It was a quiet spring morning when the rump Seventy Fifth Congress finally returned to Washington. While the historic city had been spared the fate of many other American cities, the war had still made its mark. Buildings lay in ruins due to sporadic air raids, Army troops still manned checkpoints and patrolled National Mall. The War Department was taking no chances as the processes of democratic government finally began to truly turn once again.
It was a quiet spring morning when the rump Seventy Fifth Congress finally returned to Washington. While the historic city had been spared the fate of many other American cities, the war had still made its mark. Buildings lay in ruins due to sporadic air raids, Army troops still manned checkpoints and patrolled National Mall. The War Department was taking no chances as the processes of democratic government finally began to truly turn once again.
The task facing the, mostly, men of Congress was monumental. While Congress, the Cabinet, and the President may have returned to Washington, elected government remained suspended in much of the country. Those states that had rebelled remained under strict military rule. Even in many states that were loyal the chaos of war had seen elections continually postponed with many local and state governments continuing past their terms. Only from the Rockies to the Pacific were things somewhat "normal". Yet even the western states were overwhelmed by the flood of refugees. This doesn't even begin to scratch the state of ruin most of the cities in the east were in. Meanwhile, US international standing was in taters, the Monroe Doctrine completely abandoned and US territories abroad under foreign occupation. Then, of course, there is the question of how to keep this from happening again. America had fallen into a second civil war within less than a century, perhaps the system was in dire need of change.
These would be some of the first challenges facing the US as it entered a Second Reconstruction…
Hello, my name is Jeeshadow, and I am here to run my first quest. Considering it is my first quest, I expect this will be a learning experience for us all but I am confident that it will ultimately go well. As an American with an unhealthy obsession with my government's political system I have long aimed to run a game or quest of some sort focused on the US government. Kaiserreich offers some interesting potential paths for the US and the democratic Federalist path seems to be somewhat underexplored in the AUs I have seen so this felt like a solid opportunity. While the game will start with a prologue that will place you, the questers, in the position to chart the path the nation takes before and into the civil war, I feel that post-war America offers a lot of potentially interesting storytelling opportunities. The nation must of course be rebuilt not just materially but likely politically. The war has also destroyed US influence abroad but with the Second Weltkrieg just around the corner it is a perfect opportunity to redefine the US' place in the world. I would also like to sincerely thank @Weygand for all his advice and for his excellent quest "We'll Keep the Red Flag Flying Here" which has served as a major source of inspiration for this quest.
Just a word of warning, this is Kaiserreich and this is the United States and the whole world in the 30s' and 40s', so it won't always be pretty. The quest will of course touch on heavy topics such as authoritarianism, war, nuclear weapons, and systems of oppression. I ask that all questers do their best to be respectful regarding these topics and respectful towards each other.
While the game will focus on Federalist America after its victory, we will start in 1936 with a defining event of the KR timeline, one that mostly serves to make everything worse in America. It is time for Black Monday...
On April 20th, 1925 the New York Stock Exchange collapsed. The fall of Britain, America's biggest trade partner, to syndicalism and economic isolation from German dominated markets proved too much for the US economy beginning the Great Depression. The McAdoo and Hoover Administrations had failed to alleviate the economic crisis, with a decade of economic crisis fueling the rise of the Syndicalist left and the populist right. Hoover's veto of the Garner-Wagner Act had done nothing but further worsen tensions. Yet the United States had slowly chugged along and had been looking towards the upcoming Presidential election to potentially offer some hope of change. This progress would unfortunately be washed away when Germany would suffer what some would call 'a taste of its own medicine'.
The German economy had long been sputtering, having overextended itself in the aftermath of its victory in the First Weltkrieg. While the Berlin Stock Exchange had been slowly declining for a while, on February 3rd, 1936 it finally crashed. The largest economy in the world fell into depression within a night and its effects would be felt across the world. While some in America felt smug that the Germans were now suffering what they had back in the 20s, those with even a small bit of foresight saw what was coming. By the end of the week the economic crisis had reached America and the few gains that had been made since '25 were gone and the Great Depression had just gotten a whole lot worse.
Somewhat surprisingly the reignited economic crisis actually spurred decisive action in Congress. Speaker John Nance Garner, presumed Democratic Presidential nominee, and Senator Robert Wagner, a leading voice for progressives still within the Democratic Party, were quick to reintroduce a version of the bill which Hoover had vetoed once before. Reflecting the growing crisis, President Hoover was quick to assure the Speaker that he would sign any bill that was sent to his desk. With that, Hoover hoped he wouldn't have to get further involved and Congress could govern itself, he was quick to be disappointed.
The proposed Garner-Wagner Bill was mostly an unemployment insurance program, although there were a variety of other important measures. While certainly an unprecedented spending program, Senators Long and Reed quickly denounced it as simply inadequate. Between that and conservatives' hesitancy regarding any major Federal spending, stiff opposition seemed an almost certainty. Attempts by party leadership to pass the bill purely with Democratic and Republican support would ultimately lead to it being bogged down and slowly watered down. A crucial moment would come when Senator Wagner himself announced opposition to the watered down bill. Much as he loathed to, Hoover was once again forced to get involved in passing the bill.
Faced by increasing opposition towards a stronger bill by conservatives in both parties, Wagner and other progressives had begun quiet behind the scenes negotiations with Reed. A deal with the Socialists would see a major expansion of the bill beyond just unemployment insurance and be seen as a legitimizing move for the Socialists but if Hoover and Garner could be convinced, the bill would have a good chance of passing.
Many Republicans were hesitant to work with the socialists, especially those that were managing to hold on in the Midwest and New England. They instead favored approaching Long. His demands for an expansion of unemployment insurance would be costly but likely less so than whatever Reed demanded. Such a move would risk alienating Southern Democrats but those seemed to be dwindling by the day as their seats were taken by the American First Party. Besides there is little love lost between establishment Republicans and Southern Democrats. Ultimately it would be the White House that would prove decisive in determining what course the bill's sponsors would take.
[ ] Throw support behind Wagner and lay the pressure on the conservatives. If Hoover can back this bill, you certainly can. [While the least likely to pass, there is a decent chance, it will improve cooperation between the parties, and you aren't working with radicals]
[ ] Reed brings charisma, ideas, and votes. [Will lead to the most comprehensive bill but will take further negotiations and businesses will be wary of Congress openly embracing Socialists]
[ ] At least Long isn't a socialist and his demands are simple. [An expanded bill likely pass establishing a social security system but you will be handing Long the keys to the South…]
Scheduled vote count started by Jeeshadow on Nov 28, 2021 at 11:50 PM, finished with 48 posts and 41 votes.
[X] At least Long isn't a socialist and his demands are simple. [An expanded bill likely pass establishing a social security system but you will be handing Long the keys to the South…]
[X] Throw support behind Wagner and lay the pressure on the conservatives. If Hoover can back this bill, you certainly can. [While the least likely to pass, there is a decent chance, it will improve cooperation between the parties, and you aren't working with radicals]
[X] Reed brings charisma, ideas, and votes. [Will lead to the most comprehensive bill but will take further negotiations and businesses will be wary of Congress openly embracing Socialists]
[X] Throw support behind Wagner and lay the pressure on the conservatives. If Hoover can back this bill, you certainly can. [While the least likely to pass, there is a decent chance, it will improve cooperation between the parties, and you aren't working with radicals
An Official Portrait of the Influential Senator Wagner
The decision of what to do in order to get the Garner-Wagner Act moving again was a matter of great debate within the Hoover Administration. The idea of approaching Senator Reed for talks was quickly dismissed, neither Hoover nor the Republican leadership in Congress could stomach the idea of turning to the Socialists for help. Such an act was seen by many as a complete betrayal of all of Hoover's principles. It was one thing to accept some limited intervention in the form of the proposed act, it was quite another to go crawling to the Socialists.
Turning to Senator Long and his America First Party was a somewhat more attractive option. First off, his demands were a lot less sweeping than what Reed wanted. His proposed social security program would certainly be a huge expansion of the bill's aims but it would at least keep it somewhat within the original idea of unemployment relief. Yet Senator Long was still a radical and viewed by many within Washington as little more than a rabble rousing demagogue at best, and a jackbooted authoritarian at the worst. Garner and others within the Democratic Party balked at the idea of handing a political victory to the man that they were fighting for political control of the South over. The price tag of Long's offer was simply too much politically and financially for the Hoover Administration and without Garner there would be no bill.
So instead Hoover doubled down behind the original bill. The federal unemployment benefits were added back in and the Hoover Administration really began to lean on the conservatives in Congress, with Treasury Secretary Charles Edison having almost daily meetings with various Senators. Yet as the day of the vote slowly began to approach, whips in both parties were not quite sure if it would make it.
[ ] Pass the Bill by any means necessary. Threats, earmarks, literally twist arms, whatever, just get it on Hoover's desk. [The Bill will almost certainly pass but it won't be pretty, lessening its use for campaigning]
[ ] Something this important can't be tarnished with accusations of corruption. [Passage of the Bill is uncertain, likely to be determined by other factors…]
The ongoing fights over Garner-Wagner were far from the only important discussions going on in DC in the spring of 1936. The general outrage to Hoover's reelection by the House in 1932 had shown how undesirable another House election would be. Long's rapid rise had also turned the three way '32 race into what was shaping up to be a four way this year, perhaps more if the Progressive Party managed to run a strong candidate. A Long or Reed upset couldn't be discounted and a brutal fight in the House between major parties would only hurt their credibility in the long term. Since the pounding both parties had taken in the midterms, the question had been continually asked how a disaster in November could be averted. In would step an unlikely champion with an unexpected option.
The son of the party's founder and the only Progressive in the Senate
Senator Robert La Follette Jr. was one of the few members of the official Progressive Party in Washington and was a close ally of Governor Olson of Minnesota. In order to maintain some influence in Washington, he had quickly moved to establish himself as a neutral bridge between the liberal wings of the major parties. It had certainly taken years to establish the necessary credibility on both sides of the aisle but the effort was about to pay off. Senator La Follette would use the ongoing talks over Garner-Wagner as an opportunity to meet with influential figures in the major parties and make his proposal. Neither of the left wings of the other parties were particularly optimistic for success in their respective conventions, with Garner likely a lock for the Democratic nomination. Republican progressives had somewhat higher hopes but the businessman Alf Landon seemed the best bet to take the nomination. La Follette hoped that by uniting the progressive forces in Washington, they could finally gain an advantage over conservitive factions.
He would find his crucial allies in both parties in the form of Democratic Senator Cordall Hull of Tennessee and the charismatic Senator from New York, the one that was not Jack Reed, Quentin Roosevelt. La Follette would convince the two that a national unity ticket should be formed, one that would offer progressives their chance at the White House. While the top of the ticket would be a member of the Progressive party, to serve as a compromising force, the Vice Presidency and most of the cabinet would consist of members of the major parties. This ticket would present a united front against the radicals and hopefully offer a credible alternative platform to the promises of Reed and Long. Now the trio of Senators needed to convince the party leadership that it was the right plan.
Senator Hull would approach Garner with the plan while La Follette and Roosevelt would find a potential ally in Hoover's own Vice President, Charles Curtis. Curtis, who had become dissatisfied with the ineffective governance of Hoover, would be easily convinced and would bring the plan to Hoover. Garner was a tougher sell. The deal would at the very least require him to postpone his ambitions for the White House, and despite his productive working relationships with Senator Wagner, he certainly was far from a supporter of what he viewed as the Progressives' radical plans. He instead proposed to Hoover and Hull an alternative plan, one that would cut out the Progressives as a middle man.
Garner's proposed coalition was far less tight with no formal unity ticket. Instead the Democrats and Republicans would still run their separate tickets but coordinate campaigns to prevent conflict in areas where the radicals were strong, for example the Republican nominee wouldn't contest Garner in the South. If the election went to the House, the candidate with fewer votes would endorse the other. On a Congressional level, both parties would only run a single candidate in seats at risk of falling to the AFP or SPA.
[ ] Better Olson than Long or the Reds, grudgingly endorse the National Unity ticket. [It will be the strongest ticket but conservatives in both parties will not be happy]
[ ] We don't need the Progressives, a loose agreement between Democrats and Republicans is enough. [Less dissent among party members but far from a sure bet in November]
[ ] A coalition like this would undermine the very two party system we stand for! We can't trust Garner and the Democrats if this goes to the House! [There will be no coalition of any sort]
America in the Spring of 1936 was not in a good place. It was in its eleventh straight year of Depression with Black Monday only making things worse. Since the crash in '25 most States and the Federal Government had been pursuing the same free market economic principles but the economy refused to recover. The profits from the Legation Cities, minor relief acts by Hoover, and jobs programs by state governments, had proved woefully inadequate and this had only led to the rise of radicals on the left and the right. Socialists proclaimed it as the inevitable failures of capitalism, the far-right called it proof of moral degeneracy. Yet American liberalism had failed to adapt, putting it at risk of suffering the same fate that had befallen liberals in Britain, France, and Germany. Yet at this crucial juncture American liberals finally tried something rather new, and it all started with President Hoover agreeing to the La Follette proposal.
While historians could come up with many potential reasons for why Hoover agreed to support the coalition plan, they ultimately boiled down to a simple fact: any President with any hope of tackling the enormous crisis facing the country would need the legitimacy that a clear win in the Electoral College would give him. A 4 way race would simply not lead to that. If Olson and other progressives adopt just enough of the radicals' policies in order to stop them without truly abandoning what Hoover saw as the American way, then that was a sacrifice he would have to pay. And so Hoover, with great reluctance, would throw his support behind the coalition talks and publicly would be one of its greatest champions. Between Hoover and Roosevelt, La Follette was reasonably certain the Republican Party would fall in line and support the coalition. Now all that was left was to convince Garner and the Democratic Party.
The Democratic Party in the 1930s was a truly unholy alliance. Since the Civil War it had certainly rebuilt its national appeal, holding the White House from 1913-1929. The Wilson Administration had established it as having the reputation of the party that was willing to pursue greater economic intervention. Perhaps then that was a reason why McAdoo's complete inability to cope with the Great Depression was so devastating to the party. The progressive wing of the party, out of power since Wilson, had few qualms striking a deal with their ideological allies in the Progressive and Republican Parties. But even now, over half a century on from the first Civil War, the base of the Democratic Party remained in the South and the Conservatives that it sent to Washington still held much authority over that party and they were the ones that seemed to have the most to lose from this coalition.
The de facto leader of Southern Democrats, and the party in general, was the Speaker of the House, John Nance Garner. With Garner widely expected to be the party's nominee for President that year, he was one of the few who most personally stood to lose from the coalition, but also someone La Follette absolutly needed onboard. Fortunately La Follette was far from alone in his quest to convince Garner and the Democrats, having the support of Senator Cordull Hull, another Southerner and a former Chair of the party. It would take weeks of negotiation but eventually Hull managed to convince Garner, who in turn would manage to achieve the acceptance, if not true support, of the Southern Democrats.
With the final major hurdle out of the way, Governor Floyd Olson headed to Washington for the official announcement of the National Unity coalition. As Governor, Olson had seen the passage of many strong progressive laws, despite the legislature being controlled by Republicans. His handling of a truckers union strike, calling in the National Guard to force both parties to the table until an agreement was reached, had shown to establishment politicians he was not a closet socialist but had not alienated the moderate labor unions that had not backed the IWW. His charisma and strong record of success made him clearly the most prominent and popular Progressive in the country and thus the logical choice to head up a compromise ticket. Thus on a sunny spring morning, on the steps of the Capitol Building, Olson would announce the coalition. His speech would be followed by speeches by Garner, Roosevelt and Curtis. Hoover would speak positively of Olson and the coalition in an interview just days later.
The fact that coalition talks were ongoing was far from a secret in Washington but that such an unprecedented coalition had actually come together was. While there was a lot to the coalition deal, especially when it came to deciding who would run where, the core of the deal revolved around the cabinet of a potential Olson Administration. The Vice President would be a Republican but to account for that, the coalition would put forward Democrats for the Speakership and Senate Majority Leader. The cabinet would also be equally divided between the two parties as well, with the exception that the Progressive Party would get two junior cabinet spots. To assuage Southern Democrats, Garner also stated that Olson had promised to invite him to all "vital" cabinet meetings. Olson also pledged his theoretical Administration would be a cabinet government, with him putting all major decisions to a vote by his cabinet. The coalition announcement brought a feeling of hope back to Washington, one that had arguably not been felt since the start of the Depression. Yet the Coalition would soon face its first major test. The Garner-Wagner Act was coming up on a final vote.
The House in Session
It had taken months of wrangling but finally the Congressional leadership was feeling that they had a chance to pass Garner-Wagner. Despite losing ground in the midterms, the combined membership of both parties still dominated Congress, especially in the Senate. Yet both parties were diverse coalitions and Garner-Wagner was a rather unprecedented piece of legislation but with leadership of both parties putting on the pressure, it seemed that passage would eventually come. The bill was moving through the final committee stages when the Olson coalition was announced and things began to fall apart.
The coalition on top of a strong Garner-Wagner was simply too much for conservatives and die hard defenders of the free market, despite the dire economic and political conditions. These members resolved that Congress caving to 'the mob' couldn't be allowed. Adding to the anger were many members of Congress that expected they would soon be lame ducks, especially among junior members who didn't have the influence with their state party to ensure they were run by the coalition. This alliance of conservatives and malcontents, with the SPA and AFP added in, was potentially enough to sink the bill, certainly enough to support a series of filibusters in the Senate. It seemed as though that once again the Garner-Wagner Act would die at the finishing line.
Yet the passage of the bill was the number one priority of the congressional leadership and men like Garner, McNary, and Robinson were far from inexperienced and they were more than willing to pull out every trick in the book to get the bill on the Resolute Desk. The whips began to meet individually with the wavering Congressmen and it became a clear message to members of the House that if you wanted the coalition to run you then you better vote for the bill. If you didn't, well there were two other parties who would love another seat in Congress. It would be enough to drive almost a dozen southern members into the arms of America First, who offered them a guaranteed run and support yet even with the defections, by the time the vote came, Garner-Wagner would pass the House with a comfortable, if not large, majority. The Senate would be another matter.
Official Portrait of the Democratic Senate Majority Leader Robinson
Senators were much more insulated from the threats whips in the House had used. They were far more public figures and not quite as reliant on state parties. A full 2/3rds weren't even up for election that year, making the coalition pulling support a moot threat for most in the first place. Instead leadership turned to a common tactic, favors and earmarks. The bill soon became a vehicle for Senators to get their pet projects authorized, a bridge here, a new post office here, and a grant for a Senator's family's business venture. More and more of the spending for the bill began to be taken up by these measures but eventually the 2/3rds majority needed to invoke cloture took shape. A big part of that was a deal cut with Southern Democrats who would back cloture but in return Hull and Garner had to promise that Olson would appoint as many southerners as he did his own Progressives.
Opponents of the bill wouldn't give up without a fight. Most notable was Senator Huey Long. On the day of the vote he took to the floor to launch yet another of his filibusters. Exhausted from days of debate already, few in the Senate were in the mood for another fifteen hour filibuster but Long wouldn't be deterred. Several hours in he began to call out the various earmarks in the bill and began to attack leading Senators by name. Long called them corrupt, puppets of anarchists, and traitors to America. That would be enough for Senator Robinson, the Majority Leader. Robinson was hot headed and his propensity for almost causing fights that had earned him the nickname 'scrappy Joe' and he had almost fought Long multiple times in the past. Today would be no different, as he launched himself across the Senate for Long. Fortunately he would be held back from actually hitting Long but it was enough to cause a major scene as Long's allies rose from their seats. The chaos was enough for Vice President Curtis to declare that Long had conceded the floor and he quickly moved to open the vote. This of course caused further chaos protests from opposition Senators but by the early hours of the morning, after much shouting and points of order, the bill finally passed the Senate.
President Hoover signing the Garner-Wagner Act into law
Hoover's signing of this historic Act was far from the end of its story or the end of Congress' response to the Great Depression. The most pressing issue was how to pay for it. Several options were considered, from Tariffs to an income tax hike, but in the end it would be the bold plan of the Democratic Senator Thomas Hawking that would win out. The Hawking Plan would see the passage of a hike to the corporate tax rate, although the bill did promise aid later down the line to the affected corporations. While certainly controversial the passage of Garner-Wagner had broken the proverbial dam and the tax bill would pass with greater ease.
There would be two more major pieces of relief legislation that Congress would pass in the following months, the New Industrial Act and Shipyard Relief Act. The NIA would relieve some of the pain on American industry and the Shipyard Relief Act would see funds coming into America's ports to help overhaul them and expand their capacity. Ultimately though, the bulk of funds from these various acts were left to the Hoover Administration to distribute.
"Help is finally on its way for the American people," these were the triumphant words of Senator Quinten Roosevelt following his announcement in New York as being the Coalition's pick for Vice President. While perhaps less aid than many on the left had hoped for, the 1936 relief acts were at the time by far the greatest social spending in American history. The Hoover Administration would move swiftly to prioritize the spending of funds in the Midwest and Northeast. Both were major sites of economic activity in the United States and were as hard hit by the Depression as anywhere else. Some cynics did point out that these regions were likely to be crucial in November as Olson and Reed campaigned for their votes. Still, for perhaps truly the first time since the Crash in '25 hope was back in the air. It wouldn't last the month.
After a decade of economic crisis, Americans had been increasingly forced into a life of crime in order to survive. Many criminals had turned into gangsters who became known across the nation. While the FBI was able to fairly swiftly bring down many of these gangsters, the publicity created by the likes of Bonnie & Clyde created an increasing perception of lawlessness and of ineffectiveness by the Federal Government.
Far more concerning to FBI Director J Edger Hoover was the rise of paramilitary militias. With increasing violence and crime, many groups began to feel the Federal Government couldn't, or wouldn't, protect them. Most prominent among these militias were the 'Minutemen' and the 'Red Guards'. The Minutemen were aligned with Long's America First Party and traced their existence back to the organizations formed during Reconstruction, such as the first KKK. In fact Socialist politicians alleged that many of the leaders of the Minutemen were former members of the modern iteration of that organization. Somewhat in response to the Minutemen, and to provide protection to unions from armed men hired by companies during strikes, various Red Guard cells began to rise up in Sociaist strongholds across the country. Initially rather ad hoc, starting as groups of party members organizing gun clubs, by the Spring of 1936 they were a known arm of the CSA.
Attempts by the FBI to cut off the supply of weapons to these groups were unsuccessful as it was rather easy for Americans to get their hands on civilian firearms, as well as friendly international groups shipping in weapons. With violence between the various militias reasonably uncommon, the FBI was content to avoid direct confrontation and focus on cutting their supply. This would all change on May Day.
The First of May had long been a celebrated day among the International labor movement and considering it was an American born event, its popularity had reached new highs with the rise of the CSA. The past few years, celebrations that day had tended to be peaceful as people walked off their jobs and took to marching in the streets. Yet in 1936 that would change. The AFP and Minutemen also concentrated within socialist strongholds on that day and provided backup, whether asked or not, to the various local police. The first incidents would occur that morning in Chicago as CSA picketers attempted to prevent non-unionized workers from entering the worksites. It is unclear who fired the first shot but soon Red Guards and Police had opened fire on each other, with the Minutemen soon to join in on the side of the Police. Scenes like this were soon repeated across the country and most major cities ended up shutting down for the day as their streets turned into sporadic and bloody firefights. While fighting would die down within a few days, it was the start of a wave of political violence that would intensify through the summer.
Adding to the tension and death was the hottest heat wave on record, with temperature often being above 100 degrees F across the nation. This caused further economic hardship when harvests failed, further tanking rural economies. Over 3000 people would die directly from the heat wave and it is no surprise that tensions rose exponentially across the Summer. Things would tragically get worse when in Charleston, South Carolina whites attacked and burned any successful African-American owned stores and murdered their occupants in a scene similar to the 1921 Massacre in Tulsa. A wave of racial violence would then sweep the nation, especially in the South as there were record lynchings. The African Blood Brotherhood and allied Red Guard units would start arming themselves and fighting back.
This new wave of violence would be enough for Director Hoover, who would request that the Attorney General approach the President for permission for the FBI to start going after the Minutemen and Red Guards for violations of the Militia Act of 1903 and other Federal laws. Other officials within the Department of Justice warned that such actions would likely only lead to further violence, this time directed at the Federal Government and that the FBI wasn't suited for taking on armed militias.
[ ] The Director is right, we need to end this violence.
[ ] As long as they are only killing each other, it is too risky to get involved.
State, War, and Navy Building
The need to be seen doing something would lead Congress to revisit the current state of affairs of the US military. The Department of War had been suffering under austerity measures since the crash and most of its stockpiles of equipment dated back to preparedness efforts during the Weltkrieg. Secretary of War Patrick J. Hurley also warned that with growing tensions in Asia following the collapse of the League of Eight Provinces and an increasingly aggressive Japan, the US Navy was in far from ideal shape. To try to rectify these issues, Congress would pass the National Military Preparedness Act of 1936 which would end the austerity the War Department had been operating under. Efforts were made to improve one branch of the military in particular.
[ ] Focus on the Army, updating equipment and running drills with the armored units.
[ ] Put in a new order of aircraft in order to expand the US Army Air Corps along with its pool of pilots.
[ ] Our greatest strength is the Navy, let us increase wages, stockpile oil reserves, and engage in long delayed wargames.
As the United States began to descend into political chaos and conflict, the rest of the world was in no better shape. While the United States had long been called isolationist with its refusal to intervene in European affairs, in truth it had a broad set of international interests and with the US looking increasingly weak due to internal dissent, the jackals began to circle.
The first serious challenge to US' international authority would come from where it was supposed to be among its strongest, South America. The previous year, on Christmas Day, the democratically elected liberal government of President Roca was overthrown by the revanchist Manuel Carlés with the support of the Argentinian Navy. Despite his swift seizure of power, the new President's authority outside the capital was little to none and soon opposition against his takeover began to take shape behind General Pedro Pablo Ramírez, especially among elements of the Army.
While the Hoover Administration initially wasn't particularly concerned with the takeover by an anti-syndicalist regime, that indifference has rapidly changed. With his coup stalled, President Carlés has turned to Argentina's largest trade partner, Germany, for support. Acceptance by the Kaiser would be a great violation of the Monroe Doctrine and would make America look weak and unable to protect its sphere of influence. Pressure has begun to grow from inside and outside the Cabinet for President Hoover to uphold this oldest of American policies.
[ ] The Monroe Doctrine must be upheld. Denounce the coup and deploy the US Navy to cut off Carlés support.
[ ] We have far more important concerns and too much to lose by causing an incident with Germany.
Shanghai in peaceful times
Another cornerstone of US foreign policy was its Open Door policy in China, primarily regarding the Legation Cities. As one of the primary negotiators of the original treaty establishing the Cities, and with the current High Commissioner being an American, the US had major interests in the Legation Cities, an interest that had been rewarded with great access to China for US businesses. In fact profits from the Legation Cities had been one of the few bright spots for the US even in the midst of the heights of the Depression.
This was all put in peril by the collapse of the League of Eight Provinces. Between the various warlords and the new uprising by the syndicalist KMT, security of the Legation Cities was put in jeopardy. As Germany and Japan continued to spiral towards war, the Legation Cities was poised as a potential battleground, with the German representative presenting a plan to the Council to authorize the deployment of German troops to protect the cities from threats. The High Commissioner feared such an action would inspire attacks by nationalist Chinese on foreigners, not to mention make the Cities a prime target in a war between Germany and Japan. He instead asked permission to present a counterplan to the Council that would see additional US troops deployed to the cities from the garrison in the Philippines and for the Asiatic Fleet to be deployed against pirates on the Yangtze. He cited the large numbers of Americans living in Cities as a reason for the Hoover Administration to authorize his request.
[ ] The neutrality of the Legation Cities and our interests must be protected. Send the troops!
[ ] We can't afford to be further dragged into affairs in Asia at this perilous time at home.
A New King, A New Relationship
Yet the most pressing foreign policy issue the Hoover Administration faced in 1936 was the closest to home. During the Weltkrieg, Britain and the entire Entente had racked up a sizable debt with the United States, deeply tying their economies together. This was why the Revolution on the British Isles had been so deleterious to the American economy. So far the United States had allowed the British Government in exile to avoid its loan payments, considering it couldn't pay them, but that would soon end.
Despite the passage of the corporate tax increases in the Hawking Plan, the US was still running a sizable deficit with the relief bills and the military expansion put into consideration. Furthermore, many Democrats and Republicans were looking for excuses to build up their reputations to counter Long's pitch to nationalist voters and in that they found Canada as a target while as ideologically supporting a balanced budget.
On January 20th, King George V died. His reign had seen the near collapse of the British Empire with the defeat in the Weltkrieg, the Revolution, and the exile to Canada. His death, and the ascendance of his son as Edward VIII, was a turning point for the entire Entente. Talks among the exile community started to once again turn towards reclaiming the homeland and they had the new King's public support in that. Citing growing tensions around the world, the Canadian Prime Minister, Mackenzie King, had pushed for a rearmament bill called C-7. When it was stalled in Parliament he had called a snap election to see it pushed through. The campaign had only just started when the US Congress decided to ask the question, if the new King thought he could reclaim his old title, shouldn't he have to pay his old debts?
Following a resolution passed by Congress calling for the Entente to repay their debts, the Hoover Administration, somewhat desperate for cash, sent the Canadians the demand. To really no one's surprise Mackinzie King's government refused, citing the fact that the debt was held by the British government, not the Canadian one. In response members of Congress started pushing for a series of protective tariffs to punish Canada for its refusal to pay and to gain some money. Long would back this idea out of a nationalist sentiment while Reed really just liked to take any opportunity to strike at the Royalists and enemies of his ideological allies in the Union of Britain. For their part Olson and Garner, who had long been advocates of low tariffs, instead called on the Hoover Administration to strike a deal with the Canadian Government to defer the loans yet again. Ultimately though, the decision lay with President Hoover.
[ ] Pass the tariffs. We need the money and domestic support from this.
[ ] Threaten to veto any tariffs and open talks with the Canadians. The British can pay if they ever reclaim their homeland.
Some spicy results this turn! I'll try to write the update tomorrow but it will likely be a big one so I probably won't be it done. I have a busy Wednesday and Thursday so expect the update on Friday as the most likely time.
Scheduled vote count started by Jeeshadow on Dec 5, 2021 at 11:57 PM, finished with 45 posts and 42 votes.
[X] The neutrality of the Legation Cities and our interests must be protected. Send the troops!
