- Pronouns
- He/Him
[x] Syndicalist Left.
[x] Stall
[x] No Mobilization
[x] Stall
[x] No Mobilization
The Dragon Roars: A KMT Quest
- Thread starter nachtingale
- Start date
- Original Alt. History Modern
-
- Tags
- original completed quest china
[X] Stall
[X] No Mobilization
[X] Progressive Right.
[X] No Mobilization
[X] Progressive Right.
[X] Stall
[X] No Mobilization
[X] Internationalist Left
[X] No Mobilization
[X] Internationalist Left
- Location
- UK, Cardiff
[X] Stall
[X] No Mobilization
[X] Progressive Right.
[X] No Mobilization
[X] Progressive Right.
[X] Stall
[X] No Mobilization
[X] Progressive Left
[X] No Mobilization
[X] Progressive Left
DracoDracul
Transbian Communist
- Location
- Austin
- Pronouns
- She/They
[x] Syndicalist Left.
[x] Stall
[x] No Mobilization
[x] Stall
[x] No Mobilization
- Location
- somewhere on this dying planet
- Pronouns
- He/Him
[x] Syndicalist Left.
[x] Stall
[x] No Mobilization
[x] Stall
[x] No Mobilization
Vote Closed.
nachtingale
20. On that "honk, mimimi" type beat everyday.
- Location
- Malaysia
- Pronouns
- He/They
Demcent is as popular as ever I see
Turn 5.2, Things Escalate.
nachtingale
20. On that "honk, mimimi" type beat everyday.
- Location
- Malaysia
- Pronouns
- He/They
Escalation.
"I love Democracy, I love the Parliament."
- Emperor George I.
Yuan Shikai's escape from the Republic into Qing custody would quickly turn into quite the media circus throughout China, as newspapers from the major capitals of the statelets, Lanzhou, Mukden, Nanjing and even in the French-occupied city of Guangzhou, would quickly begin to report on the happenings of the North China Plains. As was so oft the prerogative of the opportunistic Henan native, he would benefit greatly from the attention received, living in the moment as journalists would shower him with as much attention as possible to capture a scoop for their local audiences.
The days would, inevitably, drag on, growing further away from the uproar of the Lord Protector's violent escape from Beijing as both sides would begin blaming the other for the incident, with the Emperor's explosive letter still firmly in the hands of Lanzhou. The regional sensation would now enter the middle of January, both sides inching ever closer to war as the once quiet but tense border now filled with the sounds of drills and training discharges, thunderclaps responding in kind in a small storm of human make. The NRA and the Qing would increase their respective presences on the border significantly, Colonel Jiang Jieshi now deployed in Lanzhou as an instructor in the hopes of avoiding yet another disastrous embarrassment.
Within Lanzhou, the mood was heavy, fewer yet of the boastful cries for an end to warlordism and the Chinese anarchy, lesser still for national unification, as the Foreign Ministry would try it's best to drag out and dodge the question of answering the demand, endeavoring to be "as unseen as a house rodent." on the diplomatic front. On the Qing side, it seemed that, whilst the Emperor had put forth the letter in fury, he seemed content to wait it out, sure that the Qing Parliament would back his war up with haste. After all, it had no reason to reject the clear victory that the Qing could achieve here, did it?
It was a belief that, like most things the Qing Emperor would hold dearly, be severely misplaced by the sheer arrogance of the young reformer, so sure of his ways that to question them would be madness.
The first vote within the Qing Parliament would narrowly fail to pass the mobilization law, with 238 of the 450 members voting against the bill's initial proposition for a full-scale mobilization. Most of those who voted against the bill would cite the continued belief that a mobilization would not be necessary, given the clear superiority of the Qing forces in their eyes, and the economic effects that such a mobilization would cause to the growing Qing industrial economies. However, a not insignificant amount of opposition votes would come from the constitutionalist faction of the parliament, led by former moderate KMT members and parliamentarians who wished to use this crisis as an opportunity to demand more concessions from the Emperor. Their cries of democracy and liberalism would, unfortunately, fall on deaf ears, as the Emperor would not budge on the matter in any case, declaring that "one need only look to our North American neighbors to see the folly of unfettered democracy".
Instead, the Guangxu Emperor would dispatch his royal advisor, Xu Shichang, to court further votes for the contentious bill, ultimately agreeing to create exemptions for "critical industries", a term that would never be truly defined so as to allow for the maximum possible interpretation in favor of the aristocratic elite, in exchange for the critical votes needed in the parliament. It would once again be furiously debated on, many new voices now deriding the clear circumventions and loopholes inlaid within the newly proposed legislation, once again shooting down the bill with 230 members against it.
The embarrassing failure of the two votes would see it dragged far beyond the limit of the crisis' emotional weight and into early February, as the Emperor would be forced to negotiate with the constitutionalists once more, acquiescing to the stripping of the Emperor's absolute veto within the parliament, alongside the approval of minister-elects by the legislature, in exchange for their votes in the next assembly. And indeed, the vote would finally pass, though most noted the fact that even with the negotiations, the Emperor would barely be able to scrape together a majority, with only 228 voting in favor of the vote, a clear shock to the once popular reformist as the legislature refused to serve a mere rubber stamp for his laws, frustrating the Emperor to no end.
But, in the end, the mobilization law would finally be passed on the 17th of February, allowing for the calling up of nearly 500,000 additional reservists to augment the pre-existing Qing forces, a bitter note left on the Qing Emperor's tongue as he began summoning the roll calls. It is unknown how long this shall take.
Another letter would be sent from the Qing, but not from the Emperor, and instead from the parliament itself, once more demanding the relinquishing of the Zhili Province to Yuan Shikai's authority as it's governor. Failure to respond in a timely fashion, it warned, would mean war in any case.
The ball is once again in Lanzhou's court, and the Legislature must decide on a course of action before it is too late. Should the legislature choose to abandon the Zhili province, there is perhaps something that could be accomplished yet still...
The days would, inevitably, drag on, growing further away from the uproar of the Lord Protector's violent escape from Beijing as both sides would begin blaming the other for the incident, with the Emperor's explosive letter still firmly in the hands of Lanzhou. The regional sensation would now enter the middle of January, both sides inching ever closer to war as the once quiet but tense border now filled with the sounds of drills and training discharges, thunderclaps responding in kind in a small storm of human make. The NRA and the Qing would increase their respective presences on the border significantly, Colonel Jiang Jieshi now deployed in Lanzhou as an instructor in the hopes of avoiding yet another disastrous embarrassment.
Within Lanzhou, the mood was heavy, fewer yet of the boastful cries for an end to warlordism and the Chinese anarchy, lesser still for national unification, as the Foreign Ministry would try it's best to drag out and dodge the question of answering the demand, endeavoring to be "as unseen as a house rodent." on the diplomatic front. On the Qing side, it seemed that, whilst the Emperor had put forth the letter in fury, he seemed content to wait it out, sure that the Qing Parliament would back his war up with haste. After all, it had no reason to reject the clear victory that the Qing could achieve here, did it?
It was a belief that, like most things the Qing Emperor would hold dearly, be severely misplaced by the sheer arrogance of the young reformer, so sure of his ways that to question them would be madness.
The first vote within the Qing Parliament would narrowly fail to pass the mobilization law, with 238 of the 450 members voting against the bill's initial proposition for a full-scale mobilization. Most of those who voted against the bill would cite the continued belief that a mobilization would not be necessary, given the clear superiority of the Qing forces in their eyes, and the economic effects that such a mobilization would cause to the growing Qing industrial economies. However, a not insignificant amount of opposition votes would come from the constitutionalist faction of the parliament, led by former moderate KMT members and parliamentarians who wished to use this crisis as an opportunity to demand more concessions from the Emperor. Their cries of democracy and liberalism would, unfortunately, fall on deaf ears, as the Emperor would not budge on the matter in any case, declaring that "one need only look to our North American neighbors to see the folly of unfettered democracy".
Instead, the Guangxu Emperor would dispatch his royal advisor, Xu Shichang, to court further votes for the contentious bill, ultimately agreeing to create exemptions for "critical industries", a term that would never be truly defined so as to allow for the maximum possible interpretation in favor of the aristocratic elite, in exchange for the critical votes needed in the parliament. It would once again be furiously debated on, many new voices now deriding the clear circumventions and loopholes inlaid within the newly proposed legislation, once again shooting down the bill with 230 members against it.
The embarrassing failure of the two votes would see it dragged far beyond the limit of the crisis' emotional weight and into early February, as the Emperor would be forced to negotiate with the constitutionalists once more, acquiescing to the stripping of the Emperor's absolute veto within the parliament, alongside the approval of minister-elects by the legislature, in exchange for their votes in the next assembly. And indeed, the vote would finally pass, though most noted the fact that even with the negotiations, the Emperor would barely be able to scrape together a majority, with only 228 voting in favor of the vote, a clear shock to the once popular reformist as the legislature refused to serve a mere rubber stamp for his laws, frustrating the Emperor to no end.
But, in the end, the mobilization law would finally be passed on the 17th of February, allowing for the calling up of nearly 500,000 additional reservists to augment the pre-existing Qing forces, a bitter note left on the Qing Emperor's tongue as he began summoning the roll calls. It is unknown how long this shall take.
Another letter would be sent from the Qing, but not from the Emperor, and instead from the parliament itself, once more demanding the relinquishing of the Zhili Province to Yuan Shikai's authority as it's governor. Failure to respond in a timely fashion, it warned, would mean war in any case.
The ball is once again in Lanzhou's court, and the Legislature must decide on a course of action before it is too late. Should the legislature choose to abandon the Zhili province, there is perhaps something that could be accomplished yet still...
What is to be Done?
Regarding the Demand.| Accept the Demand | Reject the Demand | Pre-emptive Strike |
| This would do much to sooth growing tensions between the Qing and the Republic, preventing any open conflict between the two for the foreseeable future. However, the lost of Zhili province will no doubt be a large blow to the economy, alongside inviting public outcry against the decision. | This will assuredly anger the Emperor, and no doubt be the final step towards open conflict with the Qing. The Army is highly skeptical of it's ability to stand toe-to-toe with the Qing in this current stage. Furthermore, the Qing mobilization would be significantly more difficult to oppose. | The Army is confident in it's ability to strike first, with intelligence suggesting that the Qing Army's standing forces are divided in it's focuses, still recovering from the Manchurian Plague. However, many fear that this would invite a Japanese response in defense of their ally, and would necessitate a short and quick war if we are to ensure no damage befalls the fragile economy. |
Regarding Zhili Province (Only vote for this if you choose to accept the demand).
Vote for 2.
[] Evacuate the Industry
Though most of the industrial facilities and larger machinery will prove to be too much of a hassle to dismantle and move elsewhere, there are tools and machinery that will be worth far beyond their weight in gold in the Northwestern provinces, as even the most rudimentary of industrial welding torches in the west are rare to come by within the heartlands of our Republic. Furthermore, the technical expertise of those sympathetic to the KMT cause will no doubt be of great boon to us. (+1 additional economic investment for the next [The Economic Situation])
[] Sabotage the Industry
The Qing do not deserve the prosperous Zhili, foreigners and imperialists that they are, that to allow them to once more trample over the peasants and laborers of the province unimpeded would be a terrible mistake. We will endeavor to destroy and upend the industrial progress that has been achieved in the province, which will no doubt cause much troubles for the Qing to ensure that they return to their original state.
[] Evacuate the Bureaucracy
The Zhili bureaucracy is staffed with many experienced officers, many of whom would fine themselves in far better positions in the Republican bureaucracy, given the lack of educated and decent bureaucrats at this current time. This would significantly hasten our program of bureaucratic reform within the Republic, and further ensure the weakening of the Zhili administration once Yuan Shikai returns to rule it once more. (Bureaucratic Reform Complete by Turn 8.)
[] KMT Sympathizers in the Zhili Army
The Zhili Army forces not under direct NRA control will most likely be handed back to Yuan Shikai's command as a result of the crisis, though we have an opportunity to place within it's ranks our own dissidents, ensuring that should a second chance for the reclamation of Beijing come, that we are well prepared for the seizure of said chance by any means necessary. The amount of influence exerted by these dissidents will depend on how effective our intelligence services are.
[] Strengthen KMT Cells
A radically different option would be to invest further resources into strengthening the revolutionary clubs inside of the Zhili Clique, ensuring significant unrest for some time for Yuan Shikai and the Qing whilst they are active. This would ensure that the Qing would be forced to focus on controlling it's internal instability for a while, freeing the Republic from being placed under the Golden Dragon's harsh surveillance to pursue other goals.
Though most of the industrial facilities and larger machinery will prove to be too much of a hassle to dismantle and move elsewhere, there are tools and machinery that will be worth far beyond their weight in gold in the Northwestern provinces, as even the most rudimentary of industrial welding torches in the west are rare to come by within the heartlands of our Republic. Furthermore, the technical expertise of those sympathetic to the KMT cause will no doubt be of great boon to us. (+1 additional economic investment for the next [The Economic Situation])
[] Sabotage the Industry
The Qing do not deserve the prosperous Zhili, foreigners and imperialists that they are, that to allow them to once more trample over the peasants and laborers of the province unimpeded would be a terrible mistake. We will endeavor to destroy and upend the industrial progress that has been achieved in the province, which will no doubt cause much troubles for the Qing to ensure that they return to their original state.
[] Evacuate the Bureaucracy
The Zhili bureaucracy is staffed with many experienced officers, many of whom would fine themselves in far better positions in the Republican bureaucracy, given the lack of educated and decent bureaucrats at this current time. This would significantly hasten our program of bureaucratic reform within the Republic, and further ensure the weakening of the Zhili administration once Yuan Shikai returns to rule it once more. (Bureaucratic Reform Complete by Turn 8.)
[] KMT Sympathizers in the Zhili Army
The Zhili Army forces not under direct NRA control will most likely be handed back to Yuan Shikai's command as a result of the crisis, though we have an opportunity to place within it's ranks our own dissidents, ensuring that should a second chance for the reclamation of Beijing come, that we are well prepared for the seizure of said chance by any means necessary. The amount of influence exerted by these dissidents will depend on how effective our intelligence services are.
[] Strengthen KMT Cells
A radically different option would be to invest further resources into strengthening the revolutionary clubs inside of the Zhili Clique, ensuring significant unrest for some time for Yuan Shikai and the Qing whilst they are active. This would ensure that the Qing would be forced to focus on controlling it's internal instability for a while, freeing the Republic from being placed under the Golden Dragon's harsh surveillance to pursue other goals.
[] Syndicalist Left.
[] Internationalist Left.
[] Progressive Left.
[] Progressive Right.
[] Conservative Right.
A/N: Rejecting the demand, or launching a pre-emptive strike, will move this turn directly into a war phase. 24 hour voting moratorium.
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I think we might have to fold it. We should grab the industry and bureaucrats while we can. It sucks to cede land, but we can't win this war, so it'd be burning capital and manpower for pride. Leaving behind NRA or KMT organizers is appealing for sure, though I'm worried about its ability to help retake the province. It's a bit of a trade off. Do we take the option that will help us cushion the blow of losing the province or do we eat the full loss in the hopes that we can lay the groundwork to retake the province in the future?
Either way, I feel like if we have an election after this turn the Progressive Right will collapse. Their warlord federalism just backfired.
Either way, I feel like if we have an election after this turn the Progressive Right will collapse. Their warlord federalism just backfired.
Random Member
Gardener of Human Happiness
- Location
- Behind You
[] Plan Audacity Will Save The Fatherland
-[] Conservative Right.
-[] Pre-emptive Strike
-[] Conservative Right.
-[] Pre-emptive Strike
Well, at the very least we ignited some troubles in Qing but yeah this is going to be a rather painful experience losing a province like that. And I am guessing just rejecting and having to fight a defensive war wouldn't change the outcome even if we get Warlord Support, and may even make the situation worse. At the very least this should make it acceptable to ensure some sort-of accountability thing to the Warlords to make sure that such a stunt doesn't get repeated.
So preferences.
[] Accept the Demand
-[] Evacuate the Industry
-[] Evacuate the Bureaucracy
[] Progressive Right.
Of the opinion that taking stuff to cushion the blow of losing the province would be a better option because we need those benefits now instead of the hypothetical future where we manage to reclaim the Zhili Province.
So preferences.
[] Accept the Demand
-[] Evacuate the Industry
-[] Evacuate the Bureaucracy
[] Progressive Right.
Of the opinion that taking stuff to cushion the blow of losing the province would be a better option because we need those benefits now instead of the hypothetical future where we manage to reclaim the Zhili Province.
- Location
- Vicksburg, MS
Thankfully we bought enough time to avoid a complete write-off on our richest lands, as bad as the situation still is. I think I agree with Fission Battery on this. We need to ameliorate the massive economic loss (also idk how the German investment will go with us losing our link to them…) so sapping the industry is good and no doubt so is the bureaucracy. Though leaving some sort of poison pill so they can't just enjoy their new rich province and continue to roll on so easily also has its merits, but… the takeaway from the situation I think is to not just rush after more and more political power without the base to back it up. We need a powerful military where people will be just as hesitant to push us around as we were to go up against the Qing and an economy that won't collapse under the strain of war. Until that point we should stay in our lane and focus on ourselves, excepting some opportunity against a neighboring minor that isn't enough of a prize to draw cultures.
- Location
- United Kingdom
Well... this isn't ideal. We don't have the political capital to strike first without inviting foreign involvement and we lack the ability to actually slug out out with them if we let them be the aggressors. That's not a great shout either way, we might have to just accept being glorious revolutionary rats that gnaw away at the foundations of their government until they collapse.
Edit: added second choice and seperated politics. There's no point evacuating what we'll be taking back soon.
[] Wuchang Uprising 2.0 Electric Boogaloo
-[] Accept the Demands
-[] KMT Sympathizers in the Zhili Army
-[] Strengthen KMT Cells
[] Syndicalist Left.
Edit: added second choice and seperated politics. There's no point evacuating what we'll be taking back soon.
[] Wuchang Uprising 2.0 Electric Boogaloo
-[] Accept the Demands
-[] KMT Sympathizers in the Zhili Army
-[] Strengthen KMT Cells
[] Syndicalist Left.
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- Location
- Vicksburg, MS
If you surrender you get to pick two of the lower options btw.
Also, kindly separate the action vote to the politics vote, I don't want a repeat of the mess that the legislative yuan previously was.
- Location
- Vicksburg, MS
Though, I should say that an alternate view to this that I also find compelling is that Lanzhou is small potatoes compared to Beijing so empowering our party cadres to make Beijing a hotbed of Republican sentiment with revolutionary clubs sprouting everywhere and the local military on their side could be more meaningful in the long run than grabbing some lathes and secretaries to haul back to a comparative wasteland. After all, the PRC didn't historically win from just making Yan'an buff and beating down from there. Something to consider.
Edit: also, considering the internal divisions in the empowered Qing parliament just shown, injecting Republican influence in Beijing's eventual contribution to that body is an enticing prospect. Could sway more votes our way or force the Qing emperor into greater concessions.
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- Location
- United Kingdom
The first two are only applicable if we accept their demands.
- Location
- Over the next hill.
The negaverse Qing Quest must be howling at themselves for delaying so long
It's a good thing we took the espionage action this turn. Between the options for Zhili and the exposition on the dysfunction in the Qing Government, it seems we can take advantage of our rivals political disfunction in the future.
[] Accept the Demand
-[] Evacuate the Industry
-[] Evacuate the Bureaucracy
I'm for this as well. We desperately need that second industry option and moving up the timetable on our bureaucracy by the time we're at war will help immensely.
Empress_Boog
Grand Empress
[] Accept the Demand
-[] Evacuate the Industry
-[] KMT Sympathizers in the Zhili Army
[] Progressive Right.
Well, not mobilizing bit us in the ass, shame that. With fighting a defensive war a bad prospect we should get as much out of this as possible before the Qing roll in. Hopefully caving doesn't cause internal unrest at home.
-[] Evacuate the Industry
-[] KMT Sympathizers in the Zhili Army
[] Progressive Right.
Well, not mobilizing bit us in the ass, shame that. With fighting a defensive war a bad prospect we should get as much out of this as possible before the Qing roll in. Hopefully caving doesn't cause internal unrest at home.