little labor agitation.
Transfer to councils: 44 + 5 (mutual aid) + 5 (Commissions for Mutual Aid and Welfare) = 54
They also had Hillquit transfer some powers of the city to the councils. He was reluctant, convinced it would backfire and ruin his election changes next time, but with their assistance finally agreed. The next step of dual power, they hoped it would discredit the need for liberal democratic institutions. The most important of which was the newly formed Department of Sanitation, in charge of street cleaning.
They used The Worker's Post and the mutual aid networks to connect with the people about it, encouraging direct communication with the councils and even participate themselves. They managed to take a smooth changeover, encouraging many of the former workers to join them and keep their jobs, which helped the transition. Now it would be the RFAA who the people of NYC saw cleaning their streets and making it a more bearable place to live.
NYC Schools: 26 + 5 (mutual aid) + 5 (omake) = 36
The New York anarchists also began trying to set up schools run by anarchists, inspired by the Cuban anarchists. These would be run nontraditionally, with more focus on democracy in the classroom, and would allow for running schools that accepted adults who wished to get more of a basic education.
For this first year, they had some trouble actually getting enough people to participate in the schools. But with any luck that was a problem that would be solved next year, with extra time being all that was needed.
RFAA Cuban Unions: 60 + 10 (funds) = 70
With Gonzales Lozana requesting for aid on behalf of the anarcho-syndicalist Cuban Workers' Federation, the American anarchists answered. Sending people and discrete funds for a strike fund, they helped them unionize the dock workers, railway workers, and cigarette factory workers of Cuba. During the strike they would see the union gain in size and strength, shutting down much of the country's economy until they won their rights.
While there they made sure to make connections with the rest of the Cuban anarchist movement, ensuring that the union kept its anarchist ties.
Link SFAF Philadelphia mutual aid network: 66
Famed anarchist Voltairine de Cleyre has been pushing to link the Society of Friends of All Faith's mutual aid network in Philadelphia to the RFAA's. She's been active in the poor Jewish community there, and has been involved in their mutual aid efforts even as she was part of the RFAA.
With this link, both groups would benefit, as the unified group was much larger, and though the SFAF gained a greater benefit, the RFAA hoped that this would align them more with their cause. This initial link would be a good start to formally merging all the mutual aid networks in the event that the SFAF joined the UF.
Set up councils: 35 + 7 (The International Traveler) + 3 (The Valkyrie) = 45
With the RFAA going national, they also had to set up more councils. Throughout America, from the West Coast to the Great Lakes to the South, local anarchists started setting up councils fully integrated with the RFAA's structure. With these they began to start organizing more mutual aid efforts across the country.
West Virginia Mutual Aid: 63 + 5 (welfare) = 68
Massachusetts Mutual Aid: 65 + 5 (welfare) = 70
St. Louis Mutual Aid: 51 + 5 (welfare) = 56
Local councils across Massachusetts finally began setting up mutual aid networks. As the second urban core of the RFAA, it was a long time coming, with the area also being subject to the harshest police response. But as they finished organizing, they did it well, and Massachusetts was continuing on its way to being a red state.
With the integration of the Appalachian Brotherhood, the new councils of West Virginia began setting up mutual aid efforts. Unlike most of the country these did better with both mining towns and cuties working together, allowing for a more expansive program than their urban population would suggest.
Finally, they put effort into expanding their reach beyond the current core of the United Front by putting resources into St. Louis' few councils to help them establish mutual aid there. While it would doubtlessly be difficult, they hoped to expand the movement to Missouri through this.
Send militia south: 67
1600 men and women of the CDC went south to help the SPA. With tensions flaring up with Wilmington once more they went to help their comrades and came home satisfied that they scared off the reactionaries.
The Forty Acres Movement:
The FAM continued to build up in the lull of fighting this year as the White Union Army reorganized itself. There was still continued low level fighting, much like when The Defense Group was first formed, but to a manageable level.
Train militia: 64 + 10 (training procedures) + 5 (Minutemen Trainers) = 79 * 6 (funds) = 474
They continued by training nine more cadres, further increasing the size of the increasingly professional militia. They were in part helped by this by white northerners, several Minutemen who came by to provide training techniques using scientific methods.
Louisiana Equal Rights Bill: 41 + 2 (funds) = 43
In Louisiana, the party attempted to pass an equal rights bill. They lobbied Republicans in the senate to achieve a majority, knowing that said Republicans also depended on it for Louisiana to not be permanently Democratic like most of the rest of the south, but they had certain stipulations.
Most of the bill was thrown out, including public accommodation, non-legal disability, wage, employment, and right to serve on a jury, for all, and making election day a holiday (as this would help poorer voters, more democrat and SLP than Republican here). Instead it was watered down to just a suffrage bill, giving suffrage rights for all adults 21 years or older regardless of race, color, or creed and prevented any sort of poll tax or literacy test. Even women's suffrage wasn't achievable here, with the courts ready to declare any bill unconstitutional and they didn't have the votes for an amendment. Despite the watering down of the bill to the point it was mostly symbolic, the governor vetoed the bill and the state congress didn't have the votes to override it.
Special Election: 42 + 5 (campaigners) + 4 (effort) = 51
Louisiana's 5th Congressional District had a special election this March, and the SLP ran for it. While they did not earmark any funds, they did run a ground campaign to reach out for the voters, and of course encouraged FAM members to vote SLP. This was also the first election women could vote in, and they turned out in moderate numbers to mostly vote for the SLP.
With a small majority they won the election, beating out both the Democrats and Populists who contested it, and sending a fifth Representative to Congress.
Factory Agitators: 12d20 = 147 + 12 (CSJ) = 159
Mining Agitators: 12d20 = 138 + 12 (CSJ) = 150
Farmworker Agitators: 8d20 = 62 + 8 (CSJ) = 70
College/University Agitators: 6d20 = 76 + 6 (CSJ) = 82
(46.1% increase in recruitment for next turn)
This year the FAM focused on diversifying their movement. They did still continue reaching out to the farmworkers as their primary base, but it was a smaller effort this year. For their other efforts they had journalists recently graduated from the Chicago School of Journalism with all the best tricks and rhetoric for reaching out to people and convincing them of your cause.
They reached out to the factory workers in conjunction with unionization campaigns, further strengthening their position in the city. From the gold mines in Georgia, coal mines in Alabama and Mississippi, or Louisiana's salt and sulphur mines, agitators came to convince them to join the Forty Acres Movement. And in both cases they joined in the hundreds and thousands, as the FAM quickly became the foremost civil rights organization for African Americans everywhere, not just for farmers.
They also reached out to the colleges and universities. This represented a sort of attempt at reconciliation with the Bookerites who were more popular among middle class African Americans and sympathetic rich white allies. While the rift wouldn't be fully mended, as Booker T Washington's Atlanta Compromise promised not to focus efforts on equality or integration, many of his supporters began to radicalize into believing more immediate change was possible.
With these richer allies joining the Forty Acres Movement came their money and the opportunity to use these highly educated people.
Buying out farms: 20d20 = 176 + 40 (trained barterers) + 40 (Boll Weevil Infestation) + 5 (credit union) = 261, 848/27755
They also continued buying out more farms, giving their own farms to thousands of new farmers. This was helped by the Boll Weevil infestation's continued spread across the south, destroying many farms as they ate away the cotton, and bankrupting the landlords.
Industrial Planning Commission: 61
The Council Congress established an Industrial Planning Commission, with the members consisting in it elected from the worker councils. This commission would be in charge of continuously developing the south, enriching them and establishing economic independence.
Armaments and Munitions Manufacturing: 45 + 5 (Industrial Planning Commission) = 50
Its first task was to manage setting up various armaments and munitions manufacturing. Due to the organization's rural nature, and indeed the rural nature of the south as a whole, as well as the hope to keep it semi-hidden, they split it up within many towns across the whole south rather than have one big efficient factory like SUS built in the north.
Luckily with the dedicated effort for this the commission managed to prevent any extreme inefficiencies from the distributed manner. Trying to produce more advanced weaponry such as machine guns may result in more difficulties, but for now, the Spartacists would see a steady influx of guns and ammo.
Unionize: 62d20 = 669 - 62 (business fears) - 124 (NCA) = 483, 606/1200
They also embarked on a massive unionization campaign across the south. Against the efforts of racist employers seeking to exploit them, the Nationalist Citizens' Alliance's effort to protest labor organizing, and the WUA's partisan efforts, they connected to the black workers of the cities and funded their strikes and their rights. Efforts to fire them and hire new workers were useless, for those were workers too who could be brought into the union.
By the end of the year half the black belt was unionized, and standing in solidarity with their rural comrades.
Petty Fines Budget: 69
They also vastly increased the budget set aside for paying off the petty fines put upon black men just to arrest them and force them to labor once more. This saved countless men from prison and slavery once more, with many of them joining the FAM in gratitude. For those already within the movement, it simply solidified their thankfulness to it.
Dual Power: 40
In majority black and FAM supported towns, they began establishing dual power. The councils would establish a town government, which would collect taxes and do normal town functions. These would conflict with the current town governments, usually dominated by white people.
In some cases the police of sheriffs tried to arrest the new governments, but the Spartacists were prepared and stood in confrontations. No fights happened, but they suspected they'd begin to be targets for the WUA. Not that many considered that a bad tradeoff, with the WUA having shown to be willing to attack towns for any reason at all.
Near the end of the year, southern circuit court justices finished filing an injunction against the Forty Acres Movement under the Anti-Trust Act. It used the argument that they were preventing free trade through having a variety of industry all integrated together, as well as having their members directly buy and sell from each other rather than going through the free market. While it was quite a stretch, the vague wording of the act was enough that several biased judges allowed it to go through.
Attorney General John Griggs was reluctant to prosecute the case, being an outstanding defender of rights for both workers and African Americans. But following a meeting with several Republican Party leaders, Griggs decided to go through with it, something described as "Republicans cynically hoping African Americans will crawl back to them after they destroy their independence" by leftist newspapers. President McKinley has been kept aloof of the whole affair, not commenting one way or another.
Six of the nine Supreme Court justices had been nominated by Republicans, but only one voted against Plessy V Ferguson. Still, this was a case on very shaky grounds, with the FAM having only a small fraction of each of their industries compared to many businesses. It was blatantly a political attack against the militant organization.
In the end the ruled that The Forty Acres Movement was breaking the law, but simply gave them a large fine. They did not rule that they couldn't be broken up in the future, but for now they would not force things to come to a head. While it wasn't as far as many Democrats hoped, it opened it up for future legal action, and would hamper the organization this next year.
It also began splitting the Republican Party over those in favor of and against the measure, with those against it calling back to their abolitionist heritage and those for it hoping it would quell the southern violence and bring African Americans back into the party.
The Society of Friends of All Faiths:
The Society continued having internal arguments this year, with once again the leftist faction winning an implementing their agenda.
Mutual aid networking: 56
The RFAA, particularly through local anarchists on the ground, has asked to link their Philadelphia mutual aid networks. This allowed their much smaller network to get the resources of the larger one, and has tied the organizations closer together. With this further cooperation with the United Front seemed more internally politically viable as those who wished to stay uninvolved lost influence, especially with the other events of the year.
City soup kitchens: 65 + 5 (extra funds) = 70
They also worked with churches and synagogues in the smaller cities of New Jersey, Maryland, and eastern Pennsylvania to establish charitable aid. With these they had established them across much of the Mid-Atlantic, servicing the poor in dozens of cities of tens of millions of people.
NYC Schooling: 33 + 3 (extra funds) + 1 (mutual aid) = 37
They also established a charity low cost schooling program in New York for adults, especially African Americans, Italian-Americans, women, and other minorities. However, they had to make it smaller than they initially planned to, as less people showed interest than expected. Still it earned gratitude from those who went and many of them joined.
Rural adult-literacy: 48 + 4 (extra funds) + 5 (mutual aid) = 57
They established a similar program in the rural areas of New York through associated churches and synagogues. This program went just as well, with many churches participating with the idea that the ability to read the Bible was quite important.
Train Militia: 65 * 15 (funds) = 975
They also trained almost a thousand more militia, vastly expanding their forces to almost three thousand. This was in expectation of further conflict with the White Union Army as the latter began recruiting north.
Confrontation: 69 + 5 (omake) = 74
DC to fight: 60 + 18 (hundreds of militia) = 78
They caught the White Union Army during a march, all 300 of their Maryland militia (many of which were actually from Virginia) together trying to intimidate the people of Baltimore. They yelled anti-Jewish and anti-Catholic slurs as they marched around the city. 1800 SFAF militiamen showed up, armed and ready, blocking their way.
Having decided they couldn't attack first, needing to be the sympathetic party here, the Society forces went close but did not shoot. Intimidated by the much larger size of their enemies, the White Union Army eventually fled. They would continue trying to do marches in Maryland, but the Society of Friends of All Faiths would always be there to head them off and protect the people. Eventually their marches began to shrink as more of their members got intimidated, never having the advantage as they did in the deep south.
While they weren't decisively defeated, the spread of their influence was definitely limited as they were continuously humiliated.
American People's Futurist Alliance:
The futurists had a tense year, with a leadership shift and harsh backlash. This would be a tumultuous year, and likely would continue being so for the next few. They actually decreased their membership for the first time this year, internal opposition and outside bad optics resulting in fewer recruits and more people leaving.
Anti-Strike Breaking Protests: 54 + 5 (Forwards Together!) - 7 (War Hawks) = 52
With the brutish hawks in Congress annexing foreign territory and using violence to break strikes, the APFA organized protests. They were against the territorial annexations and use of violence to break the strikes, pushed solely by the brutish hawks in Congress.
This came as a surprise to many, as the futurists were some of the biggest supporters of the war. Additionally the right wing of the organization had always supported the "technological and societal uplifting of primitive cultures"–something which always implied a colonial relationship.
But their left wing had begun backing socially progressive causes on more of an ideological rather than just practical basis, and additionally viewed it as smarter to give the unions what they want rather than shutting down the country as the army fights them. This anti-imperialist faction had members in several key positions this year, despite being the smaller faction, and so was able to influence the organization's decisions. Also, the circumvention of the Hanna Amendment and the violence against striking unions had cooled their opinion of violence for violence sake, though the War Hawk faction still believed in that. They instead believed in focused, directed, and efficient violence.
So it was this faction that set up large scale protests across the steel belt, especially in front of the army and railway stations they would attack, protesting the annexations and strike breaking. The shame, as well as overt hostility from one of many Congressmen's backers, rapidly began to convince both the soldiers to stop fighting the unions and the Congressmen to make a compromise.
In two years time there would be a referendum in the annexed territories, each choosing to go free or to stay annexed to the US.
Steel Belt Campaign: 54 + 5 (Forwards Together) + 20 (extra funds) - 7 (War Hawks) = 72
With the All-American Workers' Alliance and industrialists, the APFA sought to challenge ACUA and AFL dominance within the steel belt.
However, the AAWA began to split here. With the futurist opposition to violence against the unions, an anti-imperialist block had formed within the organization. Here that block split into the left-leaning Anti-Imperialists, who were the most strongly against said violence and even supported working with the ACUA on a provisional basis, and the centrist Technocrats, who were strongly in favor of small unions connected by their association with the AAWA. The Hawks weren't in favor of any union not controlled by management, though they were a more minor player in this campaign as they were entirely against its anti-violence message.
The funds served to help fund the All-American Workers' Alliance's operations which included helping associated unions go on small scale strikes. But primarily they hired negotiators to talk to the companies, wanting to avoid any violence. They negotiated for increased pay, reduced hours, and workplace racial integration. They also began lobbying for increased labor legislation, a point that wasn't on the table for Republicans or Democrats this year but hopefully would be in the future.
They also specifically denounced and argued against the AFL's stance on race and sex positions. For this they began running into the problem that almost all of the remaining AFL membership were conservative Catholics, who genuinely pushed that policy from the bottom up. The change in attitudes would be a much greater effort than simply denouncing the AFL's official stance, though they did get their start.
For the ACUA, they tried to discredit the more ideological parts of their program, specifically the commitment to revolutionary Marxism and Anarchism, and the violence implied therein. And here was the conflict. The Hawks, despite being the most right-wing faction, were also primarily pro-violence for violence's sake. They fought against this rhetoric focusing on how the violence of a revolution was inherently bad, and wanted the organizers to instead focus on the evils of socialism.
But the Hawks weren't in charge of this endeavor, so they mainly managed to simply interfering with them. Many unions, indeed, were wary of a violent revolution or another civil war less than fifty years after the last one. But most considered violence to be something the state had more of a hand in starting than anything they did, seeing as the ACUA hadn't even officially organized giving out weapons to their unions.
By the end of the year the AFL was barely hanging on, with only the most conservative unions left. They made less progress against the ACUA, with quite a few workplaces leaving them but more joining from the AFL. Many in the AAWA were beginning to consider the ACUA less of an enemy, with their alliance against imperialism and similar goals, though many more considered the ACUA's Marxism to be degenerate and anti-American.
Additionally the technocrats and anti-imperialists were getting disillusioned with private business' ability to run factories and supported the idea of a government run planned economy which could ensure everything ran perfectly, ideally with small unions that couldn't disrupt things nationally but could negotiate on a local basic. Where they differed here is the anti-imperialists supported dissolving businesses while the technocrats supported the continued existence of businesses integrated with government.
Root Amendment: 80 - 7 (Hawks) = 73
(Longer part in LLRP section)
The APFA pressured their affiliated representatives to vote against the Root Amendment. This came as a surprise to many of said representatives, who explicitly were elected on a pro-war platform. In fact this came to great debate, with many within the APFA itself agreeing with said representatives.
But in the end, the threat of no longer supporting them in future elections was enough to make those representatives to vote their way.
Military Strategy Committee: 40
Having taken note of the Minutemen programs in universities and the volume of war veterans, the APFA set up a committee to study military strategy to form the backbone of a potential future militia or serve as an advisory group to other military bodies.
In other news Nikola Tesla promised he had s project finishing next year, and would show it off at a futurist convention.
The Friends of the Huddled Masses:
The Friends continued their course even as they expanded massively into Hawaii, the mostly Asian island's resentment against America being fertile ground for agitation.
Sabotage NCA: 34 + 3 ( YS infiltrations) = 37
The Yellow Scarves attempted to send saboteurs to Nationalist Citizens' Alliance groups to cause conflicts and break them up. Specifically, to tie in with their other focus on Hawaii this year, they tried to stop them from getting the white people there to form a new branch. And for this they were somewhat successful, with the white population still vaguely hostile to the Asian and native populations but also not connecting with the mainland's reactionary groups.
For breaking up existing branches they were much less successful, but not to the point where they couldn't try again next year.
Hawaii Unions: 10d20 = 148 - 10 (business fears) = 138, 138/60
This helped tie into their unionization campaign. Hawaii's sugar industry was booming, with American investment more than doubling it every 10 years for the past several decades, and set to continue. This was sustained by extreme immigration policies, mostly from Japan and China, though post-annexation they planned to replace Chinese immigrants with many more places of origin such as Korea, the Philippines, and Europe.
They also had other industries, such as pineapple fruits and canned goods, and of course the longshoremen and other port workers.
The collapse of the bound labor contracts (a form of indentured servitude) with their annexation provided for an opportunity. With secret strike funds gathered from the FHM, 1,500 Japanese sugar farm workers walked off the plantations. With effort they were joined by other sugar farm workers, and soon they were joined by the other industries, the promise of strike funds from the mainland and the mythical Yellow Scarves' protection. Even a few white workers joined them, though only that few.
With what was almost a general strike on the island, and the mainland having more important issues than to help them in any way, the plantation owners soon gave in and recognized the unions as well as wage increases to match the white workers. The unions soon after voted to join the ACUA in recognition of the contribution the Friends made, and many workers joined the Friends.
Hawaiian Birth Certificates: 45 + 10 (governor + plurality in government) = 55
(10% increase in recruitment for next turn)
Using previous skills in forging, plus the opportunities that having strong allies in the state government gave them, they started forging documents on a massive scale. Chinese immigration this year would look just like it did before the restrictive immigration acts took effect, with thousands moving in. Many would join the Friends in gratitude, as well as simply because it meant having a connected community of their culture.
Something at this massive scale was hard to hide, but with the local administration on their side they would manage it. The federal government would be far too busy with the strike and managing the end of the war to notice Hawaii's stated number of citizens was far higher than the census, especially since the last one was almost a decade ago and the population was fast growing anyway.
With the ability to hide people as Hawaiian as well as the cooperation of SLP officials their efforts to forge documents would be greatly strengthened into the future.
Head Tax Fund: 67
While Canada was also hostile to Chinese immigration, they were less so, with the main requirement being a head tax on immigrants. This meant in order to come they would either have to be in debt, or have a company pay it for them and have to work for that company.
By establishing a fund for paying this head tax, and then helping them integrate into local communities, the new immigrants would be ingratiated to them and the FHM would continue to serve as an important part of their community.
Rails: 40d20 = 280 + 50 (Rigging Railcars) = 330, 1414/2000
How bad is it? Low=bad: 71
They continued trying to prepare the rails to be able to shut them down. But they made less progress this year for one reason: they were caught.
Federal troops, ordered to stop the railway strike but having mostly petered out efforts to actually do so, had found stashes of explosives and modifications to the rails which had been made to be able to quickly shut them down. Reporting it up the chain federal investigators tried to come in, but Governor Harriman got wind of it first and sent his own team in. Cleaning up the evidence and declaring it to be nothing but natural wear and tear, they avoided giving an excuse to crack down on their activities. But it did give suspicion, and the Yellow Scarves would have to be more careful and better hide their efforts going into the future. Privately Harriman would express frustration at the risk they were taking, considering it useless with the goal of revolution on both sides of the mountain.
Manilla Base Spies: 54
The Yellow Scarves sent spies to work in the American military base at Manilla. By working at the port and in civilian jobs in the base itself they would be in a position to overhear things as well as potentially act in the future, whether that be sabotage for a Philippine takeover or assassinations, or anything else.
The spies also got in contact with Sun Yat-Sen, whose been living in the Philippines since their revolution, who mentioned he was planning on another attempt at revolution in China. To aid in this TFHM began stockpiling more funds and weapons.
Buy out farms: 51 + 5 (FMC) = 56
They also began buying out farms which Chinese workers labor on. Unlike their African American comrades over in the east, they did not break up the farm but rather ran it industrially with workplace democracy, integrated into the Factory Management Council. This gave the profits to the Friends and improved both the work conditions and pay of the workers there, who were glad of the change.
Importantly, it gave the council experience in managing a farm on a small scale, something that would be important if they ever were to take over all the farms.
California Eminent Domain: 53 + 3 (funds) = 56
In California, the SLP drafted a bill with the help of the Friends which would require the state government to continuously use eminent domain to buy up probate land used for public transport and communication such as railroads and the telegraph industry. Meanwhile the municipalities began drafting a bill to own public utilities, something that passed easily enough in SLP controlled cities.
For the state bill, it was enough to get many of the Democratic-Populist coalition representatives to vote for the bill. While it wasn't full nationalization of the railroads as the Populists preferred in their platform, it was the closest thing to a step towards that which they could take. Just as importantly, it would help their goal of being able to sabotage the railroads in a time of need.
The courts would challenge the law, but ultimately decided that eminent domain was well established as legal across the country, and thus failed to destroy the bill.
It would also involve fully imbursing the owners of said transport and communication infrastructure, in many cases more than it was actually worth, meaning that until the state could bring in more taxes it would be slow process. Additionally, only intrastate railroads could be nationalized in this way, with interstate railroads falling under federal authority.
The Orange Disciples:
This year the Orange Disciples stayed the course, continuing their progressive message.
Anti-Root Amendment: 56
(Main section in LLRP)
The Orange Disciples pressured their previously supported representatives to vote against the Root Amendment. Having run on pacifist platforms they were eager to do so, becoming some of the greatest advocates against the bill alongside the LLRP and SLP. Still, it wasn't enough, with most Republicans alongside many Democrats teaming up in favor if it, and McKinley signed the bill.
Connect with the Rich: 140d20 = 1456
(+43.7 funds per turn)
This year Orange Disciples came to the parties of the rich, mingling with both new industrialists and the old rich of the north. Southern aristocracy wouldn't even entertain them, doubtlessly funding the WUA on their own.
With the vast amount of funds they dedicated to this, their representatives could dress and dine with the best of them, truly showing that the disciple were one of them. They tried to push the message that racism and the violence it breeds was bad for business. They also brought up the recently revealed fact that the White Union Army was getting armaments stolen from the army, something that should make any patriotic American furious.
Captains of Industry such as Rockefeller and Carnegie had a long history of donating to progressive causes, and many new ones did as well, joining or simply becoming a donor for the Orange Disciples.
They also managed to get the support to pressure the Republican Party to allow Teddy Roosevelt (
who recently got a personal grudge) to lead an initiative to see if they could crack down on the WUA in some way. While it would be some time before this came to fruition, it was a start.
Rural Ohio: 46
They also continued their adult-literacy program in rural churches, now spreading it to Ohio. This would help the poor be better connected to the world outside their little villages through books and news.
Connect with south: 67 + 5 (The Orange Post) = 72
With TOD being now the premier successor to the abolitionist legacy of their forefathers, it was time to take that to the south. Through letters and personal meetings they met with southern black and anti-racist white intellectuals, hoping to be able to use their funds to support them.
Now, while they wouldn't have any concentrated mass base, they would have the connections to act to help the impoverished black population.
Christian Socialists of America: 70
They also accepted affiliation by the Christian Socialists of America. With over 10,000 card carrying members and leftist politics on the rise, they hoped to become a rising movement in Ohio. While they were largely concentrated in Cleveland for now, they hoped that with TOD's aid they would be able to expand their base.
They would maintain their own funds and actions, but with this their leadership would work closely with the Disciples, ensuring they would never work at cross purposes.
The New American Patriots:
This year, the NAP focused on expanding their reach and forming a private security company.
Expanding: 52
NAP tried to open up new branches in North Dakota, South Dakota, and Michigan, relying on their new connections with the LLRP. But with the disastrous results in trying to form the American Reform Movement, portions of the LLRP became actively hostile to them.
Pivoting away from that for this year, instead they focused on sending money to the small New York branch to reactivate it. Sending messages along with a few people, they met up through the use of secret hand gestures and code phrases to recognize each other. This went well enough, with several dozen more people joining that branch, just enough to do stuff assuming it still gets funding from the western branches.
Militia: 56 + 5 (self defense trained members) = 61 * 7 (funds) = 427
Form Winter Security Group: 45
Next, they formed the Winter Security Group, starting with over 400 armed guards. They established it with specific rules and regulations, though they wouldn't start hiring them out until next year.
Lower officers such as corporals and sergeants were elected from among the squad and platoon while higher ranks were appointed from among their peers by the Offices of Membership Representative and Director, and then confirmed by majority vote of all members of the command they expect to lead. Officers could be removed from command by a majority vote of their command at any time for any reason except during battle (battle is no time for democracy). Corporate earnings after upkeep, procurement, maintenance, taxes, etc were to be split evenly into shares. Each soldier gets 1 share. Each sergeant and specialist gets 1.5 shares. Each appointed officer gets 2 shares.
Beyond corporate earnings, all employees were to be paid a living wage, an accumulated retirement fund on top of their normal wage, and 8 hour work shifts per day except during combat. Combat is no time to punch clocks. 14 days paid leave per year with two weeks advance notice on top of normal paid holidays. Also 7 days of authorized unpaid awol per year before disciplinary action because life happens and it's only fair to account for that. Work on holidays was voluntary and paid double. Also all unused paid leave rolls over.
Paid Maternity and Paternity Leave was 6 months, at the end of which the recipient can after a quick refresher course, return to their unit at their previous rank assuming confirmation.
There should be a standard contract stipulating restrictions on what the company will do. The NAP San Francisco office got an auditing committee which will go over any custom contracts or additions to the standard contract.
Maimed employees may receive one year advanced pay and their retirement fund, or elect to remain employed in logistical or administrative line duties. Bereavement benefits for those killed was one year advanced pay on top of the forwarded retirement fund and a one time cash payout. Additionally, children of the surviving family gained endorsement to attend any college where the NAP has a chapter.
The Society for Universal Suffrage:
This year SUS continued on, battered from their involvement in the repression last year but continuing forward nonetheless. They would also send huge amounts of funds to both TFAM the ACUA, seeing the success of their southern comrades and the industrial union as both paramount to the socialist movement.
Protests: 26 + 7 (The Valkyrie) = 33
SUS spent the money to send protesters to Washington DC, thousands of people filling the streets. They were joined by few locals, with the city not very large at this time anyway. They protested American imperialism, both at home and abroad, with its ongoing and new subjugation and extermination of entire peoples, its turning of American soldiers against their fellows in an effort to force them to labor in service of Empire, all to the benefit of a handful of of American-style aristocrats who buy and sell legislation and elections to keep their grip on power.
Mostly women, they stood outside the doors of Washington, brandishing signs and openly carrying guns. The police stood opposite of them, resolutely containing the protest and guarding Congress while they discussed the Treaty of Paris. Showing up everyday for a week eventually the protest fizzled out as they had to return to their homes in the Midwest and seemingly nothing was happening in the capital itself.
Inside Congress, the SLP Senators saw the true effects. Republicans and Democrats were talking to each other more, clearly scared of the protesters outside. With the LLRP, Populists, and SLP all representing the new radical left fringe of politics and all against the annexations, the moderate parties sought to work together to contain them. With the protesters gone they worked together on making an amendment to the treaty, allowing for the annexed territories to make referendums for independence in two years. This was the farthest they would go to sate the left.
Public Campaign: 20d20 = 182 + 20 = 202
They also made a public campaign defaming the American Aristocracy and their errand boys in the Republican and Democratic parties. They focused on the war being at the expense of the American people and for the benefit of said aristocracy, heralding imagery back to the era of cruel kings.
They did manage to make a sizable dent in public opinion, which had already begun turning away from the war. The public pressured their representatives to end it with independence for Spain's colonies, and looking forward to the election next year made many support the proposal for a referendum in two years, safely afterwards. It also helped radicalize the general population particularly against the Republicans as they demanded focus on domestic reform rather than the conquest of foreign land. This would have significant effect on McKinley's prospects next year for his hoped reelection.
Define ideology: 37 + 7 (The Valkyrie) + 5 (omake) = 49
Much of the upper ranks of SUS had been clamoring for an official ideology for SUS for some time now, and finally they had it. Primarily developed by Walpurga Voight but reviewed by dozens of people within SUS and presented to the organization as a whole before adoption, Marxism-Voightism (sometimes just called Voightism) would serve as that guiding ideology. It used dialectical materialism as described by Marx focused on the intersection of womens', minorities', and the proletariat's intersecting issues, how these divisions were used by those in power to set those with less power against each other, and that the socialist should use a mix of direct action and electoral cover to achieve a socialist revolution.
By setting up this ideology as the explicit guide of SUS, they would avoid another Christian Socialist type debacle as everyone who joined would have to be dedicated to the cause. It would also help in unity of action, providing a clear goal for the organization.
Chicago Military Training Facility: 35 + 3 (ethnic clubs) + 5 (mutual aid) = 43
Trains 40 + 5 (self defense program) + 8 (FAM trainers) = 53 * 20 (funds per turn) = 1060 regular militia per turn
As part of preparing for revolution, SUS needed a more elite army than militia. They set up a military training facility, just outside of Chicago, the obvious place given their popularity there. Classrooms, an armory, PT field, wax bullets, and protective gear for force and force training with both military theory professors and practical professors. They would recruit from sympathetic veterans, politically reliable Illinois militia, TFAM trainers (especially those who were injured in battle and no longer able to fight but were able to teach), and their own self defense program. Over the course of the year they would have hundreds of students graduate, establishing a base which they could form a professional army out of.
Militia security: 73
For now, the current batch of militia would go towards providing security for at-risk groups. In particular, they served as armed guards outside of gay bars which had been increasingly targets of attack by reactionaries. Simply standing while armed served to intimidate those people, keeping themselves safe.
Construction Company: 42
With their increasing focus on SUS owned industry, they decided to found a construction company. Universal Development, technically a private company owned by Voight, would employ over a thousand people. Its first construction project was finishing building the military training facility, additionally allowing for more discretion in that case.
Tools for Farmers: 45
While SUS did have a small rural base among farmworkers and farmwives, it was only a fraction of their base. One reason was that the Great Lakes region was mostly small farmers who owned their own land and tools, as opposed to large farms with farmworkers or peasants. As such, the basic tenants of collective workplaces had little appeal to them. But as both the primary area of SUS supporters and as the supplier of most of America's food, they felt it was imperative to get them on side.
So, they reached out to farm workers, starting in Illinois, offering cheap farm tools to any SUS member. They would also propagandize SUS' own ideology, focusing on women's rights and their commonality with the Populist program, to make clear it wasn't just a bribe but a measure of solidarity with their rural comrades.
It would come to a slow start, but more farmers joined SUS and started rural branches of the organization, they would be the primary points of contact with new farmers, helping expand more.
Illinois Equal Rights: 76
With their continuous wins the previous year, the SLP would ensure to consolidate those gains by passing an equal rights amendment. It would guarantee public accommodation, non-legal disability, wage, employment, right to serve on a jury, and suffrage rights for adults 21 years or more regardless of race, color, sex, or creed, as well as designating election day as a state holiday. Universal suffrage was finally achieved in the birthplace of their movement, and it was a day for celebration.
With this and the labor bill, the primary goals of their voters had been achieved in Illinois. But SUS made sure to emphasize that their work was not yet done, that they needed to continue their momentum to stop their work from being undone while working towards the national level. And of course, that was only electorally–their movement was not finished until they could abolish capitalism. Anything before that was a mere step on that path.
Uranus Gathering for People of Queer Orientation and Allies:
The UGPQOA continued trying to spread the word of their group and of queer people. But increasing amounts of them were dismayed at the violence towards them, and the ignorance of all other major groups in America–except for the Society for Universal Suffrage.
Within the organization, many supporters found it was easier to find relationships with the vast support network of primarily other queer people. Many who had initially joined the group as allies came out as queer themselves, and considered themselves much happier that way.
Find new and old gay bars: 33
They attempted to find gay bars in other cities to associate with them, but found themselves rebuffed more than not. The smaller bars feared the attention it would bring as Uranus' bars were getting targeted.
Informational Packets: 17d20 = 167
(16.7% increase in recruitment for next turn)
In the cultural battle, they continued making informational packets to spread around to people to inform them about queer people. Most people were too unaware about them to have one opinion or another, and even those who did hate them didn't understand them. By spreading information they could get to people first, help them understand that they weren't dangerous or satanic but just people like them.
Committee: 77
To aid in this going into the future, they established a committee for designing and spreading these informational packets.
Join SUS: 69
Finally, with the increasing violence and only one major group actively wanting to help them, they formally joined the Society for Universal Suffrage. The group already contained the Salon der Geschlechter, another queer rights group, and by gaining the resources of the much larger and more established organization they would be able to do much more. The doctors they had contacted would profess their willingness to work at SUS' proposed Institute for Sexual Research, something Uranus wouldn't have the funds to do on their own.
With their joining, SUS militia would come out to protect their bars, intimidating those who would do violence away.
The Minutemen:
This year the Minutemen focused on building up connections with others. With their relatively smaller membership and funds (the latter due to running on donations), helping other groups was an efficient use of their time.
Connections with the army: 38
The Minutemen sent men to the army, trying to make connections there. They emphasized the philosophy of the Declaration of Independence, the guiding ideal of the nation. That the constitution was a document made of desperation and compromise, but it worked. And that they all knew of the great war which divided the nation in two, the previous compromises threatening to ruin the nation. Now the ideal was under threat, with violence across the nation and those confederate elements which threatened to destroy the dream were gathering. That the monopolies were running campaigns to fight the workers who just sought rights for their allies. So they needed to stand together against that darkness to preserve the dream.
Despite the impassioned message, they only reached portions of the army. Still, with the combined effort of other organizations who were against the government putting down the strike they managed to get the soldiers to refuse to continue, not quite a full mutiny but enough that the strike began again.
When the soldiers demobilized, many joined the Minutemen as experienced soldiers, albeit ones that never entered real combat. They entered the militia, quadrupling it to 400 men, more than before they went south to fight the Red Shirts.
TFAM and SPA Trainers: 54
With their experience in more scientific and established methods of training, the Minutemen decided to send trainers to TFAM and SPA. They would work together, now and continuing into the future, allowing those larger groups take advantage of their expertise. Coming back, any trainers they sent in turn got a taste of the southern organizer's experiences, helping the Minutemen in the future.
LA Connections: 59
They also sent people over to the newly independent Cuba. With their few volunteers last year they were friendly with the Cuban Liberation Army, which although some went home was still going on as the army of the Cuban republic. The Minutemen helped train and teach their men, in turn learning from their practical experiences in guerrilla warfare.
Southern People's Alliance:
This was the last year the SPA would benefit from the Farmer's Alliance Contact Committee. Even as the SPA began setting up chapters from across the south, the Populists lost members in droves, retreating to their Great Plains strongholds. Benjamin Tillman, a Democratic senator from South Carolina, had been going on tours across the countryside advocating for populist measures even as he spouted racist rhetoric. He bragged of his victory in the Battle of Wilmington and demanded measures to help farmers, both small farmers and the aristocratic "farmers", equating them as the same.
They also saw North Carolina adopt a new constitution heavily disenfranchising African Americans, with poll taxes, literacy tests, and grandfather clauses abound. With that, it became heavily unlikely the SLP would ever win the state so long as the laws remained.
Mills and Shops fund: 70
With coop mills and shops for members helping to reduce costs, the SPA decided on creating a fund for establishing more of them. This fund saw a great amount of use to the point where they had to increase it, with thousands of farmers wanting to participate. Still, even with the increased cost of establishing more of them, in turn the reduced costs allowed for their members to have a much greater income. Many began suggesting to start instituting dues, as the organization was handling enough tasks to make it more necessary and the participating members were getting less poor.
Tactics training: 51
Strategy committee: 79
Working with TFAM, the SPA was able to establish tactics training and a strategy committee, similar to what they already had. These would allow for greater training for part time militia as well as betting planning.
Train militia: 37 + 8 (TFAM trainers) + 5 (Minutemen trainers) = 50 * 5 (funds) = 250
They also trained 5 more cadres of militia, replenishing their strength after that mess of a last year. They were helped in this by some Minutemen who came down to teach their scientific methods the army uses, something the poor farmers of the SPA were not well acquainted with.
Connect in Wilmington: 54 + 5 (funds) + 7 (newspaper) + 3 (The Valkyrie) = 69
Last year, the White Laborer's Union was instrumental as support for the Red Shirts and for the coup. After it disbanded, the workers found that their lives weren't any better than before, with the new jobs opening up being non-respectable, bad conditions, and low pay.
The SPA tried to connect with them, emphasizing how business leaders mislead them and that their lives weren't any better than before, so black people were never the problem, but rather it was those who would employee them with low pay.
This came to moderate success, with many of the townspeople wishing for black people to come back, but primarily so they don't have to do those jobs. They agitated for the city to allow black people back in, but the Democrats had a strong hold and refused to change.
And that was when the WUA realized the influence of the SPA. They began sending people over to Wilmington, armed and ready to fight any of the SPA. The Southern People's Alliance responded by sending in their own militia to guard themselves and their speakers, and before long there were full armed confrontations. The SPA got backup from the northern anarchists who sent 1600 militia in anticipation of a battle, more than doubling their forces there and dwarfing the city itself. Once more Wilmington was the site of armies greater than itself facing down.
Force WUA to back down: 64 + 5 (outnumber them) = 69
Faced with a force bigger than themselves the White Union Army fled, instead focusing on a propaganda campaign against lawless anarchist foreigners coming down to steal their democracy away. The confrontation at Wilmington would be a national spectacle, but ultimately come to nothing, with no fighting actually happening and no political changes made. The people of Wilmington would begin to resent their place in battles between armies that came from across the country as the once prosperous city continued to be devastated.
Instead numerous low level fights would break out across the state as battle lines were drawn and people chose their side.
Farmworker agitators: 10d10 = 141 + 10 (journalism) = 151
Streets agitators: 6d20 = 77 + 6 (journalism) = 83
(23.4% increase in recruitment for next turn)
The city of Wilmington itself would generally land in the side of the SPA, albeit less progressive than most of their members. It would remain politically controlled by the Democrats, but a great deal of the people would align with the socialists against the false promises of the bosses.
Meanwhile the countryside was increasingly red. Tens of thousands more farmers would join the SPA, both in North Carolina and across the South. They began being known as rednecks due to the sun burn of the long hours working in the field, and they took it as a matter of pride. Their railroad and city members began taking to wearing red scarves as a symbol of solidarity, being red in the ideological sense if not the farmer sense.
Appalachian Brotherhood:
The AB continued full forward with their goal of Appalachian independence and cultural resurgence, however they may do so.
Power to the Councils: 30
With more and more people wanting to be directly involved and as the AB has grown closer to the RFAA, they decided to put full control of the project to the councils. This would formally merge them with the RFAA, rendering them subject to the overall organizational rules but with autonomy due to the nature of anarchism. This would include rules like dues and membership in the RFAA, but also the benefits of their mutual aid efforts.
But with the addition of mandatory dues as well as the entrance into a purely anarchist organization, many of the brotherhood's more liberal members left. They would refuse to join the councils or advocate for the chance of armed revolution.
While there would still be RFAA councils in Appalachia which did not join the Appalachian Brotherhood interest group due to not caring about Appalachian freedom so much as anarchism in general, the AB would have a dominating influence there.
Farmworkers Agitators: 11d20 = 105 + 11 (school of journalism) = 116
(11.6% increase in recruitment for next turn)
This year they focused their recruitment campaign south, specifically the farmers of middle Appalachia. Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, all began forming rural councils for the purpose of an independent Appalachia no longer bound to the rules of distant city folk on the coasts or elsewhere. For now their presence in those parts would remain extremely sparse, but existent.
Pittsburgh local government contacts: 55 + 7 (Yinz Voice) + 3 (The Valkyrie) + 5 (cultural committee) + 5 (mutual aid networks) = 75
They also tried forming contacts in local government for both Pittsburgh and the surrounding countryside. For the city itself, they found it dominated by the Republican Party and the mayor himself corrupt. While they found some contacts in government employees who were sympathetic to their cause, the elected representatives were pro-business, and that meant pro-America, not Appalachia.
The surroundings were residential communities, mill towns, satellite cities, and hundreds of mining towns. Each had their own municipal government to contact, and it went similar to Pittsburgh, with the occasional better success of a small town mayor being in favor and the residential communities being strongly against it with their more middle class character.
The one exception was the town Vandergrift built with the principle of welfare capitalism and private homeownership. It was extremely loyal to capitalist George McMurtry, and their residents have rebuffed all attempts at contact.
Mountain Bases: 57 + 5 (omake) = 62
With open warfare across the south, the brotherhood began preparing for when they would be targeted for their aims of a free Appalachia. They began building up bases and supply caches in the mountains of Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Ohio, each only accessible with a local guide navigating. These would serve as safe places for any army or refugee.
Amigos del Pueblo (Friends of the People):
The AdP began fully complying with the RFAA's rules this year, having a long time to integrate due to distance, and but have finally instituted mandatory dues by income.
Merge with PR: 42 + 3 (The Valkyrie) = 45
They reached out to the Puerto Rican anarchist organization Federación Regional de Travajadores, the largest leftist group on the island. They have had a strong pro-American stance, seeing connections with American leftist groups as advantageous to the movement. When discussing the idea of a merger they were immediately in favor, eager for access to resources the pan-American organization had.
This year would also see Santiago Iglesias form the Socialist Labor Party of Puerto Rico, inspired by the SLP in America, while the nascent Free Federation of Workers would apply to join the All-Continental Union Association.
Puerto Rico Mutual Aid: 54
With resources from the mainland, they would establish mutual aid networks and soup kitchens in Puerto Rico. This would be especially important this year with two hurricanes hitting Puerto Rico, leaving thousands dead and tens of thousands without food, shelter, or work. Most sugar and coffee plantations were destroyed, and they knew it would be the work of years to rebuild them.
In the absence of welfare, the Revolutionary Federation of American Anarchists came in. Mostly hailing from the southwest, they set up soup kitchens for the many poor and helped them help each other through networking.
(+10% recruitment for next turn, slightly reduced income)
Immigrant aid committee: 52
But they didn't just focus on the Caribbean. They established an Immigrant Aid Committee, which would help Mexicans who wished to move to the United States, whether they be refugees or just wanting a job.
With expanding industry and lots of farmland in the Southwest there were plenty of jobs, especially for immigrants who were willing to work for less. By helping them establish themselves here, many more would be able to safely come, and in turn view the AdP positively.
Anarchist Aid: 42
Finally, they set up a supply line to the Cuban anarchists. This would help them buy American supplies and arouse less suspicion, for whatever they needed.
The current anarchist movement was scattered, with a strong collectivist presence, a smaller anarchist communist movement, and anarchist-feminists, the main feminist group on the island. With encouragement and help from the AdP they would form a Cuban region of the RFAA, mostly autonomous aside from the name and occasionally sending delegates to national RFAA meetings. It would be an alliance of their various anarchist groups and part of the Cuban United Front, albeit still refusing to actively participate in their election this year.
Committee For Indigenous Advocacy:
A new explosive movement emerged this year. With the killings of the Indian Pillagers in Minnesota; the Curtis Act soon dissolving the Five Tribes, taking their land, and establishing residential schools; the Newlands Resolution taking away the independence of Hawaii; and the countless other crimes against indigenous peoples everywhere that the US had committed.
It would begin in Hawaii, as a group of Hawaiians decided to reach out to the American Indians, seeking solidarity in their shared experiences. Soon the movement spread across Minnesota, South Dakota, and the Indian Territory as indigenous peoples across the country wanted to reassert their sovereignty. Many socialists and radical progressives across the country joined the movement, having sympathy for their plight. They would headquarter the national organization in Washington D.C., the heart of their oppressors, and ironically another place under rule by the federal government with no local representation. Still, by nature it would be a fairly federally structured organization with each branch having a wide degree of latitude but sharing resources.
United Front:
This year started out controversial, as Daniel De Leon stepped into the rented out Los Angeles meeting hall.
He suggested that now was the time to centralize the United Front under the Socialist Labor Party and his theories of Marxism. The ACUA would remain as the associated labor union, focusing on labor matters while the SLP put their full effort into winning the 1900 election. After winning they would transfer full political and economic control to the ACUA. While not a popular proposal, his unique status and incessant demanding forced the delegates to hear him out.
Few wanted to dissolve their organizations, and most doubted their ability to win the next election, and so they resoundingly defeated the proposal. The only exception were the ACUA delegates, who stood to gain a great deal from it were it to pass, but ultimately made little fuss.
As a counter proposal, there has also been a push (supported by De Leon now that his other idea did not pass) to create a formal Executive Committee of the United Front. They would be a smaller body selected by the UF delegates. This would be another step in centralizing the UF and would be in charge of running the various active parts of the United Front that aren't tied so specifically to one organization.
With the exception of all but two RFAA delegates (the Mexican ones) they voted to implement the Executive Committee.
Vote against the Treaty of Paris: 52 - 23 (low funds) = 29
Before the new Congress was inaugurated, the old Senate would vote on the Treaty of Paris. The SLP senators would stand in Congress against the bill, their allies of convenience being the anti-imperialist Democrats. They pointed out the massive strike, the mutinous soldiers, and the massive protests from all segments of society, including those just outside Congress. They also lobbied the Democrats with the money they had, though with their competition being the vast moneyed interests who wanted to invest in the new lands it was not enough.
They did manage to secure an amendment that would have the new lands vote on a referendum in two years time in regards to independence, allowing the treaty to go through but keep the potential of independence for America's new acquisitions, an important victory.
Anti-Root: 48 - 50 (no funds) = -2
After they passed the Treaty of Paris, the last session of the 55th Congress finished. The 56th Congress would pick up where they left off and look at the Root Amendment.
With lobbying funds exhausted, the SLP representatives had much less influence on this bill, and despite their loud protests it passed.
Socialist Party of Cuba: 61 + 2 (UF funds, Union campaigning, SPC campaigning) = 63
In Cuba, the Revolutionary Assembly was dissolving to hold elections across all of Cuba for the first time. As these representatives would create Cuba's constitution and either accept or reject America's Hanna Amendment, it was an important one. All adult Cuban males would be allowed to vote, notably not denying the more radical illiterate and poor.
Four parties formed to contest it. The Republican Party lead by Tomas Estrada Palma had the most funds, with their presidential candidate staying in America during the campaign and getting donations. The Democratic Union Party was the major opposition and the most conservative party. Both supported close ties and possible annexation with the US.
The National Party was initially the only independent party, but following a short spat near when it formed the leftists and their community council based organizing left to form the Socialist Party of Cuba. With former anarchist Enrique Messonier as their candidate they went the furthest of all parties and denounced the Hanna Amendment as full imperialism, and that the revolution was not yet done.
With that, Martin Veloz began a Cuban United Front of anarchists and Marxists. It would united the SP, the ascendant anarcho-syndicalist Cuban Workers' Federation, and the Cuban Region of the RFAA, all with their revolutionary goal. They condemned Cuban railroads, cigarette factories, mining, and land all under immediate investment (and therefore ownership) by American businessmen. Additionally with the enforced free trade, Cuba lost important tariff income and the ability to develop their own industries with it being cheaper to buy from America anyway. Not to mention that Cuba was given the colonial government's debt, something they had no ability to pay.
The Socialist Party of Cuba proposed to deny the Hanna Amendment, enact protectionist tariffs and an income tax, and full nationalization of industries. Only with these policies could they truly chart an independent path.
With this they were helped by America's United Front, who donated funds to help them campaign. Additionally the massive protests in America regarding the resulting state of Cuba and its imperialism spoke for themselves that America did consider Cuba their colony, a fact the socialists repeatedly pointed out in debates.
The Socialist Party ran a massive campaign, mobilizing and encouraging workers councils in cities and farms across the nation even as the union directed their people to vote and have their friends do too. They and the Republican Party traded barbs about the other being American stooges, both receiving American funding, and the latter's candidate wasn't even in Cuba.
With election day over, the Socialist Party managed to achieve a plurality of the Cuban Constituent Assembly, with the Republican Party second. Combined with the National Party they voted against accepting the Treaty of Perpetual Friendship and Amity. They ensured the constitution included universal male suffrage and the continuation of a single General Assembly rather than adopting America's bicameral system.
President Messonier wasn't able to get most of his plans done this year, with most of the assembly against him and American ambassadors meeting with him in private. Still, with no new invasion of Cuba was forthcoming and they were now politically independent (if not economically with most of their economy owned by Americans), so he hoped to achieve more on his agenda by the next general election in 1903.