Cold War: 1950

[gorganhound]

Agreement on the Commonwealth Joint Project and further Research Collaboration (1958)

​

Section 1. The Anglo-Australian Joint Project at Woomera

• The parties reiterate their commitment to the joint project
• The United Kingdom agrees to upgrade Australia to the position of a full partner, giving her the option of full involvement in all stages of development for proposed projects.
• The United Kingdom agrees to facilitate the necessary transfer of technical knowledge and skills to Australia for the joint project.
• The Parties agree to cost-sharing for specific project development on an equal-footing based on the relative GDP of the parties.
• Australia agrees to pay the costs for maintenance of the Woomera Testing Facility
• Costs for additional instrumentation and expansion of the range are to be paid for by all partners in accordance with the cost-sharing arrangements for project development, with the additional caveat that Australia may offset the estimated annual increase in maintenance from her expected contribution.
• Australia reserves the right to utilise Woomera for her own defence needs and other foreign ventures, but such costs cannot be charged to the Joint Project
• Where one nation wishes to withdraw or cancel a project they must first offer the remaining partner the option of continuing the project alone and facilitate the required knowledge transfer if accepted.
  
  • If the remaining partner does not wish to continue the project alone, they are to be reimbursed existing expenditure by the withdrawing party.
• The Partners agree to invite Canada and New Zealand to the program under the same partnership and cost arrangements as outlined above.
• The project is renamed to the Commonwealth Joint Project.

Section 2. Maralinga and Nuclear Trials

• The nuclear testing facility at Maralinga is to be merged with the Woomera rocket range and the Joint Project
• Funding, maintenance and site rehabilitation arrangements will continue as agreed under the Canberra Accords
• The Australian Government removes it's objection to thermonuclear tests
• The United Kingdom will continue to facilitate an independent nuclear capability for Australia through the involvement of Australian research scientists and the sharing of technology and results.

Section 3. Advanced Aircraft Test Facility

• The parties agree to collaborate on advanced aeronautics development and testing
• Australia will develop a test range as part of the Woomera complex for advanced aerospace vehicles and technology
• The activities of the Advanced Aircraft Test Facility will be constituted under the Joint Project

Section 4. Joint Anglo-Australian Optical Telescope

• The parties agree to the construction of a joint optical telescope research facility to be located in Australia

Section 5. Priority Research Areas
We note the following research priorities and existing projects in this space

• Long Range Jet Transport including Supersonics
• Novel Aviation concepts including STOL/VTOL Technologies
• Supersonic Interdictors (TSR-2 / Avro 730 / Vickers Swallow)
• High performance Fighters (F.155 Interceptor Tender, CAC-27 Warrior)
• Air to Air missiles (Blue Jay, Vickers Small Weapon)
• Surface to Air missiles, including for Ballistic Missile Defence (Bloodhound, Blue Envoy, Thunderbird, Malkara-SAM)
• Air to Surface Missiles (Momentum Bomb)
• Sounding Rockets (Jabiru, Skylark)
• Ballistic Missiles and Space (Blue Streak)
• Surface to Surface Weapons (Vickers-GAF Vigilant / Project E, Jindvik Cruise Missile conversion, Ikara Land Strike)
• Anti Submarine Warfare (Ikara long range torpedo)
• Nuclear Power and Weaponry

Section 6. Naval Cooperation

• The British government agrees to embed a Naval design team with the Royal Australian Navy design team at Jervis Bay to assist with the joint-development of naval vessels and the evaluation of British designs for RAN adaptation including the necessary adaptation to the Pacific.

[x] - Frank Stewart, Minister for Foreign Affairs
[x] - Harold Macmillian, Foreign Secretary
[x] - Canada
[x] - New Zealand

 

[gorganhound]

​

 

[Frostbyght]

Across the Airwaves
Jaime Yankelvich, Canal 7, and Argentinian Television in the 1950s ​

The first television broadcast in Argentina was made on October 17, 1951. On the screens of 2500 Televisions set up across the nation (mostly models imported from America and the UK), live scenes of the Plaza Del Mayo and the sixth annual Loyalty Day Celebrations were transmitted in shaky black and white. Most notably, the broadcast would center around the one of the final public appearances of Eva Perón, who gave a brief address alongside her husband. All of this was carried on Canal 7, the sole Television Network in Argentina.

Canal 7, and indeed the whole project of bringing Television to Argentina, was the brainchild of Jaime Yankelevich, a Bulgarian-Born Jewish Immigrant whose family had come to Argentina in 1914. Trained as a theater electrician, Yankelvich would eventually go on to purchase the failing Radio Station LR3 in 1924. This began a long and prosperous career in entertainment. By the mid 1940s, he owned numerous low-wattage radio stations that had been collected into the Argentine Broadcasting Chain (commonly known as "Radio Belgrano), had led the development of late-night programming, and had even co-produced a Romantic Comedy Film in 1937 that was a mild success.

Jaime Yankelvich in the mid-1940s, the undisputed master of Argentina's Radio Industry. ​

Yankelvich was not a fan of the coup 1943 d'état, and greatly disliked the rise of the Perónist regime. The nationalization of massive swathes of the Radio Industry did nothing to quiet his discontent. Following Perón's election and inagural address in 1946, Yankelevich defied governmental orders and allowed open criticism of the new government on his radio stations. This was not without consequences. Radio Belgrano was suspended by government order for one month and faced direct government scrutiny. The attention from the Peronists eventually drove him to sell Radio Belgrano to the state for 6 Million Pesos (US$1.5 million) in 1947. The chain's management was, to his surprise, left to Yankelevich, who continued to receive a large part of the chain's income (Argentine radio's most profitable), and in turn, the Perón regime dictated content and vetted personnel and performers. This would slowly transition to a solid working relationship over the next few years as Jaime grew more comfortable with the government.

It would be a tragedy that would inspire Yankelvich to bring Television to Argentina. In 1949, his son Miguel would pass away. Miguel, fascinated with the growth of television in the United States, encouraged his father to import the equipment needed for its introduction into the country. Following Miguel's death Yankelvich would petition the Communications Ministry and its head, Minister Oscar Nicolini, to fund the importation of such equipment. With support from Eva Perón, who requested that the equipment be ready in time for Liberty Day in 1951, he was given approval and began the establishment of the first Argentinian Television Network, the second in South America (Brazil had been first, in 1950 for the World Cup).

A DuMonth TV Camera, like those used by Canal 7. Dozens were purchased by the Perón regime for use in the first televised broadcasts. ​

With funding provided by Perón's government, Yankelvich began purchasing equipment from the United States early in the year. Yankelevich imported broadcasting equipment from Bell Telephone Laboratories, video cameras from DuMont, and a horizontally polarized antenna that was initially mounted on the roof of the Ministry of Public Health. On September 24, 1951, Radio Belgrano announcer Fito Salinas was put behind a camera and backed by a musical group, and the first test transmissions commenced. Televisions were set up in department stores in a 500-meter radius around the site, and the transmitter put out 500 watts of power, but the signal was ramped up and brought to 40 kW power over the next few days.

Following the October Loyalty Day Broadcast LR3-TV (or, as it would come to be know, Canal 7) began regular commercial telecasts, broadcasting from 5:30 to 10:30pm each day, on November 4, 1951. Primarily it would present broadcasts of spanish-language programs from other nations, such as Brazil or the United States. It would not be until 1954 that original Argentinian Programming began with the newscast Primer Telenoticioso Argentino that premiered on April 20. Soon after other programs would premier, including cooking show Jueves Hogareños with famous cookbook author Doña Petrona, the first telenovelas (Teleteatro de la Tarde and later Teleteatro para la Hora del Té), and comedy acts such as Tato y sus Monólogos. By the end of 1954, Argentina would have three television channels: LR1, LR3, and LR4, all run by friends or subordiantes of Perón.

For much of the 1950s, Canal 7 carried along with little to no issue. Following Yankelvich's death in 1952 the company was handed off to another of Perón's loyal followers, the Editorial Haynes Publishing Group. Technically independent, Haynes was nevertheless a company deeply influenced by Perónist thought (nevermind that 51% of the business was owned by Government groups). Like all of its various media interests, the Perónist regime kept a close eye on Canal 7 and ensured that it produced just as much pro-Perón media as the newspapers and radios.

The Alas Building under construction. It would be completed in 1957 and several floors would become the headquarters of Argentinian National Television. ​

Following the economic stagnation and reforms of the mid 1950s, the government would finally turn its direct attention back to Television starting in 1957. The electrification and infrastructions projects started in 1955-56 meant that more and more of the countryside was gaining access to TVs. In addition, the growing power of Argentinian Broadcast Antennas meant that soon Argentinian Programming would be viewable across all of South America, and perhaps even further. The Perónist regime, and even the President himself, saw an opportunity. With another Election year coming up in 1958 and Perón intended to run for a third time ('Reforms' made to the constitution in 1949 by the Perónists ensured that the President could be re-elected indefinitely) it was time to ramp up Propaganda both internally and internationally.

Fresh investments into Canal 7 would be planned, and improved broadcasting equipment would be purchased from abroad. The administration of the network would be moved to the Alas Building, in the center of Buenos Aires. Perón was interested in the technology of color television that was being slowly introduced in America but the cost of the broadcast technology (and the fact that almost no one in Argentina could afford a Color TV) meant that the future was Black-And-White. Perón's government would also begin preparing an expansion of networks. Licenses were to be offered to those agencies that could afford them, as the government aimed to create a new revenue stream for supporting the expansion with License Fees and Television Fees rolling out across the nation.

Soon, it was hoped, Argentina would see a fresh expansion of Television networks that could both entertain the populace and spread Perónism across the airwaves.

 

[Korona]

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

UNITED STATES FORCES KOREA ANNOUNCES CONTINUED STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP WITH ROK ARMED FORCES
(@Skrevski)
​

On behalf of Gen. Jeong il-Gwon, I am pleased to announce that USFK and the ROK Armed Forces have committed to a multi-year partnership to build cohesion, and communication, and to strengthen the strategic partnership between USFK and the ROK Armed Forces. Strategic cooperation with our allies will, and always will be the paramount mission of USINDOPACOM, and I am looking forward to building a stronger relationship with my colleagues in South Korea.

As part of this new era of strategic partnership with the ROK Armed Forces, US and ROK forces will conduct annual wargames to strengthen our mutual commitment to the defense of the Korean people from communism. Additionally, I am pleased to announce that USFK will assist with the construction of military and civilian infrastructure within the ROK. On behalf of President Eisenhower and the American people, we publicly reaffirm our commitment to the Republic of Korea and its people.

George H. Decker
Commander, US Forces Korea​

 

[John7755 يوحنا]

Flags of the Empire of Ethiopia and the Republic of France

Declaration of the Franco-Ethiopian Treaty of Friendship
​

In this great and auspicious year of 1958, the world aligns under the mutual love of two great countries. The Empire of Ethiopia and the Republic of France, amicable and kind to one another, form an agreement for the preservation of perpetual prosperity and mutual benefit. Let the world be thus aware that the Empire of Ethiopia and the Republic of France stand thus aligned in the radiant goal of providing sustenance and abundance for all of our denizens. The terms, most prudent, are as follows:

1. The Empire of Ethiopia and the Republic of France shall open their mutual borders in a more amicable manner to permit the fruitful and happy transfer of trade to and fro between our lands.

2. The Republic of France shall provide technical, anecdotal and material expertise in the provision of support to the Ethiopian cotton industry that is currently supported by the Palace. Farmers and officials of the Republic of France shall be given permission to enter into our Empire and receive assignment to aid our farmers with the necessities of cotton production.

3. Investors from the Republic of France shall be permitted access to invest in, and develop industries within the Empire of Ethiopia at the permission of the Palace. However, the laws of the empire shall be impressed upon any foreigner regardless of their wealth and or lineage, let it be so.

4. The Palace officializes the purchase of a certain helicopter from the Republic of France, alongside a French crew to operate its service.

[X] The Great Ghedi
[] President Charles de Gaulle
@Whoknows

 

[Whoknows]

Flags of the Empire of Ethiopia and the Republic of France

Declaration of the Franco-Ethiopian Treaty of Friendship
​

In this great and auspicious year of 1958, the world aligns under the mutual love of two great countries. The Empire of Ethiopia and the Republic of France, amicable and kind to one another, form an agreement for the preservation of perpetual prosperity and mutual benefit. Let the world be thus aware that the Empire of Ethiopia and the Republic of France stand thus aligned in the radiant goal of providing sustenance and abundance for all of our denizens. The terms, most prudent, are as follows:

1. The Empire of Ethiopia and the Republic of France shall open their mutual borders in a more amicable manner to permit the fruitful and happy transfer of trade to and fro between our lands.

2. The Republic of France shall provide technical, anecdotal and material expertise in the provision of support to the Ethiopian cotton industry that is currently supported by the Palace. Farmers and officials of the Republic of France shall be given permission to enter into our Empire and receive assignment to aid our farmers with the necessities of cotton production.

3. Investors from the Republic of France shall be permitted access to invest in, and develop industries within the Empire of Ethiopia at the permission of the Palace. However, the laws of the empire shall be impressed upon any foreigner regardless of their wealth and or lineage, let it be so.

4. The Palace officializes the purchase of a certain helicopter from the Republic of France, alongside a French crew to operate its service.

[X] The Great Ghedi
[X] President Charles de Gaulle
@99KingHigh

Click to shrink...

 

[gorganhound]

Community for the Equitable Development of Agricultural Resources (CEDAR)

​

Negotiations at the GATT have seen a decrease in tariffs and subsidies worldwide. The continued refusal for certain nations in the developed world to allow for a similar reduction in agricultural goods serves only to artificially price out domestic agricultural goods worldwide and suppress the development of agriculture in developing nations or primary industry focused exporters. In response CEDAR will serve as a forum and organisation for net agricultural exporting nations to combine their expertise to provide a more equitable trade environment for agriculture. The nations of CEDAR agree to the following

1. Opposition to further tariff cuts through the GATT unless agricultural goods are no longer exempted​
2. To only pursue non-trade distortionary agricultural subsidies​
3. To operate and market collectively to enable fair and equitable market access and counter non-CEDAR compliant agricultural exporters​
4. To establish a joint agricultural research investment fund funded by agricultural profits with CEDAR to distribute funding on a competitive grants based process​
5. To share agricultural technologies and research​
6. To establish a joint agricultural infrastructure development fund funded by agricultural profits with CEDAR to distribute funding on a competitive grants based process​

The governments agreed to establish a CEDAR council to oversee the program with the inaugural head to be Sir John Crawford. Membership of CEDAR will be open to any nation that agrees to abide by the principals of the organisation and pending the approval of all founding members.

​

[x] Frank Stewart, Minister for External Affairs and Trade, Australia
[x] Canada
[x] Brazil
[x] Argentina
[x] India
[x] Indonesia
[x] Peru
[x] Paraquay
[x] Costa Rica

Australia-Brazil-Argentina Memorandum​

The Australian Government agrees to sponsor Colombo Plan membership to Argentina and Brazil. The Colombo Plan Development Bank also agrees to fast track consideration of a proposal from each nation for the expansion of their respective port and shipyard facilities. The Governments of Brazil and Argentina agree to grant concessions and mining licenses to Australian mining interests.
[x] Frank Stewart, Minister for Australia
[x] Argentina
[x] Brazil

Australia-Eithiopia Memorandum​

1. The Australian Government facilitates the purchase of australian military equipment by Eithiopia​
2. The Australian Government will provide military advisors and training staff to the Eithiopian Army and Commonwealth Police to support modernisation and counterintelligence efforts of the Eithiopian Police​
3. The Australian Government will provide a consultancy team from the Australian public service to assist with the development of Eithiopian Economic Planning and a national beaurocracy
4. The Eithiopian Government agrees to grant mining exploration licences to Australian companies including in the Goldfields and ease general access to australian investors
5. The Australian Government will upgrade its diplomatic mission to an Embassy in Addis Abada at a site to be bequested by the Eithiopian Government

[x] Frank Stewart, Minister for External Affairs and Trade, Australia
[x] Eithiopia

​

 

[Traveller76]

Madhumati was the highest-grossing Indian film of 1958.​

Despite good harvests during the year the struggle to improve farmer incomes and stable food supplies would continue. The development of heirloom seed varieties for grains and vegetables was yielding positive results, as was the development of domestic fertilizer plants, but many questioned as to how scalable the developments would be and the cost. While the new plant varieties, fertilizers and irrigation techniques did wonders at a few select farms in Punjab and other chosen regions there were still many states, especially in the south that had not benefited. The vast majority of India's farms still effectively operated on a subsistence model, and farmers, despite good harvests, failed to generate enough profit to make the leap to purchase risky technologies. The Central Government would focus on cheaper more short term process with financial support and education to farmers, helping them to form co-operatives, acquire machinery and technologies at a discount and get the best deal for their crops. This would be done at the local, regional, state and national levels to assist in agricultural marketing, banking and rural credit.

There would also be actions by the Central and State governments to reform the food distribution system by reducing inter-state and even inter-district restrictions on marketing and movement of agricultural goods, improving rural infrastructure primarily in the form of irrigation and flood control infrastructure. The Government would continue to work with other agricultural powerhouses such as Australia, Argentina and the United States in improving its agricultural infrastructure...

India in the 20th Century

 

[SultanArda]

SUMMARY OF ALL EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN THE YEAR 1958 IN TURKEY


"Nasser: Our soldiers who had experience in the Israel War will show you how to escape from the enemy!"
​

Economy:

As the construction dates of both the Eskişehir-İzmir Highway and the İstanbul Metro continued due to problems largely related to the land the projects were supposed to be built it, the DP government [which was a big-tent that included classic liberals, rural conservatives (who were not from Kırşehir, as they all voted for their local political figure, Osman Bölükbaşı and his party), landowners who wanted to keep their lands away from any land reforms, and statists who just wanted some political reforms] decided to do some economic liberalisation. One enough to show Turkey was open for business to both foreign and domestic businessmen (and to make the classical liberals who were not happy with the largely statist approach the Bayar and Menderes followed) without causing the statists to howl in anger.

The economic liberalization plan had three main reforms. Controlled and small deregulation of the private banking sector, small-scale tariff reductions on foreign goods, and (the only part of the program that President Bayar did not like that much) the privatization of twenty-five percent of the Turkish Marine Bank's shares. With the DP's absolute majority (which DP wanted to utilize as much as possible before the elections that were going to happen in the same year), it was pretty much obvious that the liberalization package was going to be passed.

Politics:

Anti-communism would start to increasingly define Turkish politics, especially after the Austrian Crisis, with all four parties in the TBMM (governing DP, Kemalist CHP of İnönü which was getting increasingly successful at wiping their image in the eyes of the public as the despotic party for the "gray bureaucrat with gray suit living in Ankara", and the personality right-wing nationalist parties, CMP and TKP, of Bölükbaşı and Arık) agreeing on that communism should be destroyed from Turkish public life. And the DP government, somewhat opportunistically, would go even further than speeches, as they would announce a TBMM commission (with all seats being divided proportionally according to the seats a party had) to investigate the communist infiltration inside both the bureaucracy and the academia, with the government announcing that they would accept the report's results and do everything it said. At the same time, the commission was gathering, the Homeland Party (a leftist party led by the famous left-wing thinker Hikmet Kıvılcımlı, who tried to get votes from everyone, ranging from the secular army to religious figures) would find itself closed after a quick trial for charges of using religion for politics and for propagating communism, with its founders finding themselves in extremely long trials for charges similar to the ones against their party.

At the same time, it was noticed that some activity happening between the opposition figures, as it is rumored that both Bölükbaşı and Arık went to Pink Mansion, the house of İsmet İnönü, with some rumors indicating the opposition planning to make some sort of alliance to finally break the DP's hold in power... whether in this election or the next election...

Foreign Affairs:

After his not-as-bad-as-everyone-feared Middle East Tour, President Bayar would once again pack his bags, this time to go to Europe (or more specifically Western Europe) to meet up with its allies and get both trade and strategic deals done with them.

[THE REST OF THIS TEXT IS REDACTED DUE TO A VARIETY OF REASONS]​

 

[VicAlarik]

Technology exchange and cooperation agreement​

The kingdom of Sweden and Republic of France will enact an exchange of computer and transistor technology including manufacturing techniques. Companies in related sectors will set up offices in both nations. A joint semiconductor manufacturing plant will be set up in Paris, paid by both nations company's and subsidized by both states. All advancements and production shall be shared fully and equally between both countries

[] President Charles De Gaulle
[X] H.M Carl Gustaf XVI Adolf

 

[Shynka]

​

The Venezuelan Junta entered 1957 in near complete control – despite dissatisfaction from the opposition, the President had cemented his rule. Due to a combination of foreign influence, adverse economic conditions, and most of all, the Junta's own hubris, it would exit the year on the brink of total collapse. President and General, Marcos Perez Jimenez, had felt so confident in his position that in lieu of a General election (which he could have won, owing to his control over every aspect of the country), he instead issued a plebiscite – do you want to give the President another term? There was no question as to who the President would be, no pretence of choice. This thin veil of formality that Jimenez thought he could do away with turned out to be far more important than anyone realised – despite everyone in Venezuela being aware that they lived in an army ran dictatorship, it was another thing entirely for the Dictator to outwardly say this. The tired country was now ready to reject the status quo.

The crushing victory of 'Yes' in the plebiscite (86% for, with 97% reported turnout) only made the entire farce seem even more farcical. Opposition figures that were already circling Caracas now felt empowered to make 1958 the year of change. Other factors played into this – longstanding ties between the Venezuelan Communist Party and the Brazilian Communist exiles now gave the Venezuelan Legion of Liberation a near direct line to Moscow, where Kaganovich hosted the exiled Carvalho, eager to light fires on Eisenhower's doorstep. The VCP was a huge contributor to the anti-Jimenez movement, and with Soviet support (dropped off via container ships that the CIA first reported to Eisenhower in January of 1958) it could field a large guerilla army. Brazilian fighters, having been chased out of Brazil by Tavora, were hopeful that a friendly Venezuelan regime, even if not strictly itself Communist, could give them a jumping off point from which they could reinsert themselves back into their homeland. While many dreamed of a red regime in Caracas, Carvalho and the other higher ups were clear – the VCP and its Brazilian helpers were to at first assist Betancourt in a democratic takeover.

As January begun, resentment over the plebiscite boiled over. Jimenez's display of power on January first would go down as a huge misstep – an overflight of the capital by aircraft, intended as a show of power, would instead inspire protests throughout the country. The military, previously a bastion of Jimenez support, would now begin to splinter, as factions within felt that perhaps things had gone far enough. A crisis of leadership would develop among the states air force, and would be followed up by a crisis within elite units near the capital. Intending to strike while the iron was hot, rebels in the countryside would begin to move in, in many cases waltzing into army bases that welcomed them with open arms. The general mutiny in the countryside, aided and abetted by Communist agents, would in turn spill into the capital, where two successive cabinets collapsed on January 4th and January 9th. The plebiscite's appointment of various military figures to cabinet posts was being wholeheartedly rejected, as previously Junta-aligned members of the civilian government and civil service begun to jump ship.

Jimenez's attempt to calm the public with printed manifestos (which were meant to show support for his Junta from various important sectors of the country) would only show his regimes weakness. A general strike would begin on the 15th, as labour unions, in close cooperation with the Venezuelan Legion of Liberation, would walk out of factory floors. Cities would quickly grind to a standstill, as workers dedicated their free time to protests of the regime. Riots would start in due time, and soon enough, the situation would spiral to the point of lynchings. A general panic would then occur, as Jimenez's influence evaporated and his cronies sought to escape with their lives, in many cases leaving the state without their families. Reprisals would break out through the entire country, and despite attempts by both Betancourt (who took a leading role) and the VLL, order collapsed for a few days of anti-Junta terror.

January 17th would see the brief appointment of a secondary Junta, one that was meant to act as a provisional government. Despite Betancourt's willingness to work with this transitionary body, the public was too angry – this Junta, too, had to go. After claiming authority over the country for precisely two days, the Junta would in effect dissolve itself on January 19th. An attempt at stabilization by Eugenio Mendoza and Blas Lamberti would not pan out either, as both would join the ranks of the Provisional Government for mere hours before being informed that everyone else had essentially left the capital. Not willing to see the country fall to anarchy, Betancourt and remaining army leadership had to turn to their ideologically distant allies – the VLL, and the Democratic Republican Union.

A journalist by trade, Fabricio Ojeda was the acceptable face of the Venezuelan radical left. Having formed close links with the Communists via Guillermo Garcia Ponce (who, through the Brazilians, had a near direct link to Moscow), Ojeda had enough influence among the disparate factions of the Liberation Legion to curb the excesses, and allow for the formation of a democratic government. The third Junta would be formed on January 22nd, after a long series of talks that guaranteed freedom of expression and political activity for both the URD and the Venezuelan Communist Party. Ojeda, despite a strong push from the left, resisted calls to claim the Presidency himself – Betancourt would be elected as de-facto leader until an election, which was to be scheduled for May. The scheduling of the election itself would also be controversial and muddied by international covert action – the original December date was brought forward to May, with the thinking in Moscow being that it would give the Americans less time to potentially interfere to ensure a neutralisation of the Venezuelan Communists.

Washington would receive a confused picture as the situation developed. Initially, fears of Communist takeover would run high, but would in turn be calmed by Betancourt's rise to power. As more news came out of Venezuela, however, the prospect of a leftist takeover could not be put to bed – Ojeda, by all accounts, held more power in the country than the temporary President. The Liberation Legion's unsavoury links to Brazilian Communists were known at Langley since 1956, but Carvalho's brief appearance in Russia just ahead of the coup in Venezuela framed them in a new light. With four months until an election, the situation in the country was still far from settled, and while Betancourt was the most popular and likely candidate, it was unclear how much influence the left would hold in any government.

 

[XVG]

Deputies meeting at the 7th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), Ljubljana, PR Slovenia.

The Ljubljana Programme ​

While the so-called "Era of Reorientation" had been chiefly a foreign policy initiative, it clearly aligned with economic goals of the Yugoslav state. Albeit the Austrian crisis cast doubt on how steep non-alignment was in truth feasible for practical geopolitical and strategic reasons, Tito planned to continue pursuing the outreach towards the developing world, seeing it as a prospective field for building a path to a true proletarian internationalism, respectful of individual countries' rights and committed to peace and the UN charter. Tito had hoped that changes following the death of Stalin would have enabled some sort of a détente with the Soviet bloc, which shared a long border with Yugoslavia, much longer than the West even when counting the Adriatic. Balancing Yugoslavia between the two camps, and especially trading with both markets would have been ideal, as it would have also afforded Yugoslavia to reduce the rather high percentage of the state budget going to the armed forces instead of various infrastructure and quality of life programs. However, as that border with the Soviet bloc grew longer by a handful of kilometers following the dispatch of Soviet tanks to Austria and the establishment of a pro-Soviet puppet government in Vienna, all those hopes could be buried. Yugoslavia had to rely on the Western camp for the sake of the very existence of the country and the unique socialist system, and had to adjust its policies accordingly.

Many of the new policies in foreign policy, economics, and ideological doctrine were formalized to the party programme in 1958, at the Seventh Congress of the SKJ, held from April 22nd to 26th in Ljubljana. The Congress was attended by 1,795 delegates, of which 124 were members of the Central Committee and the Central Revision Commission. In addition to the elected delegates, the Congress was attended by 283 guests - political, social and public workers from all over Yugoslavia, as well as delegations from foreign communist and socialist parties. While the changes at the Congress were not as drastic as those presented at the Sixth, revisiting the whole party doctrine and renaming KPJ to SKJ, some important documents were compiled to formalize many of the policy changes of the past years, born mostly out of pure political necessity. As previously, the main architect of the Congress documents that came to collectively be known as the Ljubljana Programme was Edvard Kardelj. Important ideological contributions to the documents came from Veljko Vlahović, once the editor of Borba, while Kiro Gligorov, who became Minister of Finance soon after, presented material on economic policies. Gligorov, founder of the Ekonomska politika newspaper, had become one of the strongest promoters of a socialist market economy, and contributed greatly to the reopening of the Belgrade stock exchange in 1956 and the introduction of the economic zones in the Slovene littoral and Niš. The successes of the new Five Year Plan already in 1957 enabled the reformers to win over many of the conservatives and more careful communists, especially at the strong urging of Tito, who likewise retired and shuffled away many of the opponents.

Despite of the market socialist reforms, the ideological commitment to a socialist theory based on Marxism, albeit a modern, moderate, and above all Yugoslav version of it, remained strong in the documents. There was no question whether the members of the SKJ still considered themselves socialists or communist, no matter what the propagandists in the East might state. While many of the policies of Lenin were now openly discarded in a uniquely Yugoslav ideology that started to be increasingly referred to as Titoism abroad and unofficially. Many of Lenin's ideas were now regarded as interpretations of developments since the time of Marx and ways and means of establishing socialism in the Soviet Union. Thus, the SKJ carefully picked what they wanted out of Leninism, and denounced other policies as simply "Stalinist". However, most of the thoughts of Marx remained integral in the Yugoslav doctrine, as evident in Kardelj's address presenting the new programmes:

"As far as the final goal of the League of Communists is concerned, the Draft Program ... proceeds from the scientific premise that the final disappearance of capitalism and its vestiges from history is inevitable; that it is just as inevitable for society to undergo a revolutionary transfer to socialist relationships, to gradual and continual development of the latter toward higher forms until the achievement of communism, as a form of relationship among people where, on the basis of highly developed productive forces, everyone works according to his ability and receives according to his needs. This historical evolution of society simultaneously is the final aim of the ideological, political and economic activity of Communism."

Furthermore, in Titoist ideology Marxism became to be regarded as an ever evolving, pragmatic theory, as proclaimed in the Ljubljana documents: "Marxism is not a doctrine established forever or a system of dogmas. Marxism is a theory of the social process which develops through successive historic phases. Marxism, therefore, implies a creative application of the theory and its further development, primarily by drawing general conclusions from the practice of socialist development and through attainments of scientific thinking of mankind." And next came a quote from Lenin, well describing the fundamentals of the new Yugoslav approach to socialism, always grounded on realism and pragmatism: "We do not at all look on Marx's theory as something finished and inviolable ... We do not pretend that Marx or Marxists know the road to socialism in all its concrete aspects. This is nonsense. We know the direction of that road and we know which class forces lead the way, but concretely, practically, only the experience of millions will tell, when they get down to work."

The most obvious divergence of the SKJ from the main communist current ruled over from the Kremlin was obviously the national aspect to it, even though the term was greatly disliked by Tito and others, who preferred to simply refer to an "independent path to socialism" to avoid any nationalist connotations. The theoretical basis for the Yugoslav independent path to socialism and a different form of socialism lies in Lenin's theory of the uneven development of capitalism, resulting in different conditions for the socialist revolution. Since socialism is seen as a reflection of reality and reality differs from country to country, therefore each nation must develop its own. The SKJ further refined this position as each socialist country being inherently equal and each form of socialism as good as another, simply due to the different realities within each country. Furthermore, both "pure capitalism" and "pure socialism" came to be regarded as something no longer existing and not realistically achievable, respectively. This lead to the Yugoslav position on coexistence. Socialism, as the inevitable development in the world, was now regarded as inextricably tied to peace, without which it was likely to be destroyed. Whereas for Lenin, Kardelj stated, coexistence was primarily a defensive tactic, today it had to be a continuous policy. "Socialism cannot be exported or imposed by force on other peoples," declared Kardelj, and "no one can prescribe the socialist forms any one country shall apply." It follows, he said, that "we consider as aggressive every attempt at interference in the internal life of a socialist country for the purpose of restoring the old order or of encouraging the vestiges of reactionary forces."

The second major area of Yugoslav theoretical development concerns the role of the state, and especially the transition period. Once the initial transition period has been accomplished, as manifested by nationalization of the means of production and isolation of exploiting elements, then, in order for progress toward socialism, the state must begin to wither way. The withering away begins in practice, according to Kardelj, first in the fields of state economic functions, education, cultural activities and social services, in those areas where the Yugoslav state has in divested itself of direct control and management. However, Kardelj warned, the role of the state as "an instrument of power against anti-socialist forces and activities or as regards of protection of the country's independence" will diminish more slowly. The tendency of the state withering away ending up just in a move towards state capitalism was a problem and danger acknowledged by the SKJ Ljubljana programme, with especially "state bureaucratism" seen as a dangerous development that risks turning to a system of its own. Under capitalism an independent labor movement was considered better able to protect the interest of workers than under a dictatorship of the proletariat turned state capitalist. Only by truly withering away the state, by truly instilling socialist ideology in the state apparatus, and by truly having a working socialist market economy and socialist self-management could the "dictatorship of the bureaucrat" be avoided.

In practice this thought resulted in the most fundamental divergences of the SKJ ideology and Yugoslav economy. "A higher form of socialism in which the state would begin to wither away." was devised under the self-management system, "social but not state control" becoming the cornerstone of factory management, with small enough enterprises, farms, and other kinds of family businesses already becoming to be regarded as "social in practice". As by now known, large-scale decentralization followed, which amounted to elimination of virtually all state agencies concerned with directing the economy. The Five Year Plan now became little more than an estimate of production, not legally binding on individual producing units, which themselves planned and carried out their output, prices and wages. The state was to influence and indirectly channel the economy by use of state investment funds and control of taxes and credit and, to some extent, foreign trade. Later indirect controls came to include associations of producing units. Although certain controls were lodged in local governments, still, within these limits, the Yugoslav economy became virtually a free, but not a private, enterprise economy. As per the Congress documents, this represents "a greater economic power than capitalist initiative" and guarantees that "socialism must come out a victor in economic competition with capitalism."

Despite of all this withering away of the state in economics and strong curbing of the bureaucracy, Tito had declared already in 1952 that "there can be no withering away or winding up of the League of Communists until the last class enemy has been immobilized, until the broadest body of our citizens are socialist in outlook." Indeed, the monopoly on power of the SKJ showed no signs of being uplifted, even though it had been slowly and carefully ceding more power at the communal level to citizen assemblies and councils, allowing more freedom in art and science, and moving more mass activities to the seemingly more independent and inclusive "Socialist Alliance". The matters of the state and its direction, as well as all ideological aspects and policy decisions from republican to federal government level remained firmly with the ever so lightly reforming yet omnipotent SKJ, the Central Committee and Tito himself often interfering at the lowest levels to "help guide" party organs and bureaucrats on the "correct socialist path".

At the end of the Congress, a new Central Committee of 135 members, a Central Revision Commission of 23 members and an Executive Committee of the Central Committee of the SKJ of 15 members were elected. Josip Broz Tito was obviously re-elected as General Secretary of the SKJ, and Deputy Prime Minister Edvard Kardelj and Foreign Minister Konstantin "Koča" Popovic as secretaries of the Central Committee. The composition of the Executive Committee was slightly altered from the previous Congress, now consisting of Edvard Kardelj, Koča Popović, Vladimir Bakarić, Jovan Veselinov, Veljko Vlahović, Svetozar Vukmanović, Ivan Gošnjak, Blažo Jovanović, Lazar Koliševski, Frank Leskošek, Miha Marinko, Svetislav Stefanović, Đuro Pucar and Petar Stambolić in addition to Tito.

 

[Ultrackius]

Communique from the People's Republic of Romania

The Worker's Party of Romania, and the rest of its communist movement, hereby despair at the continuation of the capitalist restorationist movement in our once comrades in Yugoslavia. We Denounce, in the strongest possible terms, the Yugoslav turn towards marketism, capitalism, and nationalism, which is so strong that Yugoslavia is now indistinguishable from any other capitalist state. We call apon the working class of Yugoslavia, as all communists do to all working classes under capitalism, to overthrow their government of revisionism and establish a truly socialist society. We eagerly await the victory of the Yugoslav working class and the overthrow of the reigning capitalist restorationist reactionary government.

- Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, general secretary of the Romanian People's Republic

 

[Whoknows]

Technology exchange and cooperation agreement​

The kingdom of Sweden and Republic of France will enact an exchange of computer and transistor technology including manufacturing techniques. Companies in related sectors will set up offices in both nations. A joint semiconductor manufacturing plant will be set up in Paris, paid by both nations company's and subsidized by both states. All advancements and production shall be shared fully and equally between both countries

[X] President Charles De Gaulle
[X] H.M Carl Gustaf XVI Adolf

Click to shrink...

 

[Traveller76]

Call Cab in Tamil Nadu, South East India

The King of Indian Roads​

In 1957, Hindustan Motors, to further earlier collaboration with Morris Motors, who by then had become British Motor Corporation after merger with Austin Motors, entered into an agreement to manufacture 1956 Morris Oxford series III in India. All the tooling was transferred to Uttarpara plant in India. The car was rebadged as Ambassador (later called Mark 1) was launched in mid-1957 and the early model Morris Oxford series II derived Hindustan Landmaster was discontinued. The new model included deep headlamp cowls and small rear wing "tail fins". The dashboard and steering wheel were completely redesigned. The Landmaster's flat-plane two-spoke steering wheel gave way to a dished steering wheel with three spokes made-up of four wires per spoke, for the Ambassador. Also a new, dimpled bonnet made its debut. These models had an Austin Motors derived 1476 cc side-valve petrol engine.
Despite its British origins, the Ambassador was considered as a definitive Indian car and was fondly called the "King of Indian roads". The automobile was manufactured by Hindustan Motors at its Uttarpara plant near Kolkata, West Bengal. The car was quite spacious due to its semi-monocoque design which was quite an advancement in the early 1950s in vehicle engineering. The car was designed by Alec Issigonis whose other designs were the Mini and Morris Minor. The Ambassador replaced the Morris Oxford Series II based Hindustan Landmaster, which was quite similar, and the larger Hindustan Deluxe based on the Chevrolet Deluxe.

Birla Group

Hindustan Motors Limited (HM), part of the Birla group was India's pioneering car manufacturing company and later a flagship company of the C.K. Birla Group. The company was established just before Indian independence, in 1942 by B.M. Birla. They began operations in a small assembly plant in Port Okha near Gujarat by assembling the then Morris 10 as the Hindustan 10. In the mid-1950s, they planned to upgrade their existing Hindustan models based on the Morris Oxford Series Il (Hindustan Landmaster), and eventually acquired rights for the new Morris Oxford Series III. The car initially came with a side-valve engine but was later improved with an overhead-valve engine. The Ambassador was quite innovative, with a fully enclosed monocoque chassis, making it spacious inside.

The Morris MO Series models (the earlier one and its next model with a new front grille) were by 1949 introduced, as the Hindustan 14. The production continued till 1954, after which the Landmaster based on the Morris Oxford Series II was introduced, with the same 1476 cc side valve engine, drawn from the earlier Hindustan 14. The political influence of the Birla family helped ensure that the Ambassador was one of the few cars that were in production following the 1954 government policy of promoting an indigenous Automobile industry. It dominated the market for several decades, mostly due to its spacious size and ruggedness compared to its rivals like the Standard 10.

References:

Hindustan Ambassador - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

 

[XVG]

M-36 "General Džekson" tank destroyer of the JNA 26th Tank Division on the move near Maribor, 1958. Such experienced tankers would form the core of the tank battalions of the Proletarian Mechanized Division.

Guard of the Proletariat ​

The Yugoslav government was slightly surprised by the sudden belligerence exhibited by the Romanian regime after it had been "chastised" in Moscow following Gheorghiu-Dej's call for removal of Soviet troops. Attributing the actions to the need of proclaiming loyalty to Moscow, Tito and the JNA General Staff monitored the situation carefully, using both press releases of the Romanian Workers' Party and UDBA situational reports. Soon after the initial Soviet intervention in Austria had paused and the threat of the increased NATO and Warsaw Pact deployments turning into a shooting war between the West and the East had dissipated, the JNA started relocating its armored assets deployed to monitor the developments along the Slovenian frontier. However, instead of going all the way down south to Skopje, parts of the 26th Tank Division remained near Belgrade, bolstering the 17th Tank Division in the area. It was quickly obvious that the formations were undergoing other reorganization beyond regular training. This certainly caught the attention of both Belgrade residents and foreign military attaches, as tanks and heavy vehicles became a common sight in the capital. Soon after the reason became clear, as the news of Romania changing its military policy to "aid of our fellow revolutionaries" and into an "an interventionary force" were revealed to the press.

An active threat not from the Soviet Union but rather one of its allies made the JNA command hasten its plans for military restructuring based on the experiences of the crises over Trieste and Austria. Already before the 7th SKJ Congress in Ljubljana in April 1958, a new army command had been set up in the north. The 10th Operational Group command in Ljubljana that had directed previous deployments became a permanent 9th Army command within bunker complexes in Vrhnika, tasked with defending Slovenia and guarding Yugoslav interests in the region. The importance of the command couldn't be understated, both Trieste and Austria directions fell under its authority. However, more important and definitely more impressively visible changes occurred in the 1st Army area, and especially within the Belgrade Military District.

Romania continued saber-rattling following the publishing of the Ljubljana agenda of the SKJ after the end of the 7th Congress on April 26th. The call for the overthrow of the Yugoslav government for "revisionism" and "capitalist restorationism" was the final straw. In the May 1st Parade in Belgrade, the JNA rolled out the caterpillar tracks of its newest and most powerful formation, officially revealing the existence of the 1st Proletarian Mechanized Division. Columns after columns of tanks, trucks pulling howitzers, self-propelled guns, truck-mounted anti-aircraft artillery and other vehicles rolled through the streets of Belgrade, consisting of both the latest American models received under the Mutual Defense Assistance Act and latest products of the Yugoslav military-industrial complex, mostly heavy artillery, anti-aircraft guns and trucks.

With two mechanized brigades located in Banjica and Zemun in the neighborhoods of the capital, the 1st Proletarian Mechanized Division complemented the existing JNA Guard Command, which was mostly an infantry formation that had varied in strength between a division and a brigade. The responsibilities of the fully motorized and mechanized unit operating directly under the General Staff, were not officially made public, but obviously related to both capital defense and rapid reaction. The steel guard of the proletariat quickly became the most ideologically disciplined and prestigious formations of the JNA, with career soldiers and officers drawn from all republics submitting applications for transfer. Serving conscription in the unit was considered equally significant, with quotas set for each Military District, to ensure the division would be a truly Yugoslav formation. Further changes occurred during 1958 in other specialized Yugoslav military formations; however these were kept under stringent secrecy.

Tito reviews the 1st Proletarian Mechanized Division, often referred to as the Proletarian Guards, during the May Day parade in Belgrade, 1958. American-produced equipment such as the M-47 "Paton" seen here certainly distinguished the Yugoslav parade from those held in the capitals of other socialist countries.​

 

[gorganhound]

The New Australian Settlement

The Cahill Expressway, a critical motorway would open in Sydney in 1958​

Election season in 1958 would in many ways be a decisive turning point in the history of Australia. The combination of three years under the populist economic reform of the Lang Labor Government had overseen the introduction of the true welfare state under National Insurance, an equitable wage and remuneration scheme under the National Arbitration Scheme and a large expansion in federal education all while maintaining economic growth off the back of global trade cooperation and the development of industry behind a protective tariff wall. For all that, however, large parts of the government policy was built on constitutionally shaky grounds, mostly due to the provisions of the freedom of interstate commerce clause and the principles of explicit powers being transferred from the States to the central government.

The architect of the Government's workaround was a relatively minor backbencher, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam, having lost any chance of long-term ministerial success for his backing of Evatt during the factional battles between the Groups and the Left, had a legal background and found significant activity on the constitutional review committee. By observing that the constitution allowed States to refer powers to the Government, and that the Government could make conditional grants to the states Labor was able to pilot its reformative agenda by making grants conditional on the states referring their powers — the States, having to do with the fiscal imbalance of not having income tax would have little recourse but to agree.

Whitlam oversaw much of the constitutional argument that allowed the Lang Government to pursue its policy, despite this his association with Evatt kept him from any formal ministerial posting​

Thus the referendum of 1958, which sought to effectively entrench these transferred rights as well as a swathe of other rights had effectively become a referendum on the Lang Government itself. The contents of the referendum itself were not particularly controversial, the first question was basically a rerun of the 1944 referendum with the addition of education, the second; the abolition of the senate had been in the Labor Party manifesto for most of its history — Lang himself had aimed to abolish the NSW equivalent.

However, the political situation in 1958 was very different to that of 1944. Whereas then Labor had been opposed by a rejuvenated Liberal Party and Country Party coalition under the heavy-hitter of Menzies and Arthur Fadden — who were able to harness optimism about the end of the war and concerns over the extent of the Labor socialist agenda to defeat the bill. But in 1958 the Liberals and Country party had served their time in office and the Lang Government had been governing for three years. The accusation that Jim Cairns was about to nationalise your business didn't carry much weight when the Government had made no moves to do so, in fact supporting consolidation of industry into larger companies. In fact the only major nationalisation had been the purchase of Australian National Airlines and Ansett and their incorporation into Trans-Pacific Airlines. That, however, had been initiated at the request of the company's shareholders due to existing financial trouble.

ANA had offered to sell to the Government in 1949 when Trans-Australian Airlines was first established, with the passing of their founder in 1957, and the return of a Labor Government the offer was resubmitted and this time accepted, with ANA being merged into TAA's replacement, Trans-pacific airlines. A similar purchase from transport tychoon Reg Ansett saw his fledgling aviation wing also added to the fleet.



Liberal Leader Percy Spender found himself stuck between supporting half of a referendum that was effectively a verdict on the government while also struggling to cut through to the public with a small target liberal approach. Despite this his regular TV appearances and well-spoken mannerisms in opposition to Lang whose brusque speeches translated less well to the visual medium made him a popular figure ​

The Liberals, under the leadership of Percy Spender, made the decision to support the first part of the referendum. But, would oppose the second question. The Liberals were therefore placed in the awkward position of trying to argue the nuance of this position. This was combined with a small policy approach to the election, mostly focused on economic policy. The Liberals still believed in Keynesian approaches, but felt that the degree to which Labor was injecting money into the economy was overheating it. Instead they argued strongly for a devaluation of the Australian Pound, both to enhance the balance of trade, and reduce inflation. The other Liberal differences were mostly cosmetic, they wanted further investment in South East Asia over South America, and banking reform to remove the distinction between lending banks, savings banks and non-banking financial institutions.

The Liberal campaigning may have worked, Spender was a strong TV personality, and a visit from Eisenhower in 1957 — the two having met when Spender was ambassador to the US — buoyed his public perception. Even then, the media did make some commentary that he seemed most animated when arguing for government policy (namely the first referendum). Really the prediction was that the election would be close largely from geography. Labor was unlikely to pick up rural seats from the Country Party, especially in dairy seats which feared being flooded out by New Zealand goods. How many more middle-class urban seats they could win would be up for debate — publicly legislating a housing price target might have helped in working class seats, but those of the middle perhaps wanted theirs to grow faster. Still the pollsters predicted that Labor would likely win on a slightly extended margin.

Sometimes in politics, irony is abundant. The Liberals had hoped to entice Labor to blow themselves up with a small target campaign. It would turn out that it would instead be the coalition that exploded. In March 1958, Frank Stewart, Minister for External Affairs announced the formation of the Community for the Equitable Development of Agriculture (CEDAR), a national block aimed at equal treatment for agricultural nations in global tariff negotiations as well as promoting food security development across the globe. The government, under Minister for Primary Industries Reg Pollard adopted a policy of deliberate ambiguity in marketing the organisation to the domestic market. To farmers in support of freer trade, CEDAR was seen as an organisation for agricultural trade liberalisation, while those of a protectionist mindset saw it as a commitment by the government to maintain tariff barriers.

In the coalition at least, the debate came down on the side of an organisation for trade liberalisation, and as a result, the Liberals supported the organisation, while the Country Party under arch-protectionist John McEwen opposed it. After an acrimonious debate between the two leaders, in which Spender, having had to step down as treasurer during the war at the demands of the Country Party, was less inclined to acquiesce again and refused to oppose CEDAR. Days later the local daily papers would announce the formal dissolution of the coalition agreement. Snipes between the two sides would continue in the opinion columns for several weeks and severely damage the image of the former coalition partners.

McEwen's archprotectionism and suspicion of CEDAR, combined with bad blood between the Country Party and Spender over the latters removal from the role of treasurer during the war ultimately led to the formal breakdown of the coalition in the middle of the campaign. Sniping between the two sides, most common in Queensland would strongly undermine their overall performance in the polls.​

Labor comparatively had managed to stay united, and indeed the groups and Lang had strengthened their influence over the organisation. While they had both introduced further democratisation to Labor Party processes, they were not opposed to corrupt mechanisms of manipulating those. Group infiltration of rival unions, aggressive tactics by the socialisation units and even odious requirements on unions registered for national arbitration to monitor and report on potential communists were used to suppress the communist-bolstered left-wing of the party. Some people tried to blow the whistle on the blatant extent of it, but the scattered reports were largely buried by the coalitions tit-for-tat. Even less was said about large amounts of money accepted by Lang-left and Grouper candidates from big industrialists and the Labor party during campaigning.

Where the Liberals were accused of leaving a small target, the same could not be said for the Labor Party, which far from just canvassing for the referendum and its now past achievements unveiled a new centrepiece policy. The Lang Program, named to imply continuity with the Lang Conferences of the previous election cycle, followed on from announcements in 1957 about instituting a national housing affordability scheme. The scheme comprised four pillars meant to be carried out roughly in parallel. First; an infrastructure blitz, combining rail standardisation with the development of new strategic rail lines and paving major highways, followed by national power infrastructure including a nuclear power plant and hydroelectric power at the Spencer Gulf, tidal power at the Kimberleys and large scale irrigation schemes focused around the Ord River, Camballin, and a revision of the Bradfield Scheme to find more realistic options for northern Queensland. The second pillar called for decentralisation and the development of a number of regional cities spread out across the country through urban planning and financial support for industrial development. This would be supported by planning reform initiatives that would introduce reasonable rent provisions, support for redevelopment of brownfield sites, a minimum public housing requirement for new developments all supported by stronger environmental protections and greenbelt provisions.

​

The Clapp Report was the starting point for a rail standardisation program, though the new proposal was much more ambitious calling for progressive conversion of all rail to standard gauge and further strategic rail corridors linking Darwin-Adelaide, Kalgoorlie-Broome-Wyndham-Darwin, Alice Springs - Mt Isa - Weipa - Cairns and Sydney - Canberra - Melbourne.


The third pillar would see all these initiatives funded by the introduction of a Land and Resources Tax, levying an additional tax on all resources extraction, monopolies — e.g. parts of the radio spectrum alongside a progressive graduated land value tax. Forecasting predicted that properly tuned these two taxes would easily generate a government surplus with sufficient revenues left over to be dispersed to the states. Official Government policy was that the land and resources tax would be split between the federal government and the states. The majority would go to the federal government with the remainder split back to the states in proportion to their contribution to the tax. The Government's argument was that by taxing resources and development, especially of non-renewables, those funds could be used to build up Australia's domestic industry with plans already in place for the Australian Government to institute a National Investment Fund through the state-owned Commonwealth bank which would reinvest the vast profits of the mining sector back into the rest of the economy.

Speaking of the mining sector, the fourth pillar specifically involved helping to speed up the growth in the mining sector. A key point was to cut the red tape, and ensure Australian ownership, with the government partnering with specific players in cash-for-equity schemes. With plans to accelerate development of the newly discovered Bauxite fields in Northern Australia and petroleum resources in the Bass strait, and expand the required supporting industries. Further developmental aid would also go into the iron ore industry and BHPs expansion of her vast steelworks, fueled by profits from trade with Japan and European infrastructure and rearmament needs. The Lang Government was clearly hitching the prosperity of both their party and the nation to the success of the large mining conglomerates.

The Port Kembla Steelworks owned by BHP was the largest in the British Commonwealth and would continue to extend that lead as it expanded both the range and product of alloys and finished products it supported. In addition extensive modernisation and research into alloys was being undertaken the same time. This expansion fed a number of supporting industries including the neighbouring Lysaght which produced rolled steel, corrugated iron and weapons for the ADF. ​

The Lang program proved highly popular, especially in rural communities and the north. Academics and the urban elite questioned where exactly the workers for all this expansion were going to come from. Despite an unprecedented population growth rate above 3% — largely a result of Menzies era immigration deals and centres — worker shortages were being felt across parts of Australia. Some pointed out that this was due to the lack of infrastructure the program was trying to resolve, and improvements in rail would make it easier for workers to move to where they were needed. However these questions were largely ignored by people living in cities like Albury, Bathurst and Townsville for whom the prospect of significant investment was more important. An attempt by the opposition to paint the plan as socialist or communism largely failed, the phrase "Lang is greater than Lenin", revived from it's depression era connotations by the Liberals as an attempt to portray Lang as a communist quickly backfired as Labor supporters readopted the phrase in the context of the Burma war. Soon the phrase "Lang is greater than Lenin" was not because Lang was a communist, but because his government was currently beating the communists in Burma. By the final polls what had been looking like a small improvement for Labor was now possibly looking like it might castrate the opposition.

 

[Shynka]

​

When he triumphed in the 1951 election in Guatemala, Jacobo Arbenz promised to continue and to expand the social welfare policies of his predecessor, Juan Jose Arevalo. His progressive views had been forged by the reality he lived in – despite coming from a wealthy family, he witnessed, and was effectively ordered to part take in, terrible crimes under the rule of the US-backed Jorge Ubico. His wife, Maria Vilanova, would also shape his views more towards the compassionate side, and his association with Jose Fortuny, a lead Guatemalan Communist, would provide both moral guidance and electoral influence. Arbenz's election, built on a promise of land reform, would put him on the radar of the United States – his policies of redistribution would fly directly in the face of the United Fruit Company, which at the time operated as effectively a parallel state within Guatemala.

Lobbyists within the white house would immediately try and turn President Truman against Guatemala, decrying Arbenz as a sure-fire Communist. Truman, however, continuously frustrated the CIA – while he believed that Arbenz should be watched, and perhaps pressured, he did not believe that Guatemala was under the threat of a Communist takeover. Arbenz had after all promised to turn Guatemala not into a workers paradise, but into a thriving Capitalist economy. The Soviets had minimal interaction with the state, and despite his fiery proclamations, Arbenz expressed some willingness to negotiate, clearly indicated a willingness to remain very much in the United States sphere of influence. Truman's administration would reach a series of agreements with Guatemala, the key one being a more gradual transition. In return, Truman would put pressure on the fruit companies to both be willing to accept a change in working conditions, and to more accurately reflect the extent of their holdings – this would increase their tax burden but would at the same time guarantee them increased compensation. The deal left everyone unhappy – the hawks in Truman's administration would continue to exert pressure on the President, while the United Fruit Company would become one of Eisenhower's and Republicans key backers in the 1956 election. Arbenz too would be criticized at home for not going far enough, but his Presidency would manage to continue, and he'd eventually secure a second. Arbenz successfully argued that there was no point poking the Americans while the Korean conflict was heating up – he feared that Guatemala would end up economically and diplomatically isolated.

When Eisenhower secured the Presidency, the Guatemala problem would be put under a new light. The empowered Central Intelligence Agency had received a near carte blanche in South America, but Eisenhower's administration would still fail to provide a resolute 'yes' to the agencies plans. Groundwork for a potential intervention or coup would be given the go ahead in early 1957, but the President and his cabinet kept their lips tightly shut on the matter. Lobbying from the United Fruit company would continue, but no drastic Communism would emerge, largely frustrating their apocalyptic predictions. Arbenz, encouraged by the United States seeming acceptance for his policies, would finally push further – he wanted to complete his mission before the impending end of his second term, hoping that it would enable a transition of power to the next generation of reformers. He would announce, in the summer of 1957 (marked by a number of strikes and clashes with United Fruit Company managers) that his originally announced plans from 1951 would be achieved by the end of 1958, and that poverty would hopefully end in the country by 1960. The speech was initially ignored in America – the state had much more pressing matters to attend, and the Guatemala sections in Langley had long languished into something of a career dead end for OSS-era operatives.

The matter would perhaps have remained there, if not for a purely capitalistic endeavour disrupting the status quo. The Australian and Argentinian lead CEDAR initiative had knocked on doors all over North and South America, hoping to rally agricultural producers against protectionist practises in both the United States and Europe. The CEDAR group managed to gather an impressive number of initial adherents – Canada, India and Brazil would each join the initiative, giving it both diplomatic prestige and access to a huge swathe of as of yet not fully exploited fertile land and a huge and cheap labour pool. The Guatemalans, well aware of their shaky relations with the United States, would initially rebuke the CEDAR invite by stating that it would necessitate the block gives them diplomatic support against the fruit companies. Knowing that such a measure would be deeply unpopular with the United States, which already had its mind set against the CEDAR initiative, the Australians would elect to temporarily withdraw their offer. The decision would be backed by the Canadians, who had themselves risked a potential trade war with the United States by joining the block. The whole affair would be viewed as largely nonconsequential in Guatemala itself, but for better or worse, would manage to get the alarm ringing in Washington.

The long-standing hawk lobby had grown greatly in influence within the Eisenhower administration. Soviet actions in Austria and Chinese actions in Burma had slowly reinforced the viewpoint that more proactive anti-Communist action must be taken, before countries are split among ideological lines or full-on conflict erupts. Eisenhower's advisors would point to French involvement in Indochina as exemplary anti-Communism – De Gaulle had come within a hairs breadth of bankrupting the state to put down Giap, and it had seemingly worked. While Guatemala's negotiations with CEDAR were a far cry from going red, they showed that the country was willing to try and use foreign partners to diminish US influence. Eisenhower and his advisors would deduce that letting Guatemala continue on its course would only encourage further leftist drift – as seen in both Venezuela (where a Communist government now felt more than possible) and Cuba (where Batista was feeling more and more pressure from elusive countryside guerillas).

With some reluctance, Eisenhower approved an 'anti Communist' effort against Guatemala. Plans drafted in 1957 were luckily still valid – most of the Officers courted by American intelligence were still more than willing to free themselves from the thumb of Arbenz. Psychological warfare would almost immediately begin – the United States would deploy a wide array of forces to both coasts of the country, and propaganda leaflets would be widely distributed throughout early 1958. A force of seven hundred or so disgruntled rebels would form up in Honduras and El Salvador, crossing the border under the cover of night. Their leader, Carlos Castillo Armas, would fire the starting pistol in the entire affair in February of 1958, by announcing on captured radio stations what his intentions were. Crucially, he would also announce openly the involvement of the United States – to great effect on the morale of the Guatemalan army.

In despair, Arbenz watched as his army in effect shut down, too unsure of its own capabilities to squash what was ultimately a small rebellion. A period of panic in the capital would subside as the first results would return from the battlefield – what units remained loyal and active managed to stop the rebels at towns like Jutiapa and Zacapa. The rebels would scramble, purchasing additional aircraft from the United States intelligence apparatus. Despite the sale of fifteen Sabres (flown from neighbouring countries by US mercenary pilots), Arbenz's government held on, causing great consternation in Washington. Eisenhower had implicated himself in a seemingly failed affair.

On the night of February 25th, the twenty five or so aircraft rebel aircraft would deal a devastating blow to the garrison at Chiquimila. Analysis of the strike did not fully add up – the damage was incredibly extensive, suggesting the use of aircraft that the rebels simply did not possess. A number of unexploded bombs were found that could have only been dropped by much heavier aircraft, a fact quickly concealed from the Guatemalan public. Arbenz would now realize that he was not only facing a band of disorganised rebels, but that he was fighting a state entity that dwarfed him in resources and military power. This key realisation would begin to trickle down to many of the commanders around him, and the President would find himself increasingly alone as units deserted or simply refused to leave their barracks. March 2nd would mark the capture of Chiquimila by Armas' troops, which had managed to recuperate many of the losses suffered earlier in their campaign.

Armas would privately contact Arbenz on March 5th, using Colonel Diaz (who had up until now sworn his loyalty to the President) as an intermediary. Armas would in effect offer the continuation of some of Arbenz's policies in exchange for his resignation. The General successfully appealed to the President's sense of patriotism, arguing that a prolonged conflict would only work to destroy the country. Armas was far from secretive about his US backing. Arbenz conferred with his government once again, and then privately with Carlos Enrique Diaz, who not only painted a grim painting of the current situation, but in effect suggested that he would not shy away from intervening to end the conflict on the 'most peaceful' grounds possible. Backed into a corner, Arbenz announced his resignation.

Diaz, in his role as head of the Guatemalan military, would become the de-facto head of Guatemalan state. After initially entertaining the idea of becoming President himself, he would speak to two senior CIA agents who convinced him that convincing the remaining military units to stand down would be in his best interest. The CIA was further able to scare Diaz into submission by the prospect of handing power over to Elfego Monzon, a staunch anti-Communist that both Diaz and Armas viewed as an outright lunatic. Colonel Monzon had gone as far as to have his troops actively pursue and shoot Communists – all the while simultaneously fighting the anti-Communist rebels. Diaz and Armas would meet in the capital three days after Arbenz's departure from the country – the unofficial meeting would be followed up by Armas leaving and then re-entering, jubilantly, the following day. The army would swear to do its best to protect the integrity of a new election, which took place that very same evening and secured 99% of the vote in Armas' favour. Diaz would remain within the armed forces, although in a greatly diminished role. Monzon, despite his frustration with the CIA (which effectively manipulated him with the promise of becoming Guatemala's ruler) would be elevated within the ranks of the military by Armas, who hoped that the two men would effectively counteract each other.

Allan Dulles would privately congratulate the new Guatemalan President, stating that Guatemala had made the right choice. He said that wealth and prosperity would now come to the hard-working people of Guatemala, and that the government could work hand in hand with 'foreign investment' to better the country. The fact that Dulles' old law firm represented the United Fruit Company was seen as nothing more than an odd curiosity.