- Location
- United States
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
Excellent omake, canon and bonus accepted.
The American Experiment (Riot Quest)
- Thread starter Physici
- Start date
- Alt. History
A Revolution Half-Complete?
nachtingale
20. On that "honk, mimimi" type beat everyday.
- Location
- Malaysia
- Pronouns
- He/They
A Revolution Half-Complete?
September 11th, 1903.Erick Honstehnfall, Writer for the New-Yorker Zeitung.
As of late, some of our comrades question the need for a structure of governance so radically different from the one which represented the Second Republic. They say to us that the Republic was but a flawed democracy upon a flawed constitution, that perhaps changes would be needed, but certainly not the radical change which the Northern Revolutionary Front now encompasses. They say to us that it would be too dangerous to do it now, that the situation must stabilize before we should attempt such a venture.
To them, I shall simply defer them to the traitor in the French government.
The revolutionary struggle is a road that many before us have traveled, and it is likely that many more will travel it after us, when our bones turn to ash and soot six feet under. Such is the arduous task of the revolution, that when the pivotal moment comes, we may hesitate, fearful of that great void of reaction which beckons us forth from the depths, like a bold artisan in the bedding arts, promising a lifetime of peace and prosperity should we merely give it but one small chance.
This is but the tactics of the reactionary, promising us of a past of peace and stability where there was none, where even speaking out against the cruelties suffered by our comrades in the struggle for our rights would be met with the violence of the state. The prosperity of old which they so wistfully beckon us towards is nothing but a bourgeois lie, for has any one of us not seen the hunger and starvation of the common worker which drives them mad? Turns them into alcoholics? Thieves? Killers? Those who would say otherwise are the boldest of liars, a worse scum than those who would wish to see us all dead before the break of dawn, for at least they have the courtesy to be truthful of their lies.
Let us not mince words, comrades, for when we say the Revolution is everything, we mean everything. It is not merely the comrades who bleed and die for the peace of future generations, but our cultures, our ways of life, the oppression of the bourgeois state. The revolution consumes the very essence of our current lives, so tainted with the rot of bourgeois influence that it has ceased to become something foreign to us, a parasite from birth which has so ingratiated itself upon us that we do not even see it as a threat anymore, but a part of the identity which we hold so dearly to be those traits which define the personality of the individual. To suggest change? Pah, it is rejected as but the musings of a mad man, for these traits are surely wholly of our own! After all, we created them, did we not?
Those of a more theoretical brain than mine shall doubtlessly go into a tirade against the ways in which bourgeois capitalism seeps it's way into our cultural mindsets, and so I shall leave that work to those comrades. No, instead, we must accept that the revolution cannot remain as it is, it must always be the vanguard for change, for the future. To allow these archaic institutions to bind ourselves to their antiquated thinking is but pure madness, as if we would spurn the rifle for the longbow instead.
The councils are but the first step towards this change. It must be absolute. It must be total. There is no wall which we will not smash, if it dares stand in our way.
No Gods, No Masters. Tradition Shall Not Bind Us.
Long Live the Revolution! Long Live the People!
To them, I shall simply defer them to the traitor in the French government.
The revolutionary struggle is a road that many before us have traveled, and it is likely that many more will travel it after us, when our bones turn to ash and soot six feet under. Such is the arduous task of the revolution, that when the pivotal moment comes, we may hesitate, fearful of that great void of reaction which beckons us forth from the depths, like a bold artisan in the bedding arts, promising a lifetime of peace and prosperity should we merely give it but one small chance.
This is but the tactics of the reactionary, promising us of a past of peace and stability where there was none, where even speaking out against the cruelties suffered by our comrades in the struggle for our rights would be met with the violence of the state. The prosperity of old which they so wistfully beckon us towards is nothing but a bourgeois lie, for has any one of us not seen the hunger and starvation of the common worker which drives them mad? Turns them into alcoholics? Thieves? Killers? Those who would say otherwise are the boldest of liars, a worse scum than those who would wish to see us all dead before the break of dawn, for at least they have the courtesy to be truthful of their lies.
Let us not mince words, comrades, for when we say the Revolution is everything, we mean everything. It is not merely the comrades who bleed and die for the peace of future generations, but our cultures, our ways of life, the oppression of the bourgeois state. The revolution consumes the very essence of our current lives, so tainted with the rot of bourgeois influence that it has ceased to become something foreign to us, a parasite from birth which has so ingratiated itself upon us that we do not even see it as a threat anymore, but a part of the identity which we hold so dearly to be those traits which define the personality of the individual. To suggest change? Pah, it is rejected as but the musings of a mad man, for these traits are surely wholly of our own! After all, we created them, did we not?
Those of a more theoretical brain than mine shall doubtlessly go into a tirade against the ways in which bourgeois capitalism seeps it's way into our cultural mindsets, and so I shall leave that work to those comrades. No, instead, we must accept that the revolution cannot remain as it is, it must always be the vanguard for change, for the future. To allow these archaic institutions to bind ourselves to their antiquated thinking is but pure madness, as if we would spurn the rifle for the longbow instead.
The councils are but the first step towards this change. It must be absolute. It must be total. There is no wall which we will not smash, if it dares stand in our way.
No Gods, No Masters. Tradition Shall Not Bind Us.
Long Live the Revolution! Long Live the People!
A/N: An omake for @Chimeraguard, I leave the bonus for their own use.
- Location
- United States
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
Canon, excellent writing as always.
Chimeraguard
We do deserve to exist.
I would like the bonus to be used on this action:
One Full Revolution
- Location
- Lake Wobegon
- Pronouns
- He/Him/His
One Full Revolution
September 13th, 1903, New York Community PressRachel Schneiderman
In the course of the present revolution, it must be beyond a peradventure to suggest that the working class may shrink at the prospect of seizing political power. In every corner of the country, under the most diverse and trying circumstances, the question of the seizure of power is posed sharply and concretely, and the workers have risen to answer those circumstances. I welcome Comrade Honstehnfall's call for a comradely and scientific debate as to what to make of the workers' actions, and what they mean for the construction of the red republic and industrial democracy. Unfortunately, the comrade has chosen to open that debate by placing his interlocutors in the false position of defending reversion to the existing institutions of the bourgeois state. A scientific appraisal of the situation reveals that nothing could be further from the truth.
From the military defeat of the Confederacy the toiling masses had won for themselves equal citizenship and universal manhood suffrage throughout the country and in each state, but beginning immediately and continuing for forty years, the allied forces of bourgeois-planterdom had set about undermining both. The best defense of both gains, as of wages and legal limitations on the working day, was fraternity as between all sectors of the working class. In order to undermine this fraternity, bourgeois-planterdom throughout the country set up Black and white workers, and native and immigrant workers, and male and female workers, as competitors in the labor market. This was accomplished most egregiously where the "party of order" was able to terroristically seize control of the state, round up Black workers, and lease their convict labor for cut-rate prices. But bourgeois-planterdom would stick at no method, anywhere in the country.
The great battles of labor and capital—in the mines, on the railroads, at sea and in port, over the Spanish war, and over the eight-hour day—everywhere determined the degree of success bourgeois-planterdom was able to achieve in its campaign to undermine equal citizenship and universal manhood suffrage. Not to diminish the heroism of any part of the working class or any organization which give it voice, history worked out in such a way that, broadly speaking, the course of the struggle had led to three prevailing circumstances. In the first circumstance, the workers had managed to defend equal citizenship and universal manhood suffrage, and were strong enough to gain predominance in the representative institutions of the bourgeois state. In the second circumstance, they had managed the defense, but not yet the offense. In the third circumstance, they had managed neither, and inequality of citizenship and the denial of suffrage had removed bourgeois representative institutions as a meaningful terrain of struggle.
It is no coincidence, then, that the seizure of power in the South and Northeast has been attempted and in places achieved by means of the so-called communal and workplace councils. The proletarian state demands the most autonomous and democratic local government characterized by the principles of the Commune: home rule; universal, equal, and direct suffrage; and recallable delegates bound by imperative mandates. Everywhere in America, local government is not autonomous, but the creature of State and territorial governments which determine local governments' existence, jurisdictions, and budgets. It is for this reason that communities organized in council even before the general attempt at the seizure of power, in New York, Pittsburg, and Wheeling. And to be sure, even in states with friendly governments like Illinois, Louisiana, and California, nowhere was this fundamental constitutional defect overcome. But when the seizure of power was attempted, where workers could count on friendly local governments they by and large did not form councils, and where they could not, they did—in order to circumvent, supplant, and destroy unfriendly governments.
Comrade Honstehnfall is correct to call for the principles of the Commune to be implemented in local government in every part of the country. I echo that call in every respect. However, it is insufficient to the tasks of the hour. In every part of the country, bourgeois-planterdom has determined on civil war, and the workers have called upon their institutions to centralize and standardize their efforts to prosecute it. And I think Comrade Honstehnfall would agree with me that the principle of the Commune must characterize the national as was as local government. There are two ways to scale the principle of the Commune to national government: indirectly, through congresses of delegates elected from the local councils, or directly, by election to a national assembly on the same terms as to the councils.
Both theory and experience show that the direct method is by far the sounder. Indirect election on its face flies in the face of the principle of the Commune, and is justified only as a concession to circumstance (much as how the seizure of power by socialist governors or legislative majorities, or by communal or workers' councils, is dictated by circumstance). Socialist workers have since at least the 1880s in this country railed against indirect election as a means of bourgeois class rule, for instance of Senators by state legislators, or of the President by electors. Indirect election is the root of the most venal bribery and corruption, a terrain on which the bourgeoisie has every advantage. Only that government which is most directly answerable to the workers—one elected directly by universal and equal suffrage, and subject to recall directly by the workers rather than by the councils they represent—will be able to expropriate bourgeois property sufficient to render itself immune to this corruption.
What circumstances might justify indirect election anyway? One could imagine a large country unused to election campaigns, marked by poor literacy, poor communications infrastructure, or both, being unable to scale the principle of the Commune in any other way. But of these circumstances, only "large" describes the North American commonwealth. The country is a web of railroads and telegraph cables; where education is denied to the workers they have become autodidacts consuming and contributing to their own press; and where democracy is denied to the workers they have made their unions and self-defense groups schools in the art. But even that thought experiment is given the lie by the experience of other countries. The workers' material deprivation is infinitely deeper in Cuba (so recently a slave society from Havana to Santiago) and the Philippines than in any part of America, but in each country they directly elect their national assemblies and in Hawai'i they have determined to do the same. China is about as large as America and arranges direct elections as well.
The natural conclusion is that the workers ought to bring all their numerical force to bear in electing the proposed Constituent Assembly in Chicago, as well as in any special elections that may be organized to the Provisional Congress. Not because these are ancient and stable institutions (they are neither!), but in order to win the direct implementation of the principle of the Commune nationally. The Constituent Assembly is itself organized according to that principle, but it remains to ensure that its work product provides for the red republic to be so organized, so that through it, the working class may expropriate the expropriators and institute socialism. This victory is within our grasp, and we should settle for nothing less.
A/N: An omake applicable to the Midwestern Provisional Government's call for a Constituent Assembly.
The Great Challenge
The Great Challenge
While it is too early to say if this would be successful, we should still keep in mind the mistakes made by groups of the path. Most prominently and relevant being the fall of the Roman Senate, and the French Revolution. While the Roman senate by said point has greatly ossified and were a ruling class unto itself, it is telling that in spite of the cultural aversion to tyrants, and singular rulers, the era of the dictators still came. And the French Revolution, which while faced with threats on all sides, helped sow the seeds of their own downfall, with the effective leader of the republic falling to his own most used tool, the guillotine. And yet, here we are today, much like those whom sought to fight the indominable redcoat army, and the Frenchmen inspired to throw off the chains of the monarchy by the colonies, we stand here today in uncertain times, with the remnants of the southern Slave hierarchy taking up arms against the alliance for equal rights to protect the caste like system put in place to separate the blacks from the whites, and in the north, the corporate barons and many mainstream politicians had turned to violence to protect the interests of the rich. Meanwhile, the Elite overseas much like the French Revolution, look on with worry as no-one, even ourselves are certain what peace might bring.
The Fall of the Roman senate is relevant, because of one fundamental fact, which if we screw up badly enough and the violence further expands, things could slide back even farther than where things started, with the elite capitalizing on people's exhaustion and desire for stability to push things that wouldn't have been acceptable before. Part of why the Roman Senate fell, was ironically because after slaying Caesar, they didn't really have the sway to end the threat of a new dictator rising as those whom were allies of Caesar entered into what was effectively a cold war with the Senate. With neither side feeling comfortable enough to try and take out the other, until Caesar's successor cemented the new way, a finality in breaking the traditions built to try and maintain the system and leaving power in a position where many would scheme, kill, and bribe for.
The French Revolution is much more relevant, and it's fate is in a way, a warning for groups like ourselves. After freeing themselves from the monarchy, they were surrounded by enemies, even within the nation itself. And yet, perhaps the greatest threat was ironically the efforts to root out traitors from within their midst, as it primed the situation for army officer Napoleon to seize power, after Robbiesphere, the effective leader of said republic was executed by his own allies as preemptive defense against being executed themselves. Robbiesphere was simultaneously the champion of the revolution and, alongside the peers he found himself with, the monarchies' greatest ally. For he had developed an under siege mindset, to protect the revolution and his ideals.
"the Government has to defend itself" [against conspirators] and "to the enemies of the people it owes only death" -Robbiesphere
A saying reflected by the pushing of laws that among other things, effectively outlawed criticizing of the government. Under pressure from within and without, the hopeful revolution was in effect turned into a committee of tyranny, with Robespierre as the most prominent member and leader. While he had championed the end of slavery in france, he had built something that couldn't last, a rule defined by fear of counter-revolutionaries, and maintained by fear of the Guillotine, the very same kind of device that would take his life, because others on the republic feared he'd sentence them to death by it for their prior actions. The legacy he left will always be controversial, because at it's core, he was undeniably the champion of the French revolution, and yet, at the same time his tenure, and those whom worked alongside him was also the doom of the very same revolution. Now, maybe if he had more time, less pressure from the outside, or better associates in the government he could trust, but he had neither, and in the end, the efforts of the government sowed the means of it's destruction.
In the future, no matter what path we tread, caution must be made, lest we pull ourselves down in our quest to free ourselves from tyranny.
While it is too early to say if this would be successful, we should still keep in mind the mistakes made by groups of the path. Most prominently and relevant being the fall of the Roman Senate, and the French Revolution. While the Roman senate by said point has greatly ossified and were a ruling class unto itself, it is telling that in spite of the cultural aversion to tyrants, and singular rulers, the era of the dictators still came. And the French Revolution, which while faced with threats on all sides, helped sow the seeds of their own downfall, with the effective leader of the republic falling to his own most used tool, the guillotine. And yet, here we are today, much like those whom sought to fight the indominable redcoat army, and the Frenchmen inspired to throw off the chains of the monarchy by the colonies, we stand here today in uncertain times, with the remnants of the southern Slave hierarchy taking up arms against the alliance for equal rights to protect the caste like system put in place to separate the blacks from the whites, and in the north, the corporate barons and many mainstream politicians had turned to violence to protect the interests of the rich. Meanwhile, the Elite overseas much like the French Revolution, look on with worry as no-one, even ourselves are certain what peace might bring.
The Fall of the Roman senate is relevant, because of one fundamental fact, which if we screw up badly enough and the violence further expands, things could slide back even farther than where things started, with the elite capitalizing on people's exhaustion and desire for stability to push things that wouldn't have been acceptable before. Part of why the Roman Senate fell, was ironically because after slaying Caesar, they didn't really have the sway to end the threat of a new dictator rising as those whom were allies of Caesar entered into what was effectively a cold war with the Senate. With neither side feeling comfortable enough to try and take out the other, until Caesar's successor cemented the new way, a finality in breaking the traditions built to try and maintain the system and leaving power in a position where many would scheme, kill, and bribe for.
The French Revolution is much more relevant, and it's fate is in a way, a warning for groups like ourselves. After freeing themselves from the monarchy, they were surrounded by enemies, even within the nation itself. And yet, perhaps the greatest threat was ironically the efforts to root out traitors from within their midst, as it primed the situation for army officer Napoleon to seize power, after Robbiesphere, the effective leader of said republic was executed by his own allies as preemptive defense against being executed themselves. Robbiesphere was simultaneously the champion of the revolution and, alongside the peers he found himself with, the monarchies' greatest ally. For he had developed an under siege mindset, to protect the revolution and his ideals.
"the Government has to defend itself" [against conspirators] and "to the enemies of the people it owes only death" -Robbiesphere
A saying reflected by the pushing of laws that among other things, effectively outlawed criticizing of the government. Under pressure from within and without, the hopeful revolution was in effect turned into a committee of tyranny, with Robespierre as the most prominent member and leader. While he had championed the end of slavery in france, he had built something that couldn't last, a rule defined by fear of counter-revolutionaries, and maintained by fear of the Guillotine, the very same kind of device that would take his life, because others on the republic feared he'd sentence them to death by it for their prior actions. The legacy he left will always be controversial, because at it's core, he was undeniably the champion of the French revolution, and yet, at the same time his tenure, and those whom worked alongside him was also the doom of the very same revolution. Now, maybe if he had more time, less pressure from the outside, or better associates in the government he could trust, but he had neither, and in the end, the efforts of the government sowed the means of it's destruction.
In the future, no matter what path we tread, caution must be made, lest we pull ourselves down in our quest to free ourselves from tyranny.
- Location
- United States
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
Excellent omake, you did a very good job of making an essay that feels like it's actually a contemporary article. I'm not sure if the writer or Honstehnfall were real people, but you can really see their established views in this. Canon and bonus accepted.
Also canon, presumedly also a newspaper article? Both omakes are nice views into what people on the ground would be thinking right now.
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Yeah. Just wasn't sure about a name for the person who wrote it, or which newspaper it might find itself in given the Minutemen have yet to establish a newspaper.
- Location
- Lake Wobegon
- Pronouns
- He/Him/His
Rachel Schneiderman is known to history as Rose Schneiderman. Here, her name wasn't changed.
1903 Q3: Actions
- Location
- United States
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
Talks of sanctioning the Revolutionary Provisional Government went nowhere. There was no international organization of nations to make a unified decision on the matter and no country wanted to be the first to take the plunge and worsen the recession for themselves. So trade would continue, limited as it was through New Orleans and Canada, and the great powers would watch with worry.
Re-Unionize the railways: 150d20 = 1815 - 150 (NCA) - 150 (business fears) + 150 (union drive committee) = 1665
Rail workers once again rallied across the country, inviting new workers in and rebuilding comradely bonds between them. Organizers stayed hidden behind enemy lines, talking to workers and making agreements. Particularly in the Northeast and the West, workers joined in secret unions with the goal of pro-Revolutionary political strikes at opportune moments.
Oregon election: 35 + 5 (campaigning apparatus) + 66 (funds and campaigning) = 106
In both Oregon and Washington, the strongest SLP held states only voted for Governor, their current representatives not needing a special election. But nonetheless local SLP parties continued to put a great deal of effort on said areas, viewing the gubernatorial race as being the most important anyways.
The Republicans and Democrats both refused to accept the legitimacy of the elections, leaving it to a contest between the Populists and SLP.
The Populists united behind John C. Luce alongside the mostly-defunct Silver Republicans. An influential player in national politics, he claimed that the Provisional Government was legitimate so long as it followed the constitution of the United States, and ran on a moderate platform, promising welfare without expropriation. He managed to unite the previously Democrat and Republican voters.
But the SLP candidate George R. Cook ran an energetic campaign supported by the powerful unions, and so managed to win with a solid majority. The people wanted change, not everything to stay the same.
Washington election: 28 + 5 (campaigning apparatus) + 67 (funds and campaigning) = 100
Cyrus W. Young, a previous Populist candidate, returned to run for governor again now that his successor had fled the state. An extremely popular candidate, he was nevertheless swamped with pro-SLP publications covering the state and most liberal publications still repairing after the anarchist firebombings of earlier this year.
So William McCormick won the state for the SLP with a solid majority, promising radical change and soon.
The LLRP found itself more unified than ever—there was no going back. Now they simply had to influence the new federal government, as they had the old one.
The Secretary of the Interior, an LLRP Party member, has continued to ignore telegraph messages, and so party leadership had no other choice but to officially kick him out of the party. No leader of an opposing government in war could remain part of their party.
Streamline legislation process: 37
To aid in establishing more state legislation, the LLRP has streamlined the process. Now they will be able to pass laws in multiple states much faster, allowing more to get done.
Some hoped this streamlining process would also help their efforts on producing federal legislation, but it did not.
Minnesota army budget: 27
Minnesota politicians fiercely debated the bill increasing the budget for the state militia, with many considering it the federal government's issue. In the end the bill failed to pass, though with the federal government calling for volunteers and paying for mobilization, this didn't hurt the war effort.
Agitate in the army: 300d20 = 2250 + 300 (school of journalism) = 2550
(4375 defectors from the Northeast, 3600 defectors from the Eastern front.)
The army wasn't entirely cut off from civilian news, especially not the northeastern army operating within cities. Papers still circulated (albeit many UF ones had to go underground) and people still talked. More concerted efforts to speak to the army also held, from sneaking pamphlets into hotels the army was using to finding them when off duty and directly speaking to them. They called for an end to the destruction and murder of American citizens, asking the soldiers to take a moral stand. They pointed at the democratic nature of the Revolutionary Provisional Government, that they had nothing to fear as they were part of the people themselves. This contrasted with McKinley's dictatorial decisions and his professionalization of the army, turning it against the American people.
The RFAA used these methods and more to target the Northern army, heavily prioritizing the soldiers within Northeastern cities, but also the Eastern Front pocket. Despite this prioritization, they found the forces in the Eastern Front pocket much more willing to defect, as they were surrounded, running out of food and weapons, and were facing imminent threats from all sides.
In just a few months several thousand men defected to the revolutionaries in what was likely the last big wave of defections for the war. As the fighting continued soldiers would become more set in their ways and generals would become more efficient at preventing propagandizing to their soldiers.
Protests: 63
Anarchists would begin and join protests all across the Northeast once more, the people infuriated at their comrades being gunned down in the streets. These would be carefully coordinated, happening in advance of revolutionary forces and armies to aid them in their attack while ensuring the army was not free to destroy the protests.
The Forty Acres Movement spent most of its effort setting up the Revolutionary Government, a now thriving polity allied with revolutionaries across the country.
Agitate northern army: 50d20 = 460 + 50 (school of journalism) + 25 (minuteman network) = 535
Agitate southern army: 20d20 = 164 + 20 (school of journalism) = 184
(1070 northern defectors, 828 southern defectors)
During the brief pause in the fighting, the revolutionaries called for the Southern Army to surrender. They had held out so far, but had little food or equipment, and so it was a simple matter of time until they fell. They also called for conscripts to change sides, and that they have no reason for loyalty to the Southern federal government which forced them to fight. Only one side had the national reach to end this civil war the fastest, and it was the revolutionaries.
The Forty Acres Movement also tried encouraging the Northern Army soldiers to defect, sowing propaganda and sending pamphlets. This had the advantage of the existing Minutemen's network of soldiers on their side, who encouraged their comrades to join them. But this effort would be interrupted when someone reported on them to General Wheeler…
Help Army: 52
The Spartacists helped the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of the South to set up a command staff, training, and other necessary functions of an army. This would be essential as the Spartacists were the most advanced army in the country. They would help all United Front armies copy their success and experience, greatly expanding their capabilities.
Agitate army: 61d20 = 515 + 61 (school of journalism) = 576
(720 defectors from the Northeast, 1296 defectors from the Eastern front.)
The SFAF made similar plans to the RFAA, agitating among the Northern government's army to defect to the United Front. They found most of their success among the pocketed army in D.C., encouraging them to join the United Front in order to fend off the Neo-Confederate assault.
While the soldiers in D.C. came in large groups fleeing the southern assault, carrying what they had under a white flag, the northeastern soldiers slipped quietly into the night on an individual basis. They would join protests or rural revolutionary forces as new volunteers, many keeping quiet about their previous affilition.
Among the Northeastern forces, only the most determined men remained, those firmly committed to a liberal American government.
Protests: 71
The Society also carried out large scale protests throughout the Northeast, coordinated with revolutionary forces and armies. This distracted thousands of soldiers at critical times even at the cost of many lives.
The Futurists accepted an integration of The Vanguard into the Provisional Government's army, allowing for greater utility of it on a strategic scale. This would effectively remove control of their own militia, giving them no recourse should they and the government turn against each other. They were tied to the success of the revolution, one way or another.
Organize supporters: 47 + 10 (higher funds spent) = 57
With most of their working class supporters in the ACUA, all of the factories their supporters worked at were folded into the Provisional Government's Workers Planning Council. The internal democracy of these organizations gave the futurists a key chance to influence their internal politics. The futurists organized campaigns targeting certain factory floors to vote in pro-central economic management supporters. While this influence wouldn't affect the new constitution, it would affect these organizations involved in advising on the nature of central management, and therefore hopefully influence it in a technocratic way.
Bureaucracy: 47
The Friends made a standardized bureaucracy within the organization, now an unwieldy size. This would let it maintain cohesion across all its branches, directing continuous programs and new directives. The anarchists opposed this bureaucratization of the organization, but were overruled by the socialists and industrialists, who for once agreed on an issue.
Seize US fleet: 39 + 5 (Manilla infiltrations) + 5 (omake) + 10 (higher funds spent) = 59
Many of the workers at the Manilla naval base were Yellow Scarves, committed to the workers revolution. So when the US Pacific Navy arrived in full, they moved to action.
First they contacted the Philippine army, their resources and manpower necessary for the operation. Together they formed a plan. After some time, President Aguinaldo secretly approved the operation to seize the fleet.
So one day in late July, strategically timed so a minimum of sailors or marines would be on the ships, dock workers would let soldiers onto the docks and onto the ships. The US marines responded immediately, struggling to fend off superior numbers. Despite their skeleton crews, the navy left port, with most ships managing to escape.
Which was part two of the plan. Strategically placed explosives by allies on the ships damaged most of the remaining ships, forcing them back to port or to be sunk. Less than a fourth of the navy escaped, either because the explosives were found in time, didn't fire properly, or didn't create enough damage. They had no more friendly ports in the Pacific (Alaska's ports being too small to handle a navy). They were forced to buy fuel from foreign nations and stay afloat, and if the war took much longer would be forced to dock in a foreign port whatever that cost.
Many countries protested a neutral country getting involved without a declaration of war, but didn't move to interfere themselves. President Aguinaldo announced the success of the operation as yet another blow against imperialism and announced the end of the unjust Manilla occupation. He would be keeping the fleet docked in Manilla for the portion of the civil war for repairs and safekeeping.
In private communications with the Provisional Government, President Aguinaldo insisted he needed to keep the fleet in case a European power decided to intervene against him because he intervened in the civil war.
Assistance: 38d20 = 410
(41% increase in recruitment for next turn, +1 per die for discouraging volunteers)
The Orange Disciples organized a massive amount of aid for those displaced by or injured by the fighting. Through food shipments, setting up tents, and providing medical care, they ameliorated the harm caused by war. This was especially important in Pennsylvania and New York where civilians found themselves directly targeted by the army if it was suspected they were part of the protest movement, many having to flee their homes. They gathered testimonials from the people they helped as evidence of the army's depravity's.
But such actions brought suspicion on themselves and Orange Disciple activists found themselves targeted by the army just as the UF mutual aid groups were. The army was too distracted with protests and opposing armies this year to truly crack down on them, but should that change, they would be facing an existential threat.
Discourage volunteers: 36d20 = 390 + 36 (medical assistance testimonials) = 426
(-10 to Northeastern volunteers roll)
The Orange Disciples were very well respected within the Northeast as a charitable and pacifist organization, especially among the types to support McKinley's government. This made their campaign to discourage volunteers for the army well heard even as the army cracked down on their activities, forcing many activists to flee to their headquarters in Ohio and West Virginia. They used testimonials from those harmed by the war as proof of its harm. Thousands of people heard their message through their newspaper, through their churches, or through word of mouth, and many chose to stay home rather than die in the war.
Concerned about their investments and trading partners in America, the British Business men initially involved with the New American Patriots have come back and contacted them. They wished for NAP to act to preserve their private property, both in California and New York, however they can (massively expanding WSG to be hired by them, influencing local government not to expropriate it, etc.) in exchange for their backing. To ensure the funds and weapons are used properly, British delegates would be present at regional and national level meetings. The NAP emphatically refused, having grown far beyond their roots.
Integrate arms factory: 24
The New American Patriots had planned to integrate their California Arms Factory into the Winter Security Group, but were blocked by internal politics. WSG leadership was afraid of the factory being nationalized as most other arms factories were across the nation by the Provisional Government. It was only after a specific exemption was given in recognition of ARM's support of the United Front in the civil war that they began reconsidering their obstruction.
The arms factory itself also had internal bickering, as the internal-company-mandated union's leadership attempted to block votes for joining the ACUA. Soon the factory was at war with itself as ACUA supporters and the old union's supporters became increasingly hostile to each other. It began with posters supporting one side or another being put up and torn down and has escalated to a wildcat strike by both sides. The company union, with the support of almost all former management, demanded the switch to the ACUA be ended without a vote, firing ACUA supporters if necessary. Meanwhile the ACUA union supporters, who have since elected their own management team, demanded that the former management be fired and a vote to instate an ACUA union-shop be held.
The executive of the company was paralyzed, personally supporting the former management (whom he had a good working relationship with), but aware doing so would be against the interests of NAP. So it was up to the organization leadership to resolve the issue.
Meanwhile the state was looking on in interest, threatening to intervene if the factory didn't immediately begin producing again with the ACUA as the sole union.
Training campus: 42
NAP also set up another training campus for additional training for the Winter Security Group guards. It covered everything from advanced marksmanship and urban warfare to crisis response and deescalation. They also established LGBT sensitivity classes, hiring SUS members (with permission from that organization) to teach.
Finally, the NAP decided not to protect businesses from California's nationalizations. When court orders were issued they would consider the contract dissolved, provide contact information to the contract holder for reimbursement, and leave immediately. This wasn't relevant for most of their contracts, being primarily small businesses, but many were unionized and had the ACUA seize control, later legalized by the state.
SUS gave permission to NAP for hiring members to provide full-intersectional and anti-bigotry training to their security guards, hoping it could do some good.
Protests: 37 + 5 (activist training) = 42
The Society called for large scale protests in the cities, trying to distract the federal army. These were coordinated with the timing and location of the incoming Revolutionary Army, distracting the federal army at key times. They did have troubles with the clandestine nature of these protests, with many organizers' identities leaked leading to many killed "resisting arrest". Other times protests were caught in a bad spot, shot upon by the police and army. But even hurt, these activists distracted the army at a critical time, providing room for a sweeping offensive.
Expand Armaments x2: 64 + 5 (MAN) + 3 (ethnic clubs) + 5 (WPC) = 77
While the Universal Development construction company would soon be integrated into the federal government, for now it was still under the control of SUS, and so they used it to greatly expand the armaments and munitions complex. It would soon be double the size as before, representing much of the Midwest's arms capabilities.
Educational program: 39
The queer sections of SUS had been hard at work the past few years, developing a comprehensive educational program about sexual and reproductive health, especially contraceptive methods and what they prevent. They then implemented it as a nationwide health campaign, hoping to help many. Few at the time were aware of this sort of thing, with society overwhelmingly telling people that they should save themselves 'till marriage and therefore don't need to know (despite few actually doing so), making this the first time many could openly talk of it.
There was some backlash, with many saying that they were tricking the youth into promiscuity, but it was largely overshadowed by other events.
Call for mass defections: 36 + 5 (army officer connections) + 5 (omake) = 46
Weak network: 46 * ¼ = 11.5%
Moderate network: 46 * ⅓ = 15.3%
Large network: 46 * ⅔ = 30.6%
(2695 Texas soldiers, 3654 + 1070 (FAM action) Mississippi/Tennessee soldiers, 918 Louisiana soldiers, 920 Missouri soldiers)
The Minutemen's network of soldiers and officers opposed to tyranny was still growing strong in the West. Most new volunteers had signed up for fighting the Neo-Confederacy, signing Union songs and reliving their grandfathers' fight against slavery. But now they were directed against the grandchildren of the slaves their grandfathers saved. A plan was passed around the army, from the bases in Texas, to Arkansas, to Missouri. A massive insurrection day in which they would call upon as much of the army to turn as possible, defecting to the Revolutionary Provisional Government, made up of duly elected representatives of the people.
But they were caught. News of the plans were leaked to the upper officers and General Wheeler ordered a full investigation of the army to weed out traitors. Half-made plans went into action, entire companies fleeing across battle lines, while others deliberately sabotaged fights against the Revolutionary Army.
In Texas, they had hoped to coup the entire army and take control of the state, but with their plans found out, escaped with just a third of the army, under 3,000 soldiers. With nowhere to go they had to live off the land and continue to flee, surviving for now only because all other armies were busy. They found allies in the new rail unions, being willing to transport them and supplies.
Agitate army: 200d20 = 2320 + 200 (school of journalism) = 2520
(4060 Eastern Front, 4640 Virginia, 900 Mississippi/Tennessee)
(Stats of West Virginia and Guerrilla army lowered due to supplying many more people)
The Southern People's Alliance used their existing connections across the south from trying to help men avoid the draft, to now get them out of it. Many were unable to avoid the draft, or signed up with the idea of defending the South against Northern tyranny, having bought into the idea that McKinley was a tyrant.
They met men secretly in cities the armies stayed in, dropped leaflets along the paths of the marching Virginia army, and more.
For the army on the march, thousands of soldiers slipped away as the guerrilla army continued attacking to join them. Others simply left and showed up in the cities to join the Revolutionary Army, defending the people they were told to kill by the generals—their people.
For the army near D.C., defectors had to run across the fighting, as the army they fled attacked the army they fled towards. Many others decided to instead flee into the mountains, joining the Appalachian armies.
And many simply fled never to be seen again, entirely done with the fighting. War was getting increasingly unpopular, and even many of those against the socialist cause had no interest in dying against it.
The Appalachian Brotherhood and Revolutionary Federation of Appalachia would begin talks to merge their organizations once more. The two groups had kept close cooperation these few years they were separate, and now with no need for a fiction of acting in legality, the reason for their separation was gone. Both groups would overwhelmingly vote in favor of reunification, and so going forward the Appalachian Brotherhood was united once more.
Hidden trails: 63 + 5 (MAN) = 68
The Appalachian Brotherhood set up hidden trails across Pennsylvanian Appalachia for United Front forces to cross. This would prove critical for scattered forces avoiding the wrath of the federal army and for protesters to escape should they be attacked by the army or police.
Armaments: 46 + 5 (MAN) = 51
In just a few months the RFA finished their armaments and munitions manufacturing based in mountain villages. Soon they would begin producing, giving weapons to the armies in the fight.
Smuggle guns: 79 + 3 (CLA training) + 8 (TFAM trainers) = 90 * 16 (higher funds given) = 1440
(480 regulars, 960 green)
With the enthusiasm of the civil war and fear of the overwhelming armies in Texas, there was no shortage of volunteers for the Southwestern Community Defense Committees. They smuggled guns from California and Cuba, sent many volunteers over to Cuba for training, and ended with well over a thousand men and women trained for battle.
Now their militia numbered almost three thousand strong. They were still outnumbered by either opposing army in Texas, but not so much a battle would be a foregone conclusion. The bigger problem was that after training their new membership, the AdP didn't have enough ammunition to arm all their militia for a long fight, meaning any fight would have to be short or they would soon lose it.
Northern miners: 13d20 = 174, 1135/1000 overflow 135/400 petroleum
As the northern Mexico miner unions began building up to a strike, the AdP continued to send expertise and aid to help unionize more mines. Now the vast majority of mines had large numbers of men in the union. They even began making headways into the petroleum industry, which had close ties with the mining industry, and was also largely concentrated in the north. These industries were also overwhelmingly owned by foreign investors, making them an ideal target of the MLP's national liberation propaganda.
Meanwhile the large agricultural estates in Northern Mexico, mainly built to service American consumers, became mostly unionized. The landowners had more and more political power in northern Mexico, with the agricultural union's primary demand there being land reform rather than just higher wages.
Nationalize plantations: 43
In the early days of the Republic, the CIA continued to help them draft and pass legislation. They established a full nationalization of the islands' plantations, almost uniformly owned by American landlords. Many of these white landlords fled the country, fearing that the expropriation of their land was merely the first step. This sparked many of the white laborers to flee as well as they fear-mongered of racial retaliation.
The few industries on the island remained independent, but few considered that that would last for long.
This full scale nationalization provided for a welcome boost to the islands' income, now being able to benefit themselves from the profits. They also began reforming work conditions even better than the previous laws, as the old owners were no longer here to try to get around the laws, and introducing worker democratic management to run the plantations.
For now further expanding the plantations has been halting, native Hawaiians in particular wishing to return to their way of life.
Smuggle guns: 65 + 8 (TFAM training procedures) = 73 * 16 (higher funds given) = 1168
The Ojibwe, Lakota, Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Arikara, and more tribes of the northern Great Plains came together to establish an army. The Great Plains Indian Regiment would include over a thousand trained warriors, armed with smuggled guns from the Midwest. They would gather in the Dakotas to try to seize the only arms factory in South Dakota, both to keep it out of enemy hands (being the closest base of enemy militia to a reservation) and to use it for themselves.
The United Front would agree on unifying the Provisional Government, Revolutionary Government, and Northeast Revolutionary Front, now all known under the name of the Revolutionary Provisional Government. The task of deciding on and implementing a unified electoral and administrative system would be delegated to the Constituent Assembly.
The only dissenting organization was the ACUA, whose delegates proposed immediately standardizing the states to the Revolutionary Government. It was a large scale state with strong proletarian characteristics, getting rid of the bourgeoisie democracy in the process. While their delegates were ultimately overruled, it did get the idea out there that the convention should be aiming for something more like the Revolutionary Government with workers' elections.
They did establish a unified army command, allowing for revolutionary forces across the country to coordinate. This was made easier by the at least semi-democratic nature of each militia and army, with the most important parts being establishing communication and clear chains of command at the highest officer positions.
Mutual aid: 46 + 5 (mutual aid commission) = 51
Many revolutionaries from Massachusetts fled to New Hampshire as the army took control of the state. From there they worked with local supporters, establishing new communication networks.
While they had far less support in their new base area, they decided to establish a mutual aid network in the state to gain more popular support. They also began organizing in Vermont, the small state largely apart from the intense city fighting, helping the people of its urban areas and gaining support there as well.
The SLP also began campaigning in Ohio in expectation of the upcoming election, hoping to gain a strong majority in the first major retaken state.
Creating an executive committee was brought up but had little discussion and was not voted on. The ARM did decide to donate funds for The Orange Disciples and APFA, both having time sensitive tasks they needed additional funds for.
The Revolutionary Government continued to establish itself as a state, even as it was renamed to the Revolutionary Provisional Government (South) alongside its allies. But as the war continued and trade has been largely cut off, food has begun becoming an issue for the rural population. If a strong connection to the Midwest or ports geographically across the south is not established, popular support will begin to drop.
Progressive tax: 44 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 49
It began by establishing a progressive tax system across controlled territory, including a graduated income tax, corporate tax (on the few remaining private businesses), and a death tax on wealth. Through this they established a strong income for the government, allowing it to continue to pursue the war. It would also help slowly redistribute wealth, as while the seizures of industry and land were the main help, there were still some private businesses and wealthy individuals remaining.
Standardization of the army: 60 + 10 (Spartacist help) = 70
All of the new revolutionary polities would standardize their army on the same line and under a unified command. As the most advanced army, the Spartacists would help set up the Revolutionary Army in the South, which would be the basis upon which the other Revolutionary Armies would be established.
The key aspects of the army would be the democratic nature in which officers were mostly elected by the soldiers. The Southern Command Council was also elected with one member per regiment, taking overall control of the southern theater and appointing the generals (subject to a veto by the civilian government).
General William W. Purnell would take overall command of the Western Army facing off against the largest Northern-aligned army in the country, while General William McBryar was in command of the operation to consolidate territorial control across the south. Both were experienced high ranking officers of the Spartacists with several battles won and years of experience. They were currently considering appointing a third general for the east, out of a list of Poor Man's Fighters officers.
The army would standardize training practices, now carried out on a larger and quicker scale. The Strategy Committee and Officer Training would be universally implemented, with the training required (albeit not usually in an enforced manner) to stand for election. Volunteers with the right education and abilities would be separated out to join the artillery corps, receiving special training for accurate use of the important weapons.
The Spartacist and Minutemen trainers would be formalized into experienced training cadres on the backlines, allowing for mass training of new armies. They would continue to use existing training procedures, now adapted to a larger scale. Moreover, nationally they would make use of significant self-defense programs such as SUS' women's self defense and the Minutemen's war games to broaden their recruitment base which required lesser training.
Field medics and combat engineers (the latter adopted with the help of the Minutemen) would become standard companies for the infantry, saving lives and allowing for more advanced fortifications to be quickly built up compared to the ad-hoc system of having regular militia do the work.
Finally, the Cuban Liberation Army had long been working with the Minutemen and the southwestern Community Defense Committees, and continued doing so with the army. This was especially helped by the thousand-man volunteer regiment they had sent, sharing their lived experiences of guerrilla warfare, some of which was integrated into general training.
Volunteers: 48 + 10 (experienced training cadres) + 5 (civilian self-defense programs) = 63
(63% * 9000 = 5670)
The Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of the South (now officially just the southern Revolutionary Army) recruited well over five thousand new recruits this quarter, putting them through basic training. A tenth of that graduated from The Forty Acres Movement's training camps, most of whom had been in training for longer and were trained to a much higher quality.
Starting up mass training did require the use of guns and ammunition that then could not be sent to the front lines, but for now they were still in a good position equipment wise. Their efforts building up military industry combined with seized industry from the southern capitalists preparing for their own war against the North allowed them to continue producing machine guns, ammunition, and more for the army.
An additional three thousand International volunteers have arrived at New Orleans, ready to help the fight. Although most have never fought a battle, many trained in their home countries before coming over, and they brought weapons and supplies with them.
Industrial Planning Commission: 44 + 5 (IPC) + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 54
The Industrial Planning Commission had worked to industrialize the rural south for years, managing the planning and creation of industry. Now it has become an official governmental institution, with the unions seamlessly forming workers councils to send representatives to the board. It now managed the planning of far more industry than before, yet the experience of the previous workers was vital to making it work. The unions on their own would have had a tough time making the transition from what was effectively cooperatives into a truly nationalized system, but the Industrial Planning Commission managed it in a matter of months.
They directed production for the war effort, no longer needing to worry about pricing and markets between competing factories. Designs and techniques in one part of the country were telegraphed to the other, allowing standardization of equipment and the most efficient techniques. It was still in many ways a growing system, with many considering it temporary for the war, but most Marxists considered it the most important step towards achieving socialism, with the next being to finish seizing all the means of production including land (however they may disagree on what that means). Many called for more state control to be exerted over the Industrial Planning Commission as well, fearing conflicts between worker councils would hurt coordination, long term planning, and potentially go against the will of the people as a whole.
Southern anarchists too generally were supportive of it, approving of the direct control by the worker councils. Many criticized the subordination of it to the state, as while there were few state controls on it now, they saw that could easily change.
The urban-rural divide was more relevant in the immediate sense. The IPC previously consisted of workers in at most large towns, and the agrarian socialists wished for it to keep that way, with a focus on towns producing goods for the local area and decentralized arms production that served them well in the era of state repression. These included the anarcho-collectivists and anarcho-communists, with their emphasis on egalitarian distribution and small scale communities, as well as a developing Agrarian Socialist tradition including both Marxists who wanted planned rural economies and others who wished for land-to-the-tiller policies.
Meanwhile the urbanist left (including most of the unions who were primarily city workers) insisted that in the immediate sense they needed efficient, centralized production in the cities to create as large and best equipped army as possible. Now that they were a state and held and could defend territory, decentralized production was less useful. These included the anarcho-collectivists and anarcho-syndicalists (a growing tendency within the ACUA) with an emphasis on mass production to be able to provide each to their needs, as well as almost all Marxists.
While the government as a whole leaned towards the rural side, as a simple result of the South being mostly rural, the Worker Councils and thus new IPC leadership leaned urbanist, and would continue to do so unless the plantations were directly integrated into it. Thus, the question has also become one of the state or Worker Councils deciding the policy of the IPC. The decisions of the government and IPC in the coming months would determine and be determined by the course of this debate.
New Congress: 57 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 62
Political figures from across the nation gathered in Chicago. The (temporary) capital of the Revolutionary Provisional Government, the decisions here would reverberate for the rest of American history.
A new Congress was meeting, one that was now unicameral, no more upper and lower houses to slow decisions. The old Representatives were admitted on the basis of previous elections, with special elections planned for November for missing representatives. This included representatives from states that did not align with the revolutionaries, primarily SLP ones from Pennsylvania and New York. They had an open invitation for any elected Representative, regardless of party, so long as they renounced their seat in the US House of Representatives or Senate, the Pact's House or Senate, or state legislatures adhering to the foregoing.
Few took them up on that offer, primarily Democratic-Populists outside the South who saw that the Revolutionary Provisional Government would likely win this civil war. This didn't include any notable politician nor did they bring with them the party organs, and thus didn't redirect any support to the Revolutionary Provisional Government. However, it did represent the growing view among Americans that it was the legitimate government, and would likely win the war.
The Revolutionary Government in the South and Revolutionary Front in the Northeast, although rebel groups with very different functioning governance, were officially part of the Revolutionary Government, and thus were invited to send representatives in place of the states in their territorial area.
The South elected to have locally elected leadership organize direct elections, currently a mix of regional confederations of town and village councils and city worker councils. With no previously elected representative from the Pact choosing to join the provisional Congress, they were able to elect all the Representatives in the states they held territory in, giving them solid numbers of representation.
Meanwhile in Appalachia and the Northeast, no formalized state structure has been established and the people were only just reconnecting after being geographically cut off by the federal army. So a variety of communes, collectives, and worker associations have offered up representatives, some of them anarchists who refused to officially join the SLP on principle despite being willing to go to the Congress as a now proletarian-controlled institution.
Thus hundreds of representatives convened in the Chicago political convention center, where the United Front delegates normally met. The majority were revolutionary SLP representatives, mostly allied with the anarchists, in that they were willing to pursue the revolution to the fullest against liberal democratic norms. The possibilist SLP representatives, while bound to vote with the revolutionary majority, believed that the current government controlling industry through a planned bureaucracy was sufficient for establishing socialism, and therefore a new constitution was unneeded. They joined the left-Populists, Democratic-Populists, LLRP, Christian Socialists, and rare progressive Republicans forming a moderating Constitutionalist block, a wide-tent group who believed that while flawed, America's ideals were worth standing for and the constitution should be followed. In this they formed an opposition block, though a loose one with varying members supporting different proposals along with the revolutionary SLP.
For the purpose of presiding over the Provisional Congress and coordinating the work of Congressional executive committees and working groups, a la the presidents of the Continental and Confederation Congresses, or the Speaker of the US House of Representatives, the Provisional Congress elected a President. This president shall not be an imperial president with coequal, separate powers like the French president, nor like McKinley, but shall be subordinate to the Congress and may be interrogated by its members.
Dominik Kubicek, a second generation Bohemian immigrant, had joined the Society for Universal Suffrage in 1897. He was elected to the House of Representatives in 1898 and has been an influential figure in the SLP ever since. While a Marxist-Voightist himself, he has managed to gain support from all parts of the United Front due to his firm commitment to revolution and including all parts of the United Front in the decision process. Thus, as one of their first acts, Congress elected Kubicek as president.
Plan a constituent assembly: 41 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) + 5 (omake) = 51
One of the first things Congress did was plan a constituent assembly. Delegates were to be elected not from the states, but from districts each having approximately 20,000 residents according to the 1900 census, district boundaries to be drawn according to principles of geographic compactness and community of interest by a committee of the Provisional Congress selected by lot and consisting of forty representatives.
The electorate would consist of all persons twenty-one years of age or older present in each respective district on the day of election, regardless of race, sex, citizenship, alienage, Indian tribal status or other similar factors, excepting only representatives, senators, judges, magistrates, military or militia officers, sheriffs, police officers, and other salaried officials adhering to the United States Government, the Pact to Secure Democracy, or a foreign state or subdivision of any of the foregoing.
These delegates would be bound by imperative mandates of their parties (especially relevant in the case of the constitutionalist SLP faction), and subject to immediate recall and replacement by the inhabitants of their districts.
These delegates would receive a stipend of twenty dollars per week, or the median adult male wage in their district, whichever is higher, to permit the Assembly to meet continuously until the completion of its business.
The Assembly's proceedings were to be public, and minutes of its meetings and those of its committees to be reported no less frequently than once per week by at least the Valkyrie, the International Traveler, the Continental Worker, the People, and the Community Presses, but no restrictions on publication of minutes shall be placed on other widely-circulated United Front and Reform Movement newspapers including Land and Labor.
The election date for the Assembly was set for November, which gave them enough time to draw the districts and have candidates step forward without too long of a lead time. It would also likely allow them to run the election in the occupied Northeast, as it looked that defeating McKinley's army there by November was very possible. At most there would be 3810 delegates, though almost certainly far less since opposing factions in the civil war wouldn't be defeated by then, and wouldn't be electing any.
Once assembled, the Constituent Assembly was to be empowered to ratify its own work product (as a whole, not on a line-item basis) by a three-fifths majority, or to submit its work product (as a whole, not on a line-item basis) for ratification by the simple majority of a referendum of the people, but not to submit its work product to the state legislatures or state conventions for ratification. They were empowered to abrogate and replace the 1789 Constitution entirely, and in particular to ignore the limitations of that Constitution on the content of amendments.
This last stipulation was fiercely contested by the Constitutionalists. The Constitutionalist faction of the SLP almost broke from the party on the matter, only reluctantly voting for it when it became clear the party would expel them otherwise, and it would not be enough to prevent the proposal from passing.
On the other end of the isle, some of the independent anarchist representatives refused to vote for it, claiming that they should instead immediately abolish the state in favor of a more revolutionary method of organization that has formed naturally, such as the Revolutionary Front, and that a static constitution forfeits the future instead of being able to change with the circumstances. They weren't against the idea of constitutions in general, but rather, one for the entire nation all would be forced to live under, without freedom of association. Their voices were joined even by some Marxists who praised the southern revolutionaries for their proletarian state, and wished to adopt it nationwide—the debate was waged both in newspapers and in the congress.
But in the end, arguments for the Assembly prevailed, and the election date was set. Should nothing go wrong, they hoped to have a new constitution within a year.
Integrate WPC: 76 + 5 (WPC) + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 86
(Additional +1 equipment)
The Workers Planning Council, Farm Workers Council, and Universal Development were to be integrated into the government to manage industry. The local All-Continental Union Association unions enthusiastically incorporated their seized industry into it. Now the majority of industry in the steel belt west of Pittsburgh and all of the military industry was under planned economic management. There were still a few industries under capitalist management, especially in Michigan where the union was weaker, and notably the LLRP's automobile factory was specifically declared immune to expropriation for a duration of the war plus five years, pursuant to Point 1 of the Detroit Agreement.
They found the transition seamless, with the unions already managing their industry like a large-scale cooperative corporation. Staticians and clerks in the former United States Steel Corporation tracking production and consumption by various factories joined with WPC planners and expanded their bureaucracy to include all industries. In this way they tracked where they needed to increase production, and where they had overproduction that needed to be reduced so more could be focused on the war effort. Many factories volunteered their services to specialize for the army, such as making winter boots or coats.
Universal Development, SUS' longstanding construction company, has also been folded into the WPC as its construction arm. Now enlarged by being merged with the unions' construction companies, it serves to further develop industry.
As a subdivision of the WPC, the Farm Workers Council would continue to organize agricultural produce. This would be a great boon for the army, as it meant there was no need for negotiations on buying food and transport, but instead it could simply be done and have the government pay the wages of the workers. It would continue to expand with some voluntary collectivizations, poor farmers taking advantage of state-paid-for equipment and supplies for an increase in income and decrease in work. Better off farmers largely stayed independent, with many worried about the new government.
The FWC began organizing farm workers on large farms on its own initiative, seizing the land once they've formed a union—a much cheaper task than buying it off of them. The former landlords fled and fear mongered in the papers both domestic and foreign about these seizures, but it found little attention compared to the large scale seizures of industry.
Much like in the south, there was a Marxist-anarchist divide on the WPC. Unlike the south, the state was well controlled by Marxists, and so has already firmly rejected the anarchist collectivist notion of non-market free exchange in favor of direct planning. Now the debate was on centralized, bureaucratic management, opposed to decentralized planning with statician boards primarily to inform rather than make decisions. But this debate could well wait until after the war, with the workers almost universally willing to adapt to whatever is necessary in the now, and fight over future issues later.
Unified army: 51
The Midwestern section of the Revolutionary Provisional Government unified their army command and procedures with the South, establishing the Revolutionary Army. Due to distance and communication issues, army command was still partially separate for now, with their own Midwestern Command Council and generals.
They appointed Anastasia Wishbecker as the general for the eastern offensive, the once diversely organized collection of militia now marching together. As a Russian Jewish immigrant, she was an active member of the Russian language federation and supporter of revolution back in her home country. She had been an active commander in the Red Vanguard and a voice for revolution every year, making her a clear choice for the position.
Over in Wisconsin, General Niclas Korn led several regiments to save and secure Minnesota. He had been in the Illinois state militia for over a decade, radicalizing when they intervened to protect the workers before the rise of the socialist movement.
Finally, in Illinois, General Ava Fendler was in charge of training and defending the Illinois side of the Mississippi river. She was one of the Coven, that group of women who had lead SUS since the early 90s and were still influential now.
Train volunteers: 67 + 10 (experienced training cadres) + 5 (civilian self-defense programs) = 82
(82% * 17500 = 14350, additional reduction in supplies for each army due to increased consumption)
SUS' longstanding self defense program came in help, as huge numbers of women were already trained in basic marksmanship. As the volunteer campaigning began, Annie Oakley and her husband Frank Butler publicly signed up, and called for all women to fight for their liberation. She had personally helped tens of thousands of women learn to use guns, and they were both celebrities from their showman days. They toured the Midwest and then northern Appalachia, with recruitment offices filling up wherever they went.
Finally, she ended her tour, requesting to join the Wisconsin army to help liberate the Hunkpapa Lakota from the settler-controlled state. This was the home of her good friend Sitting Bull, who had symbolically adopted her, and so was an issue dear to her.
The Revolutionary Provisional Government found and trained over fourteen thousand new recruits, easily an army unto itself. For now they were kept in Illinois for potential further training.
Establish WPC: 49 + 5 (FMC) + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 59
The western Provisional Government shared its government with the Midwestern legally, except geographical separation and communication issues forcing effective local administration. So when Congress passed a bill integrating the Workers Planning Council into government to manage industry, the West did the same. But they had to create it from scratch, working with and basing it off of the Friends of Huddled Masses' Factory Management Council.
All union controlled or owned industries became part of the WPC, as well as the FMC cooperative. This sweeping nationalization program also included all arms factories, with the exception of the New American Patriots' arms factory, which has been deferred so long as it continues to sell to the Provisional Government and its affiliated states, and while the Winter Security Group continued to adhere to its contracts with the United Front organizations, pursuant to Point 4 of the Detroit Agreement.
The western WPC would begin much less smoothly than the eastern one. It controlled far less industry, but also a far greater percent of local industry, with the majority of west coast factories having been unionized.
It would also have deeper ideological problems. The Factory Management Council cooperative workers primarily wished for local industrial development, including consumer goods but especially heavy industry to achieve the same prosperity as the steel belt.
The former was an especially important issue for the population as a whole, as civilian trade has been mostly cut off with the east, and so most products like they're used to are gone. The war was a distant affair to the west coast, with fighting in Oregon and Washington small in scale and away from the big cities. This attitude has bled into the union workers as a whole, who are the majority of the WPC. While in favor of the revolution, many still see current forces as sufficient, hearing good news of the war in the east and closer to home.
Meanwhile the national government wished to focus on the war. But mass production of new war industries, with the exception of shipbuilding, will require the state to enforce a plan on the WPC, something the anarchists are soundly against. The Marxists, currently a majority of the western WPC, generally expect the state to enforce some goals and plans upon the WPC, and so have a high tolerance if the state decides to do so.
Unified Army: 67
The western Revolutionary Army also complied with the orders to standardize across the country. In the West Coast and Rocky Mountains, the RA marched to liberate the workers of the west.
General Wu Zhingling was put in charge of the far-west Revolutionary Army, and immediately went to work, sending the army to liberate the workers of Nevada, Oregon, and Washington.
Special elections: 47
They ran special elections in Washington and Oregon, establishing full and proper civilian government as well as SLP governors. While most workers in the local administrations had left, they were well on their way to refilling the positions. This helped establish legitimacy for the Provisional Revolutionary Government, a strong counter to the many liberal voices who gained support through fear mongering that the socialists would end democracy. Instead civilians were assured that their voices would be heard and allowed, even if they were a minority.
By September, NYC's economy had begun to come to a halt, with factories empty for lack of raw material as warehouse stockpiles empty out. If not connected to the rest of the revolutionaries, then they will begin to run out of weapons and equipment—a dangerous potential end to the siege. But if this years' offensive succeeds, their artillery factory will begin to run along with the rest of the city's vast industry.
Merge city gov/council: 35 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) + 5 (omake) = 45
Direct production to the war effort: 45
Merging the city government administration into the city's collective council was a contentious move, albeit an expected one. Mayor Hillquit publicly quit city politics, admonishing the anarchists for trying such a risky governmental change in the middle of a siege, comparing it to the Paris Commune sitting still until an army killed them.
Despite the newly hostile relations between the anarchists and Hillquit, he was still an incredibly popular leader, and so all agreed he could be one of their representatives to the Provisional Congress—conveniently out of the city. He and the other Representatives left by crossing the Hudson River at night, making use of the United Front underground and the distraction of the mass protests to travel to Chicago.
The New York Commune's council, while stemming from the RFAA's collective council in the area, was its own representative body apart from internal anarchist politics. As such a large city, it was in truth a sort of federation of communes, with each neighborhood having autonomy. Rather than state appointed borders, they had built local Communes based on locality and interests decided by the local people themselves. They kept an emphasis on direct participation and consensus democracy in community meetings (though the councils still allowed for majority vote).
The former police were fully integrated into the army and neighborhoods formed neighborhood watches instead. The rations enforced by the city government were still in effective, and so their primary role right now was to prevent anyone from stealing more than their fair share.
The corporations have already been replaced by unions and worker councils taking direct control, and now federations of Worker Associations were given their political control. Control of education to the teachers, health to medical workers, communications to technicians and workers, and production to the factory workers. With the city under siege few were opposed to focusing all production on the war effort, whether it be uniforms, guns, or canned food.
Judges and other civil servants were directly elected with immediate recall, the old laws were abandoned, with the Commune already drawing up a new code and new legislation.
These Worker Associations were extremely variable in size for now, anything from a single shop collective to the entire NYC Manufacturing and General Production Union. They worked on cooperative capitalism principles right now, as money had not yet been abolished in favor of free-exchange planning and labor vouchers, but still overwhelmingly supported doing so.
Those who wished to keep their small business or farm were not yet expropriated, with a not-fully-enforced-yet mandate for profit sharing to prevent exploitation. This was especially apparent on Long Island, where most farms were small family farms beforehand and continued to operate in the same way they had before.
Brooklyn continued to be a liberal stronghold, with many supporting McKinley despite what had happened. While the majority of workers supported the revolution, the remaining continued civil disobedience. The upper class neighborhood of Brooklyn Heights and petite bourgeoisie dominated neighborhoods of Bedford-Stuyvesant and Crown Height forming centers of resistance. Shopkeepers and merchants refused to collectivize their workplaces, or would claim they had only to return to the wage system. They formed their own police in place of a community watch and elected Republicans to the Commune's council.
Thus far they have made no armed resistance, simply refusing to go any further in the principles of anarchism than they had to, but much like the reactionary white racists of the south, would continue to be a problem in implementing a socialist program.
Maryland has been undergoing a similar transformation, with the Baltimore Commune forming a provincial federation with the other Maryland communes, each a few villages, a town, or city. Many prisoners across the former state have been let free, especially those arrested for political reasons or for reasons like sodomy.
State-wide cooperation: 39 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 44
Across Revolutionary Appalachia, Communes, Collectives, and other local groups began establishing communications and federal structures. For now these were ephemeral in nature and could go any direction—collectivist federal communes, syndicalist unions, or communist worker councils. But regardless of the future, right now they were working together, which meant taxes and supporting the revolutionaries.
Local Appalachian Brotherhood cadres formed elections in Pittsburgh, establishing the Pittsburgh Commune under the protection of the Revolutionary Army. It quickly federated with the rest of Appalachia, now including territory in several states.
Training volunteers: 51 + 10 (experienced training cadres) + 5 (civilian self-defense programs) = 66
(66% * 1800 = 1188)
While the Revolutionary Army hasn't standardized yet, the militia have been long making use of the same training standards, and so it was a simple matter to apply those to a large scale now. They took volunteers from all across Appalachia, not simply revolutionary controlled territory, with hundreds eager to liberate their own homes. In just a few months they trained over a thousand soldiers, and were prepared to speed up the mobilization process.
Draft a constitution: 41 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 46
The Hawaiian legislature was busy drafting a constitution, which was soon to be ratified by popular referendum. While there were some moderates and conservatives in both the Republicans and some Hawaiian representatives, the radicals quickly took the enthusiasm of the population and legislature. They also decided to name the republic the People's Republic of Hawaii, differentiating them from the previous business-dominated republic.
The constitution provided for universal (excepting executive officials under the 1894 Constitution and 1900 Organic Act), equal, and direct adult suffrage to elect for biennial terms assemblies and judges for self-governing communes none of which shall be larger than its island as well as to a supreme unitary national assembly with legislative power as a whole and with executive power through committees or working groups, with delegates subject to imperative mandates of their parties and, along with judges and other magistrates, to immediate recall, but to be paid a stipend no lower than the median adult male worker's wage so that assemblies can meet continuously.
It committed the state to socialist aims including the basic welfare of the citizens and residents and of the land and seas, by means of socialization and collective administration of property.
While there was a strong monarchist faction, they declined to restore the monarchy or to make explicit restitution for the Crown Lands seized by the Dole government. Instead they offered Liliuokalani the post of Ambassador to the Chinese revolutionary government (the elevated title being a salve both to her ego and Dr. Sun's), at a salary (and pension) equal to that of the next-highest-paid state employee.
Former Queen Liliuokalani had returned to Hawaii following the revolution, and while she was disappointed that "the people had lost faith in her", having the monarch be elected by the legislature had been tradition for decades, and so she acquiesced. She accepted the position of Ambassador, and soon left for the Republic of China, where she was greeted graciously.
Northern Volunteers: 67 - 5 (previous suppressed protesters) - 5 (currently suppressing protests) - 10 (TOD discouragement) = 47
(47% * 16000 = 7520)
Fed-West Volunteers: 61 + 10 (training units) = 71
(71% * 8500 = 6035)
In the West, General Merritt had the luxury of setting up training units. Where the south had scavenged theirs for a decapitation strike on D.C. and then defending against Revolution, and the North had taken theirs to defend against the sudden strike on the capital, the federal government was in a relatively secure position in the west.
Back in the Northeast, volunteers were beginning to dry up. Few wanted to sign up just to shoot into crowds of protesters, and that was what they primarily saw the army doing. Not to mention the major propaganda campaign against it by the respectable Orange Disciples—a draft would be necessary if they were going to keep raising an army.
Southern Draft: 47 - 2 (refugee program) = 45
(45% * 7000 * 2 = 6300)
Texas Draft: 67
(67% * 2000 * 2 = 2680)
The South continued to have problems with drafting more men, as most of their drafting infrastructure had been captured by the revolutionaries. Nonetheless they have raised almost ten thousand more men, men that would be critical if they wanted a chance at putting down the revolution.
Texas managed to recruit enough men to match the North in numbers, and combined with their artillery imports from Mexico, finally let them stand on even ground with their enemies.
Post Attrition Armies:
These are what will be used for actual combat. Some stat changes above were already applied, some will apply at the end of the turn. Any army beginning with "Revolutionary Army" has standardized and has full army bonuses, other UF armies only make use of infrastructure.
AN: War update to come.
All-Continental Union Association:
Re-Unionize the railways: 150d20 = 1815 - 150 (NCA) - 150 (business fears) + 150 (union drive committee) = 1665
Rail workers once again rallied across the country, inviting new workers in and rebuilding comradely bonds between them. Organizers stayed hidden behind enemy lines, talking to workers and making agreements. Particularly in the Northeast and the West, workers joined in secret unions with the goal of pro-Revolutionary political strikes at opportune moments.
Oregon election: 35 + 5 (campaigning apparatus) + 66 (funds and campaigning) = 106
In both Oregon and Washington, the strongest SLP held states only voted for Governor, their current representatives not needing a special election. But nonetheless local SLP parties continued to put a great deal of effort on said areas, viewing the gubernatorial race as being the most important anyways.
The Republicans and Democrats both refused to accept the legitimacy of the elections, leaving it to a contest between the Populists and SLP.
The Populists united behind John C. Luce alongside the mostly-defunct Silver Republicans. An influential player in national politics, he claimed that the Provisional Government was legitimate so long as it followed the constitution of the United States, and ran on a moderate platform, promising welfare without expropriation. He managed to unite the previously Democrat and Republican voters.
But the SLP candidate George R. Cook ran an energetic campaign supported by the powerful unions, and so managed to win with a solid majority. The people wanted change, not everything to stay the same.
Washington election: 28 + 5 (campaigning apparatus) + 67 (funds and campaigning) = 100
Cyrus W. Young, a previous Populist candidate, returned to run for governor again now that his successor had fled the state. An extremely popular candidate, he was nevertheless swamped with pro-SLP publications covering the state and most liberal publications still repairing after the anarchist firebombings of earlier this year.
So William McCormick won the state for the SLP with a solid majority, promising radical change and soon.
The Land and Labor Reform Party:
The LLRP found itself more unified than ever—there was no going back. Now they simply had to influence the new federal government, as they had the old one.
The Secretary of the Interior, an LLRP Party member, has continued to ignore telegraph messages, and so party leadership had no other choice but to officially kick him out of the party. No leader of an opposing government in war could remain part of their party.
Streamline legislation process: 37
To aid in establishing more state legislation, the LLRP has streamlined the process. Now they will be able to pass laws in multiple states much faster, allowing more to get done.
Some hoped this streamlining process would also help their efforts on producing federal legislation, but it did not.
Minnesota army budget: 27
Minnesota politicians fiercely debated the bill increasing the budget for the state militia, with many considering it the federal government's issue. In the end the bill failed to pass, though with the federal government calling for volunteers and paying for mobilization, this didn't hurt the war effort.
The Revolutionary Federation of American Anarchists:
Agitate in the army: 300d20 = 2250 + 300 (school of journalism) = 2550
(4375 defectors from the Northeast, 3600 defectors from the Eastern front.)
The army wasn't entirely cut off from civilian news, especially not the northeastern army operating within cities. Papers still circulated (albeit many UF ones had to go underground) and people still talked. More concerted efforts to speak to the army also held, from sneaking pamphlets into hotels the army was using to finding them when off duty and directly speaking to them. They called for an end to the destruction and murder of American citizens, asking the soldiers to take a moral stand. They pointed at the democratic nature of the Revolutionary Provisional Government, that they had nothing to fear as they were part of the people themselves. This contrasted with McKinley's dictatorial decisions and his professionalization of the army, turning it against the American people.
The RFAA used these methods and more to target the Northern army, heavily prioritizing the soldiers within Northeastern cities, but also the Eastern Front pocket. Despite this prioritization, they found the forces in the Eastern Front pocket much more willing to defect, as they were surrounded, running out of food and weapons, and were facing imminent threats from all sides.
In just a few months several thousand men defected to the revolutionaries in what was likely the last big wave of defections for the war. As the fighting continued soldiers would become more set in their ways and generals would become more efficient at preventing propagandizing to their soldiers.
Protests: 63
Anarchists would begin and join protests all across the Northeast once more, the people infuriated at their comrades being gunned down in the streets. These would be carefully coordinated, happening in advance of revolutionary forces and armies to aid them in their attack while ensuring the army was not free to destroy the protests.
The Forty Acres Movement:
The Forty Acres Movement spent most of its effort setting up the Revolutionary Government, a now thriving polity allied with revolutionaries across the country.
Agitate northern army: 50d20 = 460 + 50 (school of journalism) + 25 (minuteman network) = 535
Agitate southern army: 20d20 = 164 + 20 (school of journalism) = 184
(1070 northern defectors, 828 southern defectors)
During the brief pause in the fighting, the revolutionaries called for the Southern Army to surrender. They had held out so far, but had little food or equipment, and so it was a simple matter of time until they fell. They also called for conscripts to change sides, and that they have no reason for loyalty to the Southern federal government which forced them to fight. Only one side had the national reach to end this civil war the fastest, and it was the revolutionaries.
The Forty Acres Movement also tried encouraging the Northern Army soldiers to defect, sowing propaganda and sending pamphlets. This had the advantage of the existing Minutemen's network of soldiers on their side, who encouraged their comrades to join them. But this effort would be interrupted when someone reported on them to General Wheeler…
Help Army: 52
The Spartacists helped the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of the South to set up a command staff, training, and other necessary functions of an army. This would be essential as the Spartacists were the most advanced army in the country. They would help all United Front armies copy their success and experience, greatly expanding their capabilities.
The Society of Friends of All Faiths:
Agitate army: 61d20 = 515 + 61 (school of journalism) = 576
(720 defectors from the Northeast, 1296 defectors from the Eastern front.)
The SFAF made similar plans to the RFAA, agitating among the Northern government's army to defect to the United Front. They found most of their success among the pocketed army in D.C., encouraging them to join the United Front in order to fend off the Neo-Confederate assault.
While the soldiers in D.C. came in large groups fleeing the southern assault, carrying what they had under a white flag, the northeastern soldiers slipped quietly into the night on an individual basis. They would join protests or rural revolutionary forces as new volunteers, many keeping quiet about their previous affilition.
Among the Northeastern forces, only the most determined men remained, those firmly committed to a liberal American government.
Protests: 71
The Society also carried out large scale protests throughout the Northeast, coordinated with revolutionary forces and armies. This distracted thousands of soldiers at critical times even at the cost of many lives.
American People's Futurist Alliance:
The Futurists accepted an integration of The Vanguard into the Provisional Government's army, allowing for greater utility of it on a strategic scale. This would effectively remove control of their own militia, giving them no recourse should they and the government turn against each other. They were tied to the success of the revolution, one way or another.
Organize supporters: 47 + 10 (higher funds spent) = 57
With most of their working class supporters in the ACUA, all of the factories their supporters worked at were folded into the Provisional Government's Workers Planning Council. The internal democracy of these organizations gave the futurists a key chance to influence their internal politics. The futurists organized campaigns targeting certain factory floors to vote in pro-central economic management supporters. While this influence wouldn't affect the new constitution, it would affect these organizations involved in advising on the nature of central management, and therefore hopefully influence it in a technocratic way.
The Friends of the Huddled Masses:
Bureaucracy: 47
The Friends made a standardized bureaucracy within the organization, now an unwieldy size. This would let it maintain cohesion across all its branches, directing continuous programs and new directives. The anarchists opposed this bureaucratization of the organization, but were overruled by the socialists and industrialists, who for once agreed on an issue.
Seize US fleet: 39 + 5 (Manilla infiltrations) + 5 (omake) + 10 (higher funds spent) = 59
Many of the workers at the Manilla naval base were Yellow Scarves, committed to the workers revolution. So when the US Pacific Navy arrived in full, they moved to action.
First they contacted the Philippine army, their resources and manpower necessary for the operation. Together they formed a plan. After some time, President Aguinaldo secretly approved the operation to seize the fleet.
So one day in late July, strategically timed so a minimum of sailors or marines would be on the ships, dock workers would let soldiers onto the docks and onto the ships. The US marines responded immediately, struggling to fend off superior numbers. Despite their skeleton crews, the navy left port, with most ships managing to escape.
Which was part two of the plan. Strategically placed explosives by allies on the ships damaged most of the remaining ships, forcing them back to port or to be sunk. Less than a fourth of the navy escaped, either because the explosives were found in time, didn't fire properly, or didn't create enough damage. They had no more friendly ports in the Pacific (Alaska's ports being too small to handle a navy). They were forced to buy fuel from foreign nations and stay afloat, and if the war took much longer would be forced to dock in a foreign port whatever that cost.
Many countries protested a neutral country getting involved without a declaration of war, but didn't move to interfere themselves. President Aguinaldo announced the success of the operation as yet another blow against imperialism and announced the end of the unjust Manilla occupation. He would be keeping the fleet docked in Manilla for the portion of the civil war for repairs and safekeeping.
In private communications with the Provisional Government, President Aguinaldo insisted he needed to keep the fleet in case a European power decided to intervene against him because he intervened in the civil war.
The Orange Disciples:
The country was fragmented, war waged in every state. Only The Orange Disciples remained committed to their pacifist stance, hoping to help the many hurt by the war and encourage the participants to end it sooner.Assistance: 38d20 = 410
(41% increase in recruitment for next turn, +1 per die for discouraging volunteers)
The Orange Disciples organized a massive amount of aid for those displaced by or injured by the fighting. Through food shipments, setting up tents, and providing medical care, they ameliorated the harm caused by war. This was especially important in Pennsylvania and New York where civilians found themselves directly targeted by the army if it was suspected they were part of the protest movement, many having to flee their homes. They gathered testimonials from the people they helped as evidence of the army's depravity's.
But such actions brought suspicion on themselves and Orange Disciple activists found themselves targeted by the army just as the UF mutual aid groups were. The army was too distracted with protests and opposing armies this year to truly crack down on them, but should that change, they would be facing an existential threat.
Discourage volunteers: 36d20 = 390 + 36 (medical assistance testimonials) = 426
(-10 to Northeastern volunteers roll)
The Orange Disciples were very well respected within the Northeast as a charitable and pacifist organization, especially among the types to support McKinley's government. This made their campaign to discourage volunteers for the army well heard even as the army cracked down on their activities, forcing many activists to flee to their headquarters in Ohio and West Virginia. They used testimonials from those harmed by the war as proof of its harm. Thousands of people heard their message through their newspaper, through their churches, or through word of mouth, and many chose to stay home rather than die in the war.
The New American Patriots:
Concerned about their investments and trading partners in America, the British Business men initially involved with the New American Patriots have come back and contacted them. They wished for NAP to act to preserve their private property, both in California and New York, however they can (massively expanding WSG to be hired by them, influencing local government not to expropriate it, etc.) in exchange for their backing. To ensure the funds and weapons are used properly, British delegates would be present at regional and national level meetings. The NAP emphatically refused, having grown far beyond their roots.
Integrate arms factory: 24
The New American Patriots had planned to integrate their California Arms Factory into the Winter Security Group, but were blocked by internal politics. WSG leadership was afraid of the factory being nationalized as most other arms factories were across the nation by the Provisional Government. It was only after a specific exemption was given in recognition of ARM's support of the United Front in the civil war that they began reconsidering their obstruction.
The arms factory itself also had internal bickering, as the internal-company-mandated union's leadership attempted to block votes for joining the ACUA. Soon the factory was at war with itself as ACUA supporters and the old union's supporters became increasingly hostile to each other. It began with posters supporting one side or another being put up and torn down and has escalated to a wildcat strike by both sides. The company union, with the support of almost all former management, demanded the switch to the ACUA be ended without a vote, firing ACUA supporters if necessary. Meanwhile the ACUA union supporters, who have since elected their own management team, demanded that the former management be fired and a vote to instate an ACUA union-shop be held.
The executive of the company was paralyzed, personally supporting the former management (whom he had a good working relationship with), but aware doing so would be against the interests of NAP. So it was up to the organization leadership to resolve the issue.
Meanwhile the state was looking on in interest, threatening to intervene if the factory didn't immediately begin producing again with the ACUA as the sole union.
Training campus: 42
NAP also set up another training campus for additional training for the Winter Security Group guards. It covered everything from advanced marksmanship and urban warfare to crisis response and deescalation. They also established LGBT sensitivity classes, hiring SUS members (with permission from that organization) to teach.
Finally, the NAP decided not to protect businesses from California's nationalizations. When court orders were issued they would consider the contract dissolved, provide contact information to the contract holder for reimbursement, and leave immediately. This wasn't relevant for most of their contracts, being primarily small businesses, but many were unionized and had the ACUA seize control, later legalized by the state.
The Society for Universal Suffrage:
SUS gave permission to NAP for hiring members to provide full-intersectional and anti-bigotry training to their security guards, hoping it could do some good.
Protests: 37 + 5 (activist training) = 42
The Society called for large scale protests in the cities, trying to distract the federal army. These were coordinated with the timing and location of the incoming Revolutionary Army, distracting the federal army at key times. They did have troubles with the clandestine nature of these protests, with many organizers' identities leaked leading to many killed "resisting arrest". Other times protests were caught in a bad spot, shot upon by the police and army. But even hurt, these activists distracted the army at a critical time, providing room for a sweeping offensive.
Expand Armaments x2: 64 + 5 (MAN) + 3 (ethnic clubs) + 5 (WPC) = 77
While the Universal Development construction company would soon be integrated into the federal government, for now it was still under the control of SUS, and so they used it to greatly expand the armaments and munitions complex. It would soon be double the size as before, representing much of the Midwest's arms capabilities.
Educational program: 39
The queer sections of SUS had been hard at work the past few years, developing a comprehensive educational program about sexual and reproductive health, especially contraceptive methods and what they prevent. They then implemented it as a nationwide health campaign, hoping to help many. Few at the time were aware of this sort of thing, with society overwhelmingly telling people that they should save themselves 'till marriage and therefore don't need to know (despite few actually doing so), making this the first time many could openly talk of it.
There was some backlash, with many saying that they were tricking the youth into promiscuity, but it was largely overshadowed by other events.
The Minutemen:
Call for mass defections: 36 + 5 (army officer connections) + 5 (omake) = 46
Weak network: 46 * ¼ = 11.5%
Moderate network: 46 * ⅓ = 15.3%
Large network: 46 * ⅔ = 30.6%
(2695 Texas soldiers, 3654 + 1070 (FAM action) Mississippi/Tennessee soldiers, 918 Louisiana soldiers, 920 Missouri soldiers)
The Minutemen's network of soldiers and officers opposed to tyranny was still growing strong in the West. Most new volunteers had signed up for fighting the Neo-Confederacy, signing Union songs and reliving their grandfathers' fight against slavery. But now they were directed against the grandchildren of the slaves their grandfathers saved. A plan was passed around the army, from the bases in Texas, to Arkansas, to Missouri. A massive insurrection day in which they would call upon as much of the army to turn as possible, defecting to the Revolutionary Provisional Government, made up of duly elected representatives of the people.
But they were caught. News of the plans were leaked to the upper officers and General Wheeler ordered a full investigation of the army to weed out traitors. Half-made plans went into action, entire companies fleeing across battle lines, while others deliberately sabotaged fights against the Revolutionary Army.
In Texas, they had hoped to coup the entire army and take control of the state, but with their plans found out, escaped with just a third of the army, under 3,000 soldiers. With nowhere to go they had to live off the land and continue to flee, surviving for now only because all other armies were busy. They found allies in the new rail unions, being willing to transport them and supplies.
Southern People's Alliance:
Agitate army: 200d20 = 2320 + 200 (school of journalism) = 2520
(4060 Eastern Front, 4640 Virginia, 900 Mississippi/Tennessee)
(Stats of West Virginia and Guerrilla army lowered due to supplying many more people)
The Southern People's Alliance used their existing connections across the south from trying to help men avoid the draft, to now get them out of it. Many were unable to avoid the draft, or signed up with the idea of defending the South against Northern tyranny, having bought into the idea that McKinley was a tyrant.
They met men secretly in cities the armies stayed in, dropped leaflets along the paths of the marching Virginia army, and more.
For the army on the march, thousands of soldiers slipped away as the guerrilla army continued attacking to join them. Others simply left and showed up in the cities to join the Revolutionary Army, defending the people they were told to kill by the generals—their people.
For the army near D.C., defectors had to run across the fighting, as the army they fled attacked the army they fled towards. Many others decided to instead flee into the mountains, joining the Appalachian armies.
And many simply fled never to be seen again, entirely done with the fighting. War was getting increasingly unpopular, and even many of those against the socialist cause had no interest in dying against it.
Appalachian Brotherhood:
The Appalachian Brotherhood and Revolutionary Federation of Appalachia would begin talks to merge their organizations once more. The two groups had kept close cooperation these few years they were separate, and now with no need for a fiction of acting in legality, the reason for their separation was gone. Both groups would overwhelmingly vote in favor of reunification, and so going forward the Appalachian Brotherhood was united once more.
Hidden trails: 63 + 5 (MAN) = 68
The Appalachian Brotherhood set up hidden trails across Pennsylvanian Appalachia for United Front forces to cross. This would prove critical for scattered forces avoiding the wrath of the federal army and for protesters to escape should they be attacked by the army or police.
Revolutionary Federation of Appalachia:
Armaments: 46 + 5 (MAN) = 51
In just a few months the RFA finished their armaments and munitions manufacturing based in mountain villages. Soon they would begin producing, giving weapons to the armies in the fight.
Amigos del Pueblo (Friends of the People):
Smuggle guns: 79 + 3 (CLA training) + 8 (TFAM trainers) = 90 * 16 (higher funds given) = 1440
(480 regulars, 960 green)
With the enthusiasm of the civil war and fear of the overwhelming armies in Texas, there was no shortage of volunteers for the Southwestern Community Defense Committees. They smuggled guns from California and Cuba, sent many volunteers over to Cuba for training, and ended with well over a thousand men and women trained for battle.
Now their militia numbered almost three thousand strong. They were still outnumbered by either opposing army in Texas, but not so much a battle would be a foregone conclusion. The bigger problem was that after training their new membership, the AdP didn't have enough ammunition to arm all their militia for a long fight, meaning any fight would have to be short or they would soon lose it.
Northern miners: 13d20 = 174, 1135/1000 overflow 135/400 petroleum
As the northern Mexico miner unions began building up to a strike, the AdP continued to send expertise and aid to help unionize more mines. Now the vast majority of mines had large numbers of men in the union. They even began making headways into the petroleum industry, which had close ties with the mining industry, and was also largely concentrated in the north. These industries were also overwhelmingly owned by foreign investors, making them an ideal target of the MLP's national liberation propaganda.
Meanwhile the large agricultural estates in Northern Mexico, mainly built to service American consumers, became mostly unionized. The landowners had more and more political power in northern Mexico, with the agricultural union's primary demand there being land reform rather than just higher wages.
Committee for Indigenous Advocacy:
Nationalize plantations: 43
In the early days of the Republic, the CIA continued to help them draft and pass legislation. They established a full nationalization of the islands' plantations, almost uniformly owned by American landlords. Many of these white landlords fled the country, fearing that the expropriation of their land was merely the first step. This sparked many of the white laborers to flee as well as they fear-mongered of racial retaliation.
The few industries on the island remained independent, but few considered that that would last for long.
This full scale nationalization provided for a welcome boost to the islands' income, now being able to benefit themselves from the profits. They also began reforming work conditions even better than the previous laws, as the old owners were no longer here to try to get around the laws, and introducing worker democratic management to run the plantations.
For now further expanding the plantations has been halting, native Hawaiians in particular wishing to return to their way of life.
Smuggle guns: 65 + 8 (TFAM training procedures) = 73 * 16 (higher funds given) = 1168
The Ojibwe, Lakota, Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Arikara, and more tribes of the northern Great Plains came together to establish an army. The Great Plains Indian Regiment would include over a thousand trained warriors, armed with smuggled guns from the Midwest. They would gather in the Dakotas to try to seize the only arms factory in South Dakota, both to keep it out of enemy hands (being the closest base of enemy militia to a reservation) and to use it for themselves.
United Front:
The United Front would agree on unifying the Provisional Government, Revolutionary Government, and Northeast Revolutionary Front, now all known under the name of the Revolutionary Provisional Government. The task of deciding on and implementing a unified electoral and administrative system would be delegated to the Constituent Assembly.
The only dissenting organization was the ACUA, whose delegates proposed immediately standardizing the states to the Revolutionary Government. It was a large scale state with strong proletarian characteristics, getting rid of the bourgeoisie democracy in the process. While their delegates were ultimately overruled, it did get the idea out there that the convention should be aiming for something more like the Revolutionary Government with workers' elections.
They did establish a unified army command, allowing for revolutionary forces across the country to coordinate. This was made easier by the at least semi-democratic nature of each militia and army, with the most important parts being establishing communication and clear chains of command at the highest officer positions.
Mutual aid: 46 + 5 (mutual aid commission) = 51
Many revolutionaries from Massachusetts fled to New Hampshire as the army took control of the state. From there they worked with local supporters, establishing new communication networks.
While they had far less support in their new base area, they decided to establish a mutual aid network in the state to gain more popular support. They also began organizing in Vermont, the small state largely apart from the intense city fighting, helping the people of its urban areas and gaining support there as well.
The SLP also began campaigning in Ohio in expectation of the upcoming election, hoping to gain a strong majority in the first major retaken state.
American Reform Movement:
Creating an executive committee was brought up but had little discussion and was not voted on. The ARM did decide to donate funds for The Orange Disciples and APFA, both having time sensitive tasks they needed additional funds for.
Revolutionary Government:
The Revolutionary Government continued to establish itself as a state, even as it was renamed to the Revolutionary Provisional Government (South) alongside its allies. But as the war continued and trade has been largely cut off, food has begun becoming an issue for the rural population. If a strong connection to the Midwest or ports geographically across the south is not established, popular support will begin to drop.
Progressive tax: 44 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 49
It began by establishing a progressive tax system across controlled territory, including a graduated income tax, corporate tax (on the few remaining private businesses), and a death tax on wealth. Through this they established a strong income for the government, allowing it to continue to pursue the war. It would also help slowly redistribute wealth, as while the seizures of industry and land were the main help, there were still some private businesses and wealthy individuals remaining.
Standardization of the army: 60 + 10 (Spartacist help) = 70
All of the new revolutionary polities would standardize their army on the same line and under a unified command. As the most advanced army, the Spartacists would help set up the Revolutionary Army in the South, which would be the basis upon which the other Revolutionary Armies would be established.
The key aspects of the army would be the democratic nature in which officers were mostly elected by the soldiers. The Southern Command Council was also elected with one member per regiment, taking overall control of the southern theater and appointing the generals (subject to a veto by the civilian government).
General William W. Purnell would take overall command of the Western Army facing off against the largest Northern-aligned army in the country, while General William McBryar was in command of the operation to consolidate territorial control across the south. Both were experienced high ranking officers of the Spartacists with several battles won and years of experience. They were currently considering appointing a third general for the east, out of a list of Poor Man's Fighters officers.
The army would standardize training practices, now carried out on a larger and quicker scale. The Strategy Committee and Officer Training would be universally implemented, with the training required (albeit not usually in an enforced manner) to stand for election. Volunteers with the right education and abilities would be separated out to join the artillery corps, receiving special training for accurate use of the important weapons.
The Spartacist and Minutemen trainers would be formalized into experienced training cadres on the backlines, allowing for mass training of new armies. They would continue to use existing training procedures, now adapted to a larger scale. Moreover, nationally they would make use of significant self-defense programs such as SUS' women's self defense and the Minutemen's war games to broaden their recruitment base which required lesser training.
Field medics and combat engineers (the latter adopted with the help of the Minutemen) would become standard companies for the infantry, saving lives and allowing for more advanced fortifications to be quickly built up compared to the ad-hoc system of having regular militia do the work.
Finally, the Cuban Liberation Army had long been working with the Minutemen and the southwestern Community Defense Committees, and continued doing so with the army. This was especially helped by the thousand-man volunteer regiment they had sent, sharing their lived experiences of guerrilla warfare, some of which was integrated into general training.
Volunteers: 48 + 10 (experienced training cadres) + 5 (civilian self-defense programs) = 63
(63% * 9000 = 5670)
The Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of the South (now officially just the southern Revolutionary Army) recruited well over five thousand new recruits this quarter, putting them through basic training. A tenth of that graduated from The Forty Acres Movement's training camps, most of whom had been in training for longer and were trained to a much higher quality.
Starting up mass training did require the use of guns and ammunition that then could not be sent to the front lines, but for now they were still in a good position equipment wise. Their efforts building up military industry combined with seized industry from the southern capitalists preparing for their own war against the North allowed them to continue producing machine guns, ammunition, and more for the army.
An additional three thousand International volunteers have arrived at New Orleans, ready to help the fight. Although most have never fought a battle, many trained in their home countries before coming over, and they brought weapons and supplies with them.
Industrial Planning Commission: 44 + 5 (IPC) + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 54
The Industrial Planning Commission had worked to industrialize the rural south for years, managing the planning and creation of industry. Now it has become an official governmental institution, with the unions seamlessly forming workers councils to send representatives to the board. It now managed the planning of far more industry than before, yet the experience of the previous workers was vital to making it work. The unions on their own would have had a tough time making the transition from what was effectively cooperatives into a truly nationalized system, but the Industrial Planning Commission managed it in a matter of months.
They directed production for the war effort, no longer needing to worry about pricing and markets between competing factories. Designs and techniques in one part of the country were telegraphed to the other, allowing standardization of equipment and the most efficient techniques. It was still in many ways a growing system, with many considering it temporary for the war, but most Marxists considered it the most important step towards achieving socialism, with the next being to finish seizing all the means of production including land (however they may disagree on what that means). Many called for more state control to be exerted over the Industrial Planning Commission as well, fearing conflicts between worker councils would hurt coordination, long term planning, and potentially go against the will of the people as a whole.
Southern anarchists too generally were supportive of it, approving of the direct control by the worker councils. Many criticized the subordination of it to the state, as while there were few state controls on it now, they saw that could easily change.
The urban-rural divide was more relevant in the immediate sense. The IPC previously consisted of workers in at most large towns, and the agrarian socialists wished for it to keep that way, with a focus on towns producing goods for the local area and decentralized arms production that served them well in the era of state repression. These included the anarcho-collectivists and anarcho-communists, with their emphasis on egalitarian distribution and small scale communities, as well as a developing Agrarian Socialist tradition including both Marxists who wanted planned rural economies and others who wished for land-to-the-tiller policies.
Meanwhile the urbanist left (including most of the unions who were primarily city workers) insisted that in the immediate sense they needed efficient, centralized production in the cities to create as large and best equipped army as possible. Now that they were a state and held and could defend territory, decentralized production was less useful. These included the anarcho-collectivists and anarcho-syndicalists (a growing tendency within the ACUA) with an emphasis on mass production to be able to provide each to their needs, as well as almost all Marxists.
While the government as a whole leaned towards the rural side, as a simple result of the South being mostly rural, the Worker Councils and thus new IPC leadership leaned urbanist, and would continue to do so unless the plantations were directly integrated into it. Thus, the question has also become one of the state or Worker Councils deciding the policy of the IPC. The decisions of the government and IPC in the coming months would determine and be determined by the course of this debate.
United Front Provisional Government (Midwest)
New Congress: 57 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 62
Political figures from across the nation gathered in Chicago. The (temporary) capital of the Revolutionary Provisional Government, the decisions here would reverberate for the rest of American history.
A new Congress was meeting, one that was now unicameral, no more upper and lower houses to slow decisions. The old Representatives were admitted on the basis of previous elections, with special elections planned for November for missing representatives. This included representatives from states that did not align with the revolutionaries, primarily SLP ones from Pennsylvania and New York. They had an open invitation for any elected Representative, regardless of party, so long as they renounced their seat in the US House of Representatives or Senate, the Pact's House or Senate, or state legislatures adhering to the foregoing.
Few took them up on that offer, primarily Democratic-Populists outside the South who saw that the Revolutionary Provisional Government would likely win this civil war. This didn't include any notable politician nor did they bring with them the party organs, and thus didn't redirect any support to the Revolutionary Provisional Government. However, it did represent the growing view among Americans that it was the legitimate government, and would likely win the war.
The Revolutionary Government in the South and Revolutionary Front in the Northeast, although rebel groups with very different functioning governance, were officially part of the Revolutionary Government, and thus were invited to send representatives in place of the states in their territorial area.
The South elected to have locally elected leadership organize direct elections, currently a mix of regional confederations of town and village councils and city worker councils. With no previously elected representative from the Pact choosing to join the provisional Congress, they were able to elect all the Representatives in the states they held territory in, giving them solid numbers of representation.
Meanwhile in Appalachia and the Northeast, no formalized state structure has been established and the people were only just reconnecting after being geographically cut off by the federal army. So a variety of communes, collectives, and worker associations have offered up representatives, some of them anarchists who refused to officially join the SLP on principle despite being willing to go to the Congress as a now proletarian-controlled institution.
Thus hundreds of representatives convened in the Chicago political convention center, where the United Front delegates normally met. The majority were revolutionary SLP representatives, mostly allied with the anarchists, in that they were willing to pursue the revolution to the fullest against liberal democratic norms. The possibilist SLP representatives, while bound to vote with the revolutionary majority, believed that the current government controlling industry through a planned bureaucracy was sufficient for establishing socialism, and therefore a new constitution was unneeded. They joined the left-Populists, Democratic-Populists, LLRP, Christian Socialists, and rare progressive Republicans forming a moderating Constitutionalist block, a wide-tent group who believed that while flawed, America's ideals were worth standing for and the constitution should be followed. In this they formed an opposition block, though a loose one with varying members supporting different proposals along with the revolutionary SLP.
For the purpose of presiding over the Provisional Congress and coordinating the work of Congressional executive committees and working groups, a la the presidents of the Continental and Confederation Congresses, or the Speaker of the US House of Representatives, the Provisional Congress elected a President. This president shall not be an imperial president with coequal, separate powers like the French president, nor like McKinley, but shall be subordinate to the Congress and may be interrogated by its members.
Dominik Kubicek, a second generation Bohemian immigrant, had joined the Society for Universal Suffrage in 1897. He was elected to the House of Representatives in 1898 and has been an influential figure in the SLP ever since. While a Marxist-Voightist himself, he has managed to gain support from all parts of the United Front due to his firm commitment to revolution and including all parts of the United Front in the decision process. Thus, as one of their first acts, Congress elected Kubicek as president.
Plan a constituent assembly: 41 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) + 5 (omake) = 51
One of the first things Congress did was plan a constituent assembly. Delegates were to be elected not from the states, but from districts each having approximately 20,000 residents according to the 1900 census, district boundaries to be drawn according to principles of geographic compactness and community of interest by a committee of the Provisional Congress selected by lot and consisting of forty representatives.
The electorate would consist of all persons twenty-one years of age or older present in each respective district on the day of election, regardless of race, sex, citizenship, alienage, Indian tribal status or other similar factors, excepting only representatives, senators, judges, magistrates, military or militia officers, sheriffs, police officers, and other salaried officials adhering to the United States Government, the Pact to Secure Democracy, or a foreign state or subdivision of any of the foregoing.
These delegates would be bound by imperative mandates of their parties (especially relevant in the case of the constitutionalist SLP faction), and subject to immediate recall and replacement by the inhabitants of their districts.
These delegates would receive a stipend of twenty dollars per week, or the median adult male wage in their district, whichever is higher, to permit the Assembly to meet continuously until the completion of its business.
The Assembly's proceedings were to be public, and minutes of its meetings and those of its committees to be reported no less frequently than once per week by at least the Valkyrie, the International Traveler, the Continental Worker, the People, and the Community Presses, but no restrictions on publication of minutes shall be placed on other widely-circulated United Front and Reform Movement newspapers including Land and Labor.
The election date for the Assembly was set for November, which gave them enough time to draw the districts and have candidates step forward without too long of a lead time. It would also likely allow them to run the election in the occupied Northeast, as it looked that defeating McKinley's army there by November was very possible. At most there would be 3810 delegates, though almost certainly far less since opposing factions in the civil war wouldn't be defeated by then, and wouldn't be electing any.
Once assembled, the Constituent Assembly was to be empowered to ratify its own work product (as a whole, not on a line-item basis) by a three-fifths majority, or to submit its work product (as a whole, not on a line-item basis) for ratification by the simple majority of a referendum of the people, but not to submit its work product to the state legislatures or state conventions for ratification. They were empowered to abrogate and replace the 1789 Constitution entirely, and in particular to ignore the limitations of that Constitution on the content of amendments.
This last stipulation was fiercely contested by the Constitutionalists. The Constitutionalist faction of the SLP almost broke from the party on the matter, only reluctantly voting for it when it became clear the party would expel them otherwise, and it would not be enough to prevent the proposal from passing.
On the other end of the isle, some of the independent anarchist representatives refused to vote for it, claiming that they should instead immediately abolish the state in favor of a more revolutionary method of organization that has formed naturally, such as the Revolutionary Front, and that a static constitution forfeits the future instead of being able to change with the circumstances. They weren't against the idea of constitutions in general, but rather, one for the entire nation all would be forced to live under, without freedom of association. Their voices were joined even by some Marxists who praised the southern revolutionaries for their proletarian state, and wished to adopt it nationwide—the debate was waged both in newspapers and in the congress.
But in the end, arguments for the Assembly prevailed, and the election date was set. Should nothing go wrong, they hoped to have a new constitution within a year.
Integrate WPC: 76 + 5 (WPC) + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 86
(Additional +1 equipment)
The Workers Planning Council, Farm Workers Council, and Universal Development were to be integrated into the government to manage industry. The local All-Continental Union Association unions enthusiastically incorporated their seized industry into it. Now the majority of industry in the steel belt west of Pittsburgh and all of the military industry was under planned economic management. There were still a few industries under capitalist management, especially in Michigan where the union was weaker, and notably the LLRP's automobile factory was specifically declared immune to expropriation for a duration of the war plus five years, pursuant to Point 1 of the Detroit Agreement.
They found the transition seamless, with the unions already managing their industry like a large-scale cooperative corporation. Staticians and clerks in the former United States Steel Corporation tracking production and consumption by various factories joined with WPC planners and expanded their bureaucracy to include all industries. In this way they tracked where they needed to increase production, and where they had overproduction that needed to be reduced so more could be focused on the war effort. Many factories volunteered their services to specialize for the army, such as making winter boots or coats.
Universal Development, SUS' longstanding construction company, has also been folded into the WPC as its construction arm. Now enlarged by being merged with the unions' construction companies, it serves to further develop industry.
As a subdivision of the WPC, the Farm Workers Council would continue to organize agricultural produce. This would be a great boon for the army, as it meant there was no need for negotiations on buying food and transport, but instead it could simply be done and have the government pay the wages of the workers. It would continue to expand with some voluntary collectivizations, poor farmers taking advantage of state-paid-for equipment and supplies for an increase in income and decrease in work. Better off farmers largely stayed independent, with many worried about the new government.
The FWC began organizing farm workers on large farms on its own initiative, seizing the land once they've formed a union—a much cheaper task than buying it off of them. The former landlords fled and fear mongered in the papers both domestic and foreign about these seizures, but it found little attention compared to the large scale seizures of industry.
Much like in the south, there was a Marxist-anarchist divide on the WPC. Unlike the south, the state was well controlled by Marxists, and so has already firmly rejected the anarchist collectivist notion of non-market free exchange in favor of direct planning. Now the debate was on centralized, bureaucratic management, opposed to decentralized planning with statician boards primarily to inform rather than make decisions. But this debate could well wait until after the war, with the workers almost universally willing to adapt to whatever is necessary in the now, and fight over future issues later.
Unified army: 51
The Midwestern section of the Revolutionary Provisional Government unified their army command and procedures with the South, establishing the Revolutionary Army. Due to distance and communication issues, army command was still partially separate for now, with their own Midwestern Command Council and generals.
They appointed Anastasia Wishbecker as the general for the eastern offensive, the once diversely organized collection of militia now marching together. As a Russian Jewish immigrant, she was an active member of the Russian language federation and supporter of revolution back in her home country. She had been an active commander in the Red Vanguard and a voice for revolution every year, making her a clear choice for the position.
Over in Wisconsin, General Niclas Korn led several regiments to save and secure Minnesota. He had been in the Illinois state militia for over a decade, radicalizing when they intervened to protect the workers before the rise of the socialist movement.
Finally, in Illinois, General Ava Fendler was in charge of training and defending the Illinois side of the Mississippi river. She was one of the Coven, that group of women who had lead SUS since the early 90s and were still influential now.
Train volunteers: 67 + 10 (experienced training cadres) + 5 (civilian self-defense programs) = 82
(82% * 17500 = 14350, additional reduction in supplies for each army due to increased consumption)
SUS' longstanding self defense program came in help, as huge numbers of women were already trained in basic marksmanship. As the volunteer campaigning began, Annie Oakley and her husband Frank Butler publicly signed up, and called for all women to fight for their liberation. She had personally helped tens of thousands of women learn to use guns, and they were both celebrities from their showman days. They toured the Midwest and then northern Appalachia, with recruitment offices filling up wherever they went.
Finally, she ended her tour, requesting to join the Wisconsin army to help liberate the Hunkpapa Lakota from the settler-controlled state. This was the home of her good friend Sitting Bull, who had symbolically adopted her, and so was an issue dear to her.
The Revolutionary Provisional Government found and trained over fourteen thousand new recruits, easily an army unto itself. For now they were kept in Illinois for potential further training.
United Front Provisional Government (West)
Establish WPC: 49 + 5 (FMC) + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 59
The western Provisional Government shared its government with the Midwestern legally, except geographical separation and communication issues forcing effective local administration. So when Congress passed a bill integrating the Workers Planning Council into government to manage industry, the West did the same. But they had to create it from scratch, working with and basing it off of the Friends of Huddled Masses' Factory Management Council.
All union controlled or owned industries became part of the WPC, as well as the FMC cooperative. This sweeping nationalization program also included all arms factories, with the exception of the New American Patriots' arms factory, which has been deferred so long as it continues to sell to the Provisional Government and its affiliated states, and while the Winter Security Group continued to adhere to its contracts with the United Front organizations, pursuant to Point 4 of the Detroit Agreement.
The western WPC would begin much less smoothly than the eastern one. It controlled far less industry, but also a far greater percent of local industry, with the majority of west coast factories having been unionized.
It would also have deeper ideological problems. The Factory Management Council cooperative workers primarily wished for local industrial development, including consumer goods but especially heavy industry to achieve the same prosperity as the steel belt.
The former was an especially important issue for the population as a whole, as civilian trade has been mostly cut off with the east, and so most products like they're used to are gone. The war was a distant affair to the west coast, with fighting in Oregon and Washington small in scale and away from the big cities. This attitude has bled into the union workers as a whole, who are the majority of the WPC. While in favor of the revolution, many still see current forces as sufficient, hearing good news of the war in the east and closer to home.
Meanwhile the national government wished to focus on the war. But mass production of new war industries, with the exception of shipbuilding, will require the state to enforce a plan on the WPC, something the anarchists are soundly against. The Marxists, currently a majority of the western WPC, generally expect the state to enforce some goals and plans upon the WPC, and so have a high tolerance if the state decides to do so.
Unified Army: 67
The western Revolutionary Army also complied with the orders to standardize across the country. In the West Coast and Rocky Mountains, the RA marched to liberate the workers of the west.
General Wu Zhingling was put in charge of the far-west Revolutionary Army, and immediately went to work, sending the army to liberate the workers of Nevada, Oregon, and Washington.
Special elections: 47
They ran special elections in Washington and Oregon, establishing full and proper civilian government as well as SLP governors. While most workers in the local administrations had left, they were well on their way to refilling the positions. This helped establish legitimacy for the Provisional Revolutionary Government, a strong counter to the many liberal voices who gained support through fear mongering that the socialists would end democracy. Instead civilians were assured that their voices would be heard and allowed, even if they were a minority.
North-East Revolutionary Front
By September, NYC's economy had begun to come to a halt, with factories empty for lack of raw material as warehouse stockpiles empty out. If not connected to the rest of the revolutionaries, then they will begin to run out of weapons and equipment—a dangerous potential end to the siege. But if this years' offensive succeeds, their artillery factory will begin to run along with the rest of the city's vast industry.
Merge city gov/council: 35 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) + 5 (omake) = 45
Direct production to the war effort: 45
Merging the city government administration into the city's collective council was a contentious move, albeit an expected one. Mayor Hillquit publicly quit city politics, admonishing the anarchists for trying such a risky governmental change in the middle of a siege, comparing it to the Paris Commune sitting still until an army killed them.
Despite the newly hostile relations between the anarchists and Hillquit, he was still an incredibly popular leader, and so all agreed he could be one of their representatives to the Provisional Congress—conveniently out of the city. He and the other Representatives left by crossing the Hudson River at night, making use of the United Front underground and the distraction of the mass protests to travel to Chicago.
The New York Commune's council, while stemming from the RFAA's collective council in the area, was its own representative body apart from internal anarchist politics. As such a large city, it was in truth a sort of federation of communes, with each neighborhood having autonomy. Rather than state appointed borders, they had built local Communes based on locality and interests decided by the local people themselves. They kept an emphasis on direct participation and consensus democracy in community meetings (though the councils still allowed for majority vote).
The former police were fully integrated into the army and neighborhoods formed neighborhood watches instead. The rations enforced by the city government were still in effective, and so their primary role right now was to prevent anyone from stealing more than their fair share.
The corporations have already been replaced by unions and worker councils taking direct control, and now federations of Worker Associations were given their political control. Control of education to the teachers, health to medical workers, communications to technicians and workers, and production to the factory workers. With the city under siege few were opposed to focusing all production on the war effort, whether it be uniforms, guns, or canned food.
Judges and other civil servants were directly elected with immediate recall, the old laws were abandoned, with the Commune already drawing up a new code and new legislation.
These Worker Associations were extremely variable in size for now, anything from a single shop collective to the entire NYC Manufacturing and General Production Union. They worked on cooperative capitalism principles right now, as money had not yet been abolished in favor of free-exchange planning and labor vouchers, but still overwhelmingly supported doing so.
Those who wished to keep their small business or farm were not yet expropriated, with a not-fully-enforced-yet mandate for profit sharing to prevent exploitation. This was especially apparent on Long Island, where most farms were small family farms beforehand and continued to operate in the same way they had before.
Brooklyn continued to be a liberal stronghold, with many supporting McKinley despite what had happened. While the majority of workers supported the revolution, the remaining continued civil disobedience. The upper class neighborhood of Brooklyn Heights and petite bourgeoisie dominated neighborhoods of Bedford-Stuyvesant and Crown Height forming centers of resistance. Shopkeepers and merchants refused to collectivize their workplaces, or would claim they had only to return to the wage system. They formed their own police in place of a community watch and elected Republicans to the Commune's council.
Thus far they have made no armed resistance, simply refusing to go any further in the principles of anarchism than they had to, but much like the reactionary white racists of the south, would continue to be a problem in implementing a socialist program.
Maryland has been undergoing a similar transformation, with the Baltimore Commune forming a provincial federation with the other Maryland communes, each a few villages, a town, or city. Many prisoners across the former state have been let free, especially those arrested for political reasons or for reasons like sodomy.
North-East Revolutionary Front (Appalachia)
State-wide cooperation: 39 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 44
Across Revolutionary Appalachia, Communes, Collectives, and other local groups began establishing communications and federal structures. For now these were ephemeral in nature and could go any direction—collectivist federal communes, syndicalist unions, or communist worker councils. But regardless of the future, right now they were working together, which meant taxes and supporting the revolutionaries.
Local Appalachian Brotherhood cadres formed elections in Pittsburgh, establishing the Pittsburgh Commune under the protection of the Revolutionary Army. It quickly federated with the rest of Appalachia, now including territory in several states.
Training volunteers: 51 + 10 (experienced training cadres) + 5 (civilian self-defense programs) = 66
(66% * 1800 = 1188)
While the Revolutionary Army hasn't standardized yet, the militia have been long making use of the same training standards, and so it was a simple matter to apply those to a large scale now. They took volunteers from all across Appalachia, not simply revolutionary controlled territory, with hundreds eager to liberate their own homes. In just a few months they trained over a thousand soldiers, and were prepared to speed up the mobilization process.
Republic of Hawaii
Draft a constitution: 41 + 5 (economic and political analysis commission) = 46
The Hawaiian legislature was busy drafting a constitution, which was soon to be ratified by popular referendum. While there were some moderates and conservatives in both the Republicans and some Hawaiian representatives, the radicals quickly took the enthusiasm of the population and legislature. They also decided to name the republic the People's Republic of Hawaii, differentiating them from the previous business-dominated republic.
The constitution provided for universal (excepting executive officials under the 1894 Constitution and 1900 Organic Act), equal, and direct adult suffrage to elect for biennial terms assemblies and judges for self-governing communes none of which shall be larger than its island as well as to a supreme unitary national assembly with legislative power as a whole and with executive power through committees or working groups, with delegates subject to imperative mandates of their parties and, along with judges and other magistrates, to immediate recall, but to be paid a stipend no lower than the median adult male worker's wage so that assemblies can meet continuously.
It committed the state to socialist aims including the basic welfare of the citizens and residents and of the land and seas, by means of socialization and collective administration of property.
While there was a strong monarchist faction, they declined to restore the monarchy or to make explicit restitution for the Crown Lands seized by the Dole government. Instead they offered Liliuokalani the post of Ambassador to the Chinese revolutionary government (the elevated title being a salve both to her ego and Dr. Sun's), at a salary (and pension) equal to that of the next-highest-paid state employee.
Former Queen Liliuokalani had returned to Hawaii following the revolution, and while she was disappointed that "the people had lost faith in her", having the monarch be elected by the legislature had been tradition for decades, and so she acquiesced. She accepted the position of Ambassador, and soon left for the Republic of China, where she was greeted graciously.
The Second Civil/Revolutionary War:
Northern Volunteers: 67 - 5 (previous suppressed protesters) - 5 (currently suppressing protests) - 10 (TOD discouragement) = 47
(47% * 16000 = 7520)
Fed-West Volunteers: 61 + 10 (training units) = 71
(71% * 8500 = 6035)
In the West, General Merritt had the luxury of setting up training units. Where the south had scavenged theirs for a decapitation strike on D.C. and then defending against Revolution, and the North had taken theirs to defend against the sudden strike on the capital, the federal government was in a relatively secure position in the west.
Back in the Northeast, volunteers were beginning to dry up. Few wanted to sign up just to shoot into crowds of protesters, and that was what they primarily saw the army doing. Not to mention the major propaganda campaign against it by the respectable Orange Disciples—a draft would be necessary if they were going to keep raising an army.
Southern Draft: 47 - 2 (refugee program) = 45
(45% * 7000 * 2 = 6300)
Texas Draft: 67
(67% * 2000 * 2 = 2680)
The South continued to have problems with drafting more men, as most of their drafting infrastructure had been captured by the revolutionaries. Nonetheless they have raised almost ten thousand more men, men that would be critical if they wanted a chance at putting down the revolution.
Texas managed to recruit enough men to match the North in numbers, and combined with their artillery imports from Mexico, finally let them stand on even ground with their enemies.
Post Attrition Armies:
These are what will be used for actual combat. Some stat changes above were already applied, some will apply at the end of the turn. Any army beginning with "Revolutionary Army" has standardized and has full army bonuses, other UF armies only make use of infrastructure.
Texas Front:
Primarily along Texas' eastern border.
Northern Army: 5965 (quality +4)
—44 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 8
—Morale: 8
Southern Army: 3338 (quality +3)
—10 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 4
—Food: 4
—Morale: 3
2680 (Q -5) from recruitment
Fleeing Soldiers: 2537 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 1
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 4
—Morale: 4
Mississippi/Tennessee:
From Mississippi's western border to Kentucky.
Northern Army: 18,439 (quality +4)
—116 units of artillery
—General Wesley Merritt
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 8
—Morale: 6
Northern Army (Training, backlines): 6035 (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 8
—Morale: 6
Southern Army: 10,344 (quality +3)
—18 units of artillery
—General Joseph Wheeler
—Weaponry: 2
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 2
—Morale: 1
Revolutionary Army (South-West): 13011 (Q +3)
—Spartacist Elite: 1830 (Q +7)
—General William W. Purnell
—21 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 6
—Morale: 8
Louisiana:
Northern Army: 4890 (Q +4)
—60 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 9
—Morale: 6
Revolutionary Army (South-West): 1979 (Q +2)
—3000 (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 6
—Morale: 8
Eastern Front:
Primarily near D.C, from Appalachia to the coast.
Northern Army: 6384 (quality +4)
—77 units of artillery
—General Henry Corbin
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 2
—Food: 1
—Morale: 1
Maryland UF: 20,634 (Quality +4)
—Additional Untrained: 7443 (Quality -5)
—25 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 7
—Equipment: 9
—Food: 5
—Morale: 5
Southern Army: 11,946 (quality +4)
—General Fithugh Lee
—89 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 8
—Morale: 3
Virginia:
Southern Army: 9307 (quality +4)
—55 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 2
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 6
—Morale: 2
Revolutionary Army (South-Guerrilla): 3671 (Q +4)
—514 revolutionaries (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 7
—Morale: 8
Northeast:
Revolutionary Army (Pittsburgh-Erie): 17,630 (Q +2)
—General Anastasia Wishbecker
—Weaponry: 7
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
West Virginia:
RDC: 242 (Q -2)
Soldiers: 1965 (Q +4)
Untrained: 1144
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 4
—Food: 6
—Morale: 6
1188 (Q -5) from recruitment
NYC:
Revolutionaries: 14,543 (Q -5)
CDC: 3598 (Q +2)
FF: 5393 (Q +0)
TRV: 249 (Q +2)
Soldiers: 4910 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 6
—Equipment: 7
—Food: 3
—Morale: 7
980 (Q +0) from recruitment
Other Northeastern pockets:
Revolutionaries: 3850 (Q -8)
Soldiers: 1155 (Q +4)
Minutemen: 261 (Q +7)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 4
—Food: 9
—Morale: 7
Far northeast:
7874 Revolutionaries (Q -8)
576 CDC (Q +0)
192 FF (Q -2)
Soldiers: 288 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 6
—Morale: 7
Rhode Island:
3844 Revolutionaries (Q -8)
Soldiers: 571 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 9
—Equipment: 8
—Food: 4
—Morale: 7
12,352 Northern Infantry
—6689 at NYC (Q +4)
—2395 in Massachusetts (Q +4)
—2027 in Pennsylvania (Q +5)
—25 artillery
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 3
—Morale: 6
7520 (Q -5) from recruitment
Midwest:
Revolutionary Army (Ohio):
Untrained: 17,796 (Q -8)
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
Revolutionary Army (Wisconsin): 2509 (Q +0)
—General Niclas Korn
—Weaponry: 6
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
Revolutionary Army (Illinois/Indiana): 11,438 (Q +1)
—General Ava Fendler
—18 artillery
—Weaponry: 6
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
Revolutionary Army (Training): 14350 (Q -5)
—1060 (Q +0)
—Weaponry: 6
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
Minnesota: 2281 NCA (Q -10), 237 militia (Q -5)
ND: 380 NCA (Q -10), 95 militia (Q -5)
SD: 570 NCA (Q -10), 114 militia (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 5
—Morale: 6
Great Plains Indian Regiment: 1168 (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 2
—Food: 5
—Morale: 8
Revolutionary Army (St. Paul/Minneapolis): 288 untrained (Q -10), 316 militia (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 7
—Equipment: 7
—Food: 7
—Morale: 5
Northern Army (Missouri): 6813 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 8
—Morale: 6
West/west coast:
Revolutionary Army (West-Coast): 4234 (Q +0)
—13,424 (Q -10)
—1046 (Q -4)
—General Wu Zhingling
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
530 (Q +0) from recruitment
OR/WA state militia: 284
—Weaponry: 2
—Equipment: 2
—Food: 8
—Morale: 5
Revolutionary Army (West-Colorado/Wyoming): 1538 (Q +0)
—3331 (Q -10)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 6
—Morale: 6
Montana Workers: 468 (Q -10)
—Weaponry: 1
—Equipment: 1
—Food: 8
—Morale: 3
State of Montana: 75 militia (Q 0), 378 settler militia (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 4
—Morale: 5
Hawaii:
Untrained: 773
YS: 193 (Q -4)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 6
—Morale: 10
Southern Partisan Fighting:
Revolutionary Army (South-Center): 9536 (Q +3)
—2927 Green (Q -5)
—4724 untrained (Q -10)
—5007 Spartacist Elite (Q +5)
—General William McBryar
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 6
—Morale: 8
+5670 (Q -5), +562 (Q +0) from recruitment
Southern Counter-Revolutionary Forces: 22877 (Q -8)
White Union Army: 1382 West, 3344 Atlantic (Q +1)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 4
—Morale: 7
6300 (Q -5) from recruitment
Other stat changes to be applied at the end of the turn:
Midwest: +2 weaponry
West Virginia/Guerrilla: +1 weaponry
NYC: -2 weaponry/equipment, -1 food, if they are not reconnected.
Maryland: -1 weaponry/equipment, if they are not strongly reconnected.
Primarily along Texas' eastern border.
Northern Army: 5965 (quality +4)
—44 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 8
—Morale: 8
Southern Army: 3338 (quality +3)
—10 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 4
—Food: 4
—Morale: 3
2680 (Q -5) from recruitment
Fleeing Soldiers: 2537 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 1
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 4
—Morale: 4
Mississippi/Tennessee:
From Mississippi's western border to Kentucky.
Northern Army: 18,439 (quality +4)
—116 units of artillery
—General Wesley Merritt
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 8
—Morale: 6
Northern Army (Training, backlines): 6035 (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 8
—Morale: 6
Southern Army: 10,344 (quality +3)
—18 units of artillery
—General Joseph Wheeler
—Weaponry: 2
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 2
—Morale: 1
Revolutionary Army (South-West): 13011 (Q +3)
—Spartacist Elite: 1830 (Q +7)
—General William W. Purnell
—21 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 6
—Morale: 8
Louisiana:
Northern Army: 4890 (Q +4)
—60 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 9
—Morale: 6
Revolutionary Army (South-West): 1979 (Q +2)
—3000 (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 6
—Morale: 8
Eastern Front:
Primarily near D.C, from Appalachia to the coast.
Northern Army: 6384 (quality +4)
—77 units of artillery
—General Henry Corbin
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 2
—Food: 1
—Morale: 1
Maryland UF: 20,634 (Quality +4)
—Additional Untrained: 7443 (Quality -5)
—25 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 7
—Equipment: 9
—Food: 5
—Morale: 5
Southern Army: 11,946 (quality +4)
—General Fithugh Lee
—89 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 8
—Morale: 3
Virginia:
Southern Army: 9307 (quality +4)
—55 units of artillery
—Weaponry: 2
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 6
—Morale: 2
Revolutionary Army (South-Guerrilla): 3671 (Q +4)
—514 revolutionaries (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 7
—Morale: 8
Northeast:
Revolutionary Army (Pittsburgh-Erie): 17,630 (Q +2)
—General Anastasia Wishbecker
—Weaponry: 7
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
West Virginia:
RDC: 242 (Q -2)
Soldiers: 1965 (Q +4)
Untrained: 1144
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 4
—Food: 6
—Morale: 6
1188 (Q -5) from recruitment
NYC:
Revolutionaries: 14,543 (Q -5)
CDC: 3598 (Q +2)
FF: 5393 (Q +0)
TRV: 249 (Q +2)
Soldiers: 4910 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 6
—Equipment: 7
—Food: 3
—Morale: 7
980 (Q +0) from recruitment
Other Northeastern pockets:
Revolutionaries: 3850 (Q -8)
Soldiers: 1155 (Q +4)
Minutemen: 261 (Q +7)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 4
—Food: 9
—Morale: 7
Far northeast:
7874 Revolutionaries (Q -8)
576 CDC (Q +0)
192 FF (Q -2)
Soldiers: 288 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 6
—Morale: 7
Rhode Island:
3844 Revolutionaries (Q -8)
Soldiers: 571 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 9
—Equipment: 8
—Food: 4
—Morale: 7
12,352 Northern Infantry
—6689 at NYC (Q +4)
—2395 in Massachusetts (Q +4)
—2027 in Pennsylvania (Q +5)
—25 artillery
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 3
—Morale: 6
7520 (Q -5) from recruitment
Midwest:
Revolutionary Army (Ohio):
Untrained: 17,796 (Q -8)
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
Revolutionary Army (Wisconsin): 2509 (Q +0)
—General Niclas Korn
—Weaponry: 6
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
Revolutionary Army (Illinois/Indiana): 11,438 (Q +1)
—General Ava Fendler
—18 artillery
—Weaponry: 6
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
Revolutionary Army (Training): 14350 (Q -5)
—1060 (Q +0)
—Weaponry: 6
—Equipment: 6
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
Minnesota: 2281 NCA (Q -10), 237 militia (Q -5)
ND: 380 NCA (Q -10), 95 militia (Q -5)
SD: 570 NCA (Q -10), 114 militia (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 5
—Morale: 6
Great Plains Indian Regiment: 1168 (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 2
—Food: 5
—Morale: 8
Revolutionary Army (St. Paul/Minneapolis): 288 untrained (Q -10), 316 militia (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 7
—Equipment: 7
—Food: 7
—Morale: 5
Northern Army (Missouri): 6813 (Q +4)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 8
—Morale: 6
West/west coast:
Revolutionary Army (West-Coast): 4234 (Q +0)
—13,424 (Q -10)
—1046 (Q -4)
—General Wu Zhingling
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 7
—Morale: 7
530 (Q +0) from recruitment
OR/WA state militia: 284
—Weaponry: 2
—Equipment: 2
—Food: 8
—Morale: 5
Revolutionary Army (West-Colorado/Wyoming): 1538 (Q +0)
—3331 (Q -10)
—Weaponry: 4
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 6
—Morale: 6
Montana Workers: 468 (Q -10)
—Weaponry: 1
—Equipment: 1
—Food: 8
—Morale: 3
State of Montana: 75 militia (Q 0), 378 settler militia (Q -5)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 4
—Morale: 5
Hawaii:
Untrained: 773
YS: 193 (Q -4)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 6
—Morale: 10
Southern Partisan Fighting:
Revolutionary Army (South-Center): 9536 (Q +3)
—2927 Green (Q -5)
—4724 untrained (Q -10)
—5007 Spartacist Elite (Q +5)
—General William McBryar
—Weaponry: 5
—Equipment: 5
—Food: 6
—Morale: 8
+5670 (Q -5), +562 (Q +0) from recruitment
Southern Counter-Revolutionary Forces: 22877 (Q -8)
White Union Army: 1382 West, 3344 Atlantic (Q +1)
—Weaponry: 3
—Equipment: 3
—Food: 4
—Morale: 7
6300 (Q -5) from recruitment
Other stat changes to be applied at the end of the turn:
Midwest: +2 weaponry
West Virginia/Guerrilla: +1 weaponry
NYC: -2 weaponry/equipment, -1 food, if they are not reconnected.
Maryland: -1 weaponry/equipment, if they are not strongly reconnected.
AN: War update to come.
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PrognosticHannya
Far Too Enthusiastic About Etymology
- Pronouns
- She/Her
Interesting, why would they think this? Is the war really that close to being won?
Also, it'd be cool to see Liliʻuokalani becoming this timeline's Red Prince, with Hawai'i having the world's only communist monarchy.
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- Location
- Lake Wobegon
- Pronouns
- He/Him/His
Perspective. Many of the ex-Populists outside the South are in the far West and in the Plains states, and while the latter shelter still behind General Merritt's armies in Missouri, Arkansas, and Texas, there is at the moment no known significant force in the far West that stands as an obstacle to the advance of the revolution. Although, we have not yet gotten a count of Utah's militia.
Well, looks like the Texas army is cracking down, and gonna probably need to invest in trying to pull them back to more friendly territory, given there is no friendly force in that region. There might be potential still for the Texas army, but between officer attention and the likely increasing prevalence of soldiers either dedicated to the cause or disciplined to following orders, it's gonna get tougher.
- Location
- United States
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
What Zimm said but also from the perspective of someone in the Midwest:
Most of the Midwest was taken by the revolutionaries without issue, and then they sent an army east winning a major battle and taking a major city. They hear news that the west coast and half the South have also joined them and New York City is holding out as revolutionary.
Godwinson
"Well, I've got nothing."
Let's examine the conditions at the moment, before the battles of this turn happen:
McKinley Government (Declining Volunteers, Promised No Draft)
—South:
——Texas: 6K (Quality +4; 44 Artillery; Weaponry 3, Equipment 6, Food 8, Morale 8)
——Mississippi/Tennessee: 18K+6K (Quality +4 and -5; 116 Artillery; Weaponry 3, Equipment 5, Food 8, Morale 6)
——Louisiana: 5K (Quality +4; 60 Artillery; Weaponry 3, Equipment 5, Food 9, Morale 6)
——Maryland/Delaware: 6K (Quality +4; 77 Artillery; Weaponry 3, Equipment 2, Food 1, Morale 1)
——Virginia: None
——Other: None
—Northeast: 12K+8K (Quality +4 and -5; 25 Artillery; Weaponry 4, Equipment 5, Food 3, Morale 6; Scattered)
—Midwest:
——Minnesota/Dakotas: 3K (Quality -10; Weaponry 4, Equipment 3, Food 5, Morale 6, Non-Government Organization
——Missouri: 7K (Quality +4; Weaponry 3, Equipment 5, Food 8, Morale 6)
—West: None
Tillman Government: (Failing Draft)
—South:
——Texas: 3K+3K (Quality +3 and -5; 10 Artillery; Weaponry 3, Equipment 4, Food 4, Morale 3)
——Mississippi/Tennessee: 10K (Quality +3; 18 Artillery; Weaponry 2, Equipment 3, Food 2, Morale 1)
——Louisiana: None
——Maryland/Delaware: 12K (Quality +4; 89 Artillery; Weaponry 4, Equipment 6, Food 8, Morale 3)
——Virginia: 9K (Quality +4; 55 Artillery; Weaponry 2, Equipment 5, Food 6, Morale 2)
——Other: 23K+6K+5K (Quality -8, -5, +1; Weaponry 3, Equipment 3, Food 4, Morale 7, Non-Government Organization)
—Northeast: None
—Midwest: None
—West: None
Revolutionary Provisional Government
—South:
——Texas: 3K (Quality +4; Weaponry 1, Equipment 3, Food 4, Morale 4)
——Mississippi/Tennessee: 13K+2K (Quality +3 and +7; 21 Artillery; Weaponry 5, Equipment 6, Food 6, Morale 8)
——Louisiana: 2K+3K (Quality +2 and -5; Weaponry 5, Equipment 6, Food 6, Morale 8)
——Maryland/Delaware: 21K+7K (Quality +4 and -5; 25 Artillery; Weaponry 7, Equipment 9, Food 5, Morale 5; Cut-Off)
——Virginia: 4K (Quality +4; Weaponry 4, Equipment 5, Food 7, Morale 8)
——Other: 5K+9K+10K+5K (Quality -10, -5, +3, +5; Weaponry 5, Equipment 5, Food 6, Morale 8)
—Northeast:
——Pittsburgh-Erie 18K (Quality +2; Weaponry 7, Equipment 6, Food 7, Morale 7)
——NYC: 15K+6K+4K+5K (Quality -5, +0, +2, and +4; Weaponry 6, Equipment 7, Food 3, Morale 7; Besieged)
——Other: 16K+2K (Quality -8 and +4; Weaponry 4 to 9, Equipment 4 to 8, Food 4 to 9, Morale 7)
—Midwest: 14K+32K (Quality +0 and -5; 18 Artillery; Weaponry 6, Equipment 6, Food 7, Morale 7; Increasing Arms)
—West
——West Coast: 5K+14K (Quality +0 and -10; Weaponry 5, Equipment 5, Food 7, Morale 7)
Or if we're going to average out everything:
McKinley Government Army: 71K (Quality +1.6; 322 Artillery; Weaponry 3.3, Equipment 4.7, Food 5.9, Morale 5.7; 20K lost to defections to Revolutionary Army, Maryland/Delaware Army disintegrating, Lost Pacific Fleet)
Tillman Government Army: 37K (Quality +2.9; 172 Artillery; Weaponry 2.8, Equipment 4.6, Food 5.2, Morale 2.2; 10K lost to defections to Revolutionary Army, Mississippi/Tennessee Army disintegrating
—Allied Terrorist Groups: 34K (Quality -6.1; Weaponry 3, Equipment 3, Food 4, Morale 7, Non-Government Organization)
Revolutionary Army: 215K (Quality -1.6; 64 Artillery, Weaponry 5.7, Equipment 6.3, Food 5.7, Morale 6.9; NYC besieged)
The McKinley Government has bled out almost all of its legitimacy and public support, having been reduced to a broken rump-state in the Northeast with the Plains and Mountain states in the west simply not having the concentration of population for anyone to have pulled them away from idly defaulting to his government.
The Tillman Government, meanwhile, had horrid legitimacy from the outset, with almost half of its fighting forces being sanctioned terrorist groups.
Meanwhile, the Revolution has half again the soldiers under arms of everyone else combined, with only a mild disadvantage in soldier quality and a solid advantage in every aspect of logistics. Its only real shortfall is a relative lack of artillery.
always_confused
Perpetually unwanted
- Location
- SEA
I could've sworn the Revolutionary Army started the war with *less* soldiers than the McKinley Government at least. Did the turns table that quickly?
- Location
- Lake Wobegon
- Pronouns
- He/Him/His
The McKinley government started the fight with a hand tied behind its back due to having promised not to do conscription. If the battles this quarter go against it, it will probably go back on that promise -- much good it will do, with the McKinley government having already lost many of the most populous states and cities.
KnightDisciple
Brotherhood. Unity. Peace.
- Location
- Midwest, USA
Something something power of the worker something.
- Location
- Lake Wobegon
- Pronouns
- He/Him/His
I sure hope you're not suggesting that physici is giving particular players (or the players as a whole, as opposed to the NPC governments) preferential treatment.
Godwinson
"Well, I've got nothing."
For last quarter!
McKinley Government
—South:
——Texas: 9K (Quality +4; 44 Artillery; Weaponry 3, Equipment 6, Food 10, Morale 8; Large Minutemen network)
——Mississippi/Tennessee: 24K (Quality +4; 116 Artillery; Weaponry 3, Equipment 5, Food 9, Morale 6; Moderate Minutemen network)
——Louisiana: 6K (Quality +4; 60 Artillery; Weaponry 3, Equipment 5, Food 9, Morale 6; Moderate Minutemen network)
——Maryland/Delaware: 12K (Quality +4; 77 Artillery; Weaponry 3, Equipment 2, Food 1, Morale 1)
——Virginia: None
——Other: None
—Northeast: 18K (Quality +4; Weaponry 5, Equipment 7, Food 4, Morale 5; Scattered)
—Midwest:
——Minnesota/Dakotas: 3K (Quality -10; Weaponry 4, Equipment 3, Food 5, Morale 6, Non-Government Organization
——Missouri: 8K (Quality +4; Weaponry 3, Equipment 5, Food 9, Morale 6; Small Minutemen network)
—West: None
Tillman Government
—South:
——Texas: 4K (Quality +3; Weaponry 4, Equipment 6, Food 6, Morale 3)
——Mississippi/Tennessee: 13K (Quality +3; 18 Artillery; Weaponry 2, Equipment 3, Food 2, Morale 1)
——Louisiana: None
——Maryland/Delaware: 17K (Quality +4; 89 Artillery; Weaponry 4, Equipment 6, Food 8, Morale 3)
——Virginia: 15K (Quality +4; 45 Artillery; Weaponry 2, Equipment 5, Food 6, Morale 2)
——Other: 24K+5K (Quality -8, +1; Weaponry 3, Equipment 3, Food 4, Morale 7, Non-Government Organization)
—Northeast: None
—Midwest: None
—West: None
Revolutionary Provisional Government
—South:
——Texas: None
——Mississippi/Tennessee: 4K+4K+2K (Quality +2, +4, +7; 21 Artillery; Weaponry 5, Equipment 5, Food 6, Morale 8)
——Louisiana: 1K (Quality +0; Weaponry 3, Equipment 5, Food 9, Morale 6)
——Maryland/Delaware: 8K+15K (Quality -5, +4; 25 Artillery; Weaponry 6, Equipment 8, Food 5, Morale 5; Cut-Off)
——Virginia: 1K+1K+1K (Quality -5, +3, +5; Weaponry 5, Equipment 6, Food 8, Morale 8)
——Other: 5K+4K+1K+1K+2K+4K+5K (Quality -10, -5, +0, +1, +2, +3, +5; Weaponry 5, Equipment 4, Food 6, Morale 8)
—Northeast:
——Pittsburgh-Erie 3K+13K+1K (Quality +0, +2, +4; Weaponry 6, Equipment 6, Food 8, Morale 7)
——NYC: 15K+6K+4K+3K (Quality -5, +0, +2, +4; Weaponry 5, Equipment 6, Food 3, Morale 7; Besieged)
——Other: 16K+1K (Quality -8, +0; Weaponry 3 to 8, Equipment 3 to 7, Food 4 to 9, Morale 7)
—Midwest: 18K+14K (Quality -8, +0; Weaponry 6, Equipment 6, Food 7, Morale 7; Increasing Arms)
—West
——West Coast: 14K+1K+4K (Quality -10, -4, +0; Weaponry 5, Equipment 5, Food 7, Morale 7)
Or if we're going to average out everything again:
McKinley Government Army: 80K (Quality +3.4; 297 Artillery; Weaponry 3.4, Equipment 5.0, Food 6.6, Morale 5.2; Maryland/Delaware Army disintegrating)
Tillman Government Army: 49K (Quality +3.6; 152 Artillery; Weaponry 2.8, Equipment 4.8, Food 5.6, Morale 2.1)
—Allied Terrorist Groups: 29K (Quality -6.4; Weaponry 3, Equipment 3, Food 4, Morale 7, Non-Government Organization)
Revolutionary Army: 172K (Quality -2.3; 64 Artillery, Weaponry 5.2, Equipment 5.6, Food 5.7, Morale 6.8; NYC besieged, Ad-hoc military organization, Disparate political organization)
As a changelog, then:
McKinley Government Army: -9K (Quality -2; +25 Artillery; Weaponry -0.1, Equipment -0.3, Food -0.7, Morale +0.5
Tillman Government Army: -12K (Quality -0.7; +20 Artillery; Weaponry +0, Equipment -0.2, Food -0.4, Morale -0.1)
—Allied Terrorist Groups: +5K (Quality +0.3; Weaponry +0, Equipment +0, Food +0, Morale +0)
Revolutionary Army: +43K (Quality +1.3; +0 Artillery, Weaponry +0.5, Equipment +0.7, Food +0, Morale +0.1)
This is the overall picture that people are seeing. The established advantages of the other governments are reducing, with only purchases of foreign artillery or the raising of terror-groups seeing any improvements for them, while the revolution is improving across the board and consolidating its forces and advantages.
- Pronouns
- He/Him
We've always had the overall numbers advantage, but a large part of that consisted of untrained and lower quality troops than the Feds which couldn't apply concentration of force to actually make use of their numerical superiority. We also in general have far more spread out forces across most of the US.
It also helped the Min helped facilitate mass defections abusing the gap between the West Point officers and the common enlisted.
In fact, the north were at risk of losing the whole Texan army to a planned mutiny, and merely lost about a third of their number.
The south wasn't doing well, the north had the MIN happen to them.
Edit: basically we pillaged the North's supply of enlisted to bolster our own numbers.
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Godwinson
"Well, I've got nothing."
Turns out that when you remove the symbolic gestures that served as a fig-leaf over the otherwise naked brutality of the system existing to protect the power of the elite rather than serving the public good, Americans can be motivated to revolution against tyranny once again. First against the monarchy, second against the untitled landed-aristocracy of the slaveholding Planter class who undermined the first effort, and now once more against the resurgent Planters and the Robber-Barons who undermined both the previous efforts.
The Minutemen have absolutely pulled well more than their weight by yanking the rug out from underneath the professional army being used as a tool by tyrants against the public.
[X] All-Continental Union Association
[X] The Society for Universal Suffrage
[X] The Society for Universal Suffrage