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You misunderstand me.Well yes, it does seem rather simple when you take a century and a half of ideological debate and sort it neatly into three boxes labeled 'the good one', 'the bad one', and 'the other bad one'.
It's not that there are three boxes, with one good and the other two bad. It's that there are three boxes, one that is virtually incapable of ever going bad (humanitarian socialism), one that is in general OK but can be taken to destructive extremes (technocratic socialism), and one that is an inevitable human consequence of the things that motivate socialism to exist but can lead people to go overboard even as it is also often the thing that provides enough motivation to get people to change things in the first place.
...Also, as I've said before and tried to say this time, while not ranting on indefinitely...As it turns out these categories tend to often blend together, since exercising the levers of the state for the sake of, say, mass education can have technocratic implications...
These are not separate schools of socialist thought and you cannot pigeonhole individual socialist movements into the three. They are motivations for socialism, and any given socialist movement can legitimately be motivated by a combination of all three.
But I can point to specific actions taken by socialists, and to certain arguments or ideas advocated by specific socialists, and say "this is humanitarian" or "this is iconoclastic."
And yes, sometimes those things blur together! As you are no doubt very familiar with, any categories that are useful for describing human motivations or cultures will tend to blur at the boundaries, because people are complicated.
Did you REALLY think I was saying "everything pigeonholes neatly into three totally separate categories that never mingle and have nothing to do with each other, Good, Bad, and Other Bad?"
Because I know I have 'something of a reputation,' but if my reputation is leading to you thinking I'm that fucking stupid, I'm sorry, but I just can't consistently live down to that level of hype.
See above. The incentives mingle, often very thoroughly.I don't think this division is correct - after all, if you read Marx carefully, you will find that he has all three aspects. I, following him, also do not share these points - the current society is unhappy, unfair, and ineffective. I strive for socialism for the sake of happiness, fairness, and efficiency. In the end, these three points in my opinion are quite interconnected.
But I think the distinction is useful, because there are often actions advocated in the name of socialism that are very much about iconoclasm, or very much about being humane, or very much about imposing technocratic efficiency. And less so about the others. Sometimes even actively hostile to the others.
For instance, I could easily dig up a hundred posts on this site within the past several months in which a socialist condemns technocratic efficiency on the grounds that it is inhumane. Or on the grounds that it permits the glorification of an undeserving elite.
The problem with Orwell is that he was caught in a very unenviable position- being a socialist in the late 1940s who didn't want his home country to turn into a Stalinist dictatorship, when Stalin was nearing the height of his strategic power.Orwell beat you to it.
"The truth is that, to many people calling themselves Socialists, revolution does not mean a movement of the masses with which they hope to associate themselves; it means a set of reforms which 'we', the clever ones, are going to impose upon 'them', the Lower Orders. On the other hand, it would be a mistake to regard the book-trained Socialist as a bloodless creature entirely incapable of emotion. Though seldom giving much evidence of affection for the exploited, he is perfectly capable of displaying hatred—a sort of queer, theoretical, in vacuo hatred—against the exploiters."
It was easy to be a socialist in those days if you didn't mind the idea of Stalinist dictatorship, because then the very active tankie faction of the various socialist movements around you wasn't a problem.
It is comparatively easy to be a socialist opposed to Stalinist dictatorship now, in this regard, because Stalin is dead and you can disown his example. You don't have to worry that the tankies will take over your socialist movement.
Orwell did not have either of these easy outs.
The course he took navigating that situation was perhaps not the most honorable, but then frankly I can't blame him for being more worried about Stalin-sympathizers there and then, compared to how worried we think he should have been seventy years after the fact.
...
As to your objection, Orwell's comment doesn't really parallel mine. He's talking about a subset of people I'm not talking about, at least not specifically.
Also see my remarks above to Cetashwayo.