For decades many historians were unfortunately influenced by MacArthur's post war claims that Olson had cost the Federals a swift victory. While understandable that this myth lives on in the popular imagination, considering MacArthur's stature as 'the General who saved Democracy', it is rather disappointing that military historians who should have known better clung to this misconception for far too long. Fortunately, like the recent reevaluation of Ulysses Grant's conduct in the First Civil War finding him a much more skilled commander that Lost Cause apologia claims, modern scholarship has looked more favorably upon the Olson Administration's decision to reject MacArthur's bold plans to 'win the war by the Fourth of July' as Secretary Wilson derisively noted at the time, clearly a reference to the optimism that had existed in Europe in the opening stages of the First Weltkrieg.

It is worth considering the two serious options MacArthur proposed to the Cabinet. One was essentially a modernization of Winfield Scott's Anaconda Plan, with the US Navy choking off the South while the Army marched down the Mississippi to seize New Orleans, the de facto capital of Long's regime, which would be known to history as the "American Union State" as reference to his goal to set up a new American Union. Yet such an operation, despite MacArthur's claims of mechanization of the US Army, would take time, time the Federalists did not have considering DC was about to be threatened on both sides. Events would also soon show that the US Navy was absolutely incapable of establishing that proposed Blockade, let alone forcing their way into the US riverways.

The other plan aimed to knock the CSA out first. Taking advantage of the relatively more navigable terrain of the Midwest, the Federal forces, which MacArthur believed would have quantitative if not necessarily qualitative superiority, would force their way to Chicago, seizing the entire CSA leadership in one operation. He had at least some reason for this belief, between the Air Corps having complete air superiority at this time, and the fact so far the Syndicalist forces mostly consisted of poorly trained Red Guards and a hodgepodge of defected National Guard servicemen. Events would show that MacArthur's confidence in this advantage was misplaced, as the Red Guard would prove tenacious fighters throughout the entire war and were soon to be given skilled and creative leadership.

While recent historians, including this book's own author, do not have the highest of opinions of MacArthur's military strategies, especially of these two initial plans, the context they were formulated in is vital to understand. There is absolutely no evidence that the War Department, MacArthur, or any serious figure on any side of the conflict, had thought the Civil War was about to break out. MacArthur had only a couple hectic days to put together complex war plans that planned for victory on two fronts. Considering the raft of defections the US Military was suffering, and would continue to suffer in the coming weeks, secrecy was also imperative in drafting these plans, with accounts of those involved pointing to MacArthur, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Army Stanley Dunbar Embick, and Lt Colonel Omar Bradley, whom was attached to the War Department, as the main drafters of these plans.

Even with that taken into account, these plans were simply too bold to deliver the promised victory, and to their credit, Olson's Cabinet recognized that. The memoirs and recollections of those in the Cabinet Roomon that that day differ over what was the reason for denying MacArthur permission to act, but they range from those who saw the tactical deficiencies of the plan to some, most notably Olson himself, being unwilling to be seen as the aggressor of this new war. Irregardless of the reason, instead choosing to fortify DC and focus on ensuring it wasn't cut off from the Western States. MacArthur is known to have been furious, even offering his resignation, which was rejected, but in the end he left the room determined to fulfill his new orders. While MacArthur remained the Republic's loyal soldier, his relationship with Olson personally was in tatters, and Stimson would spend much of the War being the bridge between MacArthur's loyalists and the civilian administration.

The failure to stop the Battle of Detroit, the take over of Federal land in the south, and the rise of Communes across the Midwest had created an impression that Olson's government was unable of controlling a rapidly spiraling situation and their failure to take major offensive action following expiration of the two week deadline did little to change that perception. Many politicians and officers which were on the fence took this as a sign to jump ship. Probably one of the most notable and consequential of these was Lt Colonel George S Patton, who had just been recalled from his service in the Hawaiian Division. He would cite Olson's unwillingness to take the fight to "the Damned Reds" as the main reason in his letter to MacArthur for his decision to join the Union State. Patton would prove to be one of the AUS' most creative and dangerous commanders during the war, rising rapidly and being able to even go toe to toe with Omar Bradley in several crucial battles and challenge General Chaffee's infamous Armored units. There was at least a silver lining to the lack of action, as it kept Lewis and the moderate Unions from joining the CSA during its initial momentum, potentially heading off several strikes and keeping radicalism alive in the Unions in those tense years after the Civil War.


Patton was far from the most devastating defection the Federals, commonly also known as the Blues during the War, suffered. MacArthur's friend, commander of the Third Army, and former Deputy Chief of Staff of the Army, Major General George Van Horn Moseley would prove the highest ranking active officer to turn their back on Olson's cause. A known anti-semite who often tied Jews to those he deemed 'undesirables', Moseley's defection shouldn't truly have been much of a surprise. His subordinates within the Third Army had noted his increased frustration with the Olson Administration's refusal to put down the New Year's Day Strike. There were also letters he sent before his formal resignation to MacArthur, urging him to join him in supporting Long's new regime. But while it shouldn't have been a surprise to us, it was a great shock personally to MacArthur, who took the defection personally and it seemed to have stiffened the Chief of Staff's resolve to crush the AUS alongside the CSA.

Another defection that is not surprising in hindsight, but would prove crucial, was the Socialist Senator from Pennsylvania, the founder of the modern Marine Corps, former Major General Smedly Butler. Butler had left the Marine Corps after President Hoover, who hated him, had blocked his appointment as Commandant of the Marine Corps. The ex-General had then run on the SPA ticket for Pennsylvania against incumbent James Davis in 1932, managing to sweak out a win on the narrowest of margins, something that held in '36. Butler was an experienced commander, having served in the Philippines and all over Central America, in a variety of operations that led him to despise what he considered to be American Imperialism. Within hours of the Syndicalist Revolution being announced, Butler was on his way to Chicago. There the Central Committee was quick to hand command of its forces over to an experienced officer of proven loyalty, even if some were worried about him being a politician. Butler would prove to be one of the Federal's biggest thorns in the side throughout the War.

While the Olson Administration had decided against making major offensive operations during the opening stages of the War, in many ways ceding the initiative, it did not mean that they were inactive. One only has to look to Seattle, New York City, and the events that would lead to the Mutiny at Norfolk for evidence of that.

If one were to look at a map of the Second American Civil War, the states involved tend to be colored Blue, Red, or Greyish depending on which side they mostly backed. Those maps paper over the more complex reality. Behind the lines for all sides, various organizations and supporters would back their beliefs, at great risk to themselves. Most would be crushed with huge casualties. The clearest example is perhaps Seattle.

The Socialist Party counted most of its support from across the Steel Belt to New York City. Yet another bastion of its strength was the state of Washington, especially in Seattle. In 1923 a major strike had even led to the declaration of the Seattle Commune, although it had peacefully surrendered when President McAdoo had ordered in the Army. Reed had hoped to carry Washington in 1936, although he would fall just shy of Olson's votes. Yet the unions of Seattle, never forgetting 1923, had heeded the call of the New Year's Day Strike and when the Revolution was declared, the Commune of Seattle was reborn. This bastion of Syndicalism could not be tolerated and the job of crushing it fell to Brigadier General George C Marshall.


At the time, General Marshall was in command of the 3rd Infantry Division, headquartered in Vancouver, Washington. Initially Marshall and his 3rd Division was badly needed in the East to prevent a potential Syndicalist advance into Minnesota and Iowa, but the Seattle Commune proved too great a threat to ignore. Marshall would use his 3rd Division along with the Washington National Guard to wage a days-long campaign to crush the Red Guards of Seattle. He would succeed, even using Air Corps units to bomb the heart of Syndicalist troops located on the docks. The Army Air Corps, which had already had an expansion on the factory lines due to the National Military Preparedness Act of 1936, would prove a crucial advantage for the Federal War Effort, and Marshall was one of the first commanders to take advantage of that. Once the Seattle Commune had been crushed, Marshall would head East with the 3rd Division, as well as most of the West Coast National Guards. In recognition of his success, Marshall would receive a promotion and command of the entire Midwestern Campaign against the CSA.

Seattle was one of the few bright spots for the Federals in the early days of the War. While MacArthur's plans had been shot down by the Cabinet, his proposal for a Naval Blockade had received support. So orders were sent to the US Atlantic Fleet, based in Norfolk, to lock down the ports of the South, as well as New York City, which was in the hands of Norman Thomas' men. Despite its historical importance, the Navy had continually suffered budget cuts at the hands of the cash strapped McAdoo and Hoover Administrations. The NMPA prioritizing the Air Corps had been a humiliating blow as well. All while it had been the Navy which had ensured American diplomatic victories in Argentina and the Legation Cities. To say that morale was low at the start of the War was an understatement. So when ordered to join the fight, many crews of various political stripes mutinied. While the mutineers were unable to seize any ships larger than a couple of destroyers, they were successful in causing the destruction of the oil reserves at the naval base. With the remaining oil in the US arsenal considered by Secretary Stimson to be needed for the massive mobilization of men and material across the United States, the Mutiny had succeeded in essentially taking the US Atlantic Fleet out of the War.

New York City would prove little better. Following the initial seizure of Manhattan and some of the other Boroughs by Thomas' commanders, National Guard units from the rest of the state as well as New England, had managed to place the city under an effective siege. Considering its huge population and swiftness of the onset of the war, the War Department assumed it would quickly surrender. General Butler had other ideas. The Central Committee would back his plan to march the CSA's most experienced units, to be joined by Red Guard units along the way, from Chicago to New York, across the Appalachian Mountains. It was an audacious plan and it would succeed. At this stage, the Air Corps was still being underutilized by the US Army for reconnaissance, and they had not developed spy networks within enemy territory. As such, when Butler arrived in New York, the Federal forces were caught by surprise. Several engagements would take place, all victories for Butler and his new Red Army, forcing Federal troops to scatter. The CSA was now linked across Pennsylvania to New York City, allowing them access to the nation's largest city and granting them a major port, a port that would soon be receiving aid from the Internationale. New England also now sat wide open, offering Butler the chance to swing north and deprive the Federal Government of a crucial base of support. The sudden prospect of the CSA gaining enough momentum to win this war caused a panic from New Orleans to DC, which spurred Olson to do something Lincoln had never done and move the government out of DC to Denver, and most crucially in Ottawa.

Three Kings, Two General Secretaries, and a President​

The United States had its fair share of enemies around the world. The actions of the final year of the Hoover Administration had only added to that list. The Kaiser considered America to be a crucial annoyance and roadblock in preventing continued German global hegemony. Canada, the major power America remained closest with, was blindsided and hurt by the Smoot-Hawley Tariff. Caught in the middle of a snap election, Prime Minister Mackenzie King had been forced to promise to retaliate in kind in order to stave off defeat. While Olson's hasty repeal of the dreaded tariffs had brought much relief to King, it also showed that the United States was unreliable and couldn't be the conditional ally against German power that King had once hoped. Meanwhile the Internationale almost salivated at the prospect of a revolution in a United States that was rapidly descending into chaos, having spent years sending large quantities of financial support to the SPA and its aligned unions.

When the Civil War started, America's enemies were quick to pounce. Perhaps the most humiliating actions would come from an unexpected foe, the rising Japanese Empire. With American troops pulling out of the Legation Cities, Philippines, and its various island bases across the Pacific, Japan moved in to fill the vacuum. The various bases served as strategic positions for their continuing war with Germany, with both powers quickly seizing the islands, tearing down American flags on their way. Washington's protests would meet only silence. The tenuous balance made only a year ago in the Legation Cities would crumble as well, as various powers scrambled to take control of the wealthy cities, now without American protection. Left without a permanent US presence and no credible standing army, within months the Philippines would also be invaded and fall to Japanese invasion. Even Guantanamo Bay would not be spared, with the Cuban government declaring the lease for the base invalid, and evicting the remaining US troops there.

The Entente could only look on in horror as Japan ran roughshod across the Pacific, unwilling to back the Germans in the war, and with the Royal and Australasian Navies not being even close to powerful enough to challenge the Japanese Navy. Their primary accomplishment was to secure a deal to guarantee the protection of Hawaii, which had declared neutrality in the Civil War, from potential German or Japanese invasion in return for access to use Pearl Harbor as a naval base.

The international effort to destroy the US didn't extend to solely its foreign possessions by any means. The War meant a chance for the Internationale to stoke a revolution in North America, which if successful would grant them a powerful ally, one at its very least would secure the survival of Mexico and finally end the Royalist threat in Canada. So it was little surprise when the Union of Britain and the Commune of France began to prepare major "volunteer" expeditions as well as much financial, material, and military aid for their comrades in North America. Soon they would set sail and arrive in freed New York City, a massive boost to the CSA's war effort.

Somewhat more surprising, and equally concerning, was when news came in to Secretary Hull from the American Embassy in Germany. Despite the war with Japan, rising tensions with the Entente, and the lingering effects of the '36 crash, the Kaiser had decided to aid Long. The German government, under pressure from the Kaiser, had decided that it was worth the major financial cost of an expedition in order to keep the US locked in a Civil War, and maybe even have it end with a grateful Long in charge. Hoover's humiliations would be avenged. So within months of the war starting, German troops started landing in Southern cities, including an officer named Heinz Guderian who had managed to convince the High Command to send him with a handful of his experimental Armored units. Word would also reach Ottawa from their spies in Berlin that Germany was putting together a plan to seize the Panama Canal, something that would cleave the Entente in two.

None of these developments were beneficial to the Canadian Government nor the Exiles. King Edward in particular was irate with the prospect of a second Revolution just south of the Royal Family's new home. While certainly burned by Hoover, Prime Minister had a preference for a strong and stable democratic US to remain to their South but as setback after setback hampered the Federal war effort, the liberation of New York City proved the final straw to King that proved that if he wanted his democratic America, he would have to take steps to make it so. America would have to be saved from both Revolution and the machinations of the Kaiser.


It was in the dead of night, midst the evacuation to Denver, that a lone car made its way to the State, Army, and War building which sat next to the White House. There Sir Herbert Meredith Marler, the Canadian Ambassador to the United States, would be ushered into a meeting with Secretary of State Hull. Ambassador Marler brought an offer from the Entente of substantial material and military assistance to the United States, similar in size and scope to the German and Internationale missions. Furthermore, Canada would deploy troops, acting on behalf of the US, to protect the Panama Canal and Alaska from German and Japanese aggression. They would also deploy a token force of troops to New England to force the CSA to choose between seizing such a strategic position or not starting a war with Canada. The US then could continue to use New England's manpower and industry to aid its war effort without threat of Syndicalist invasion. Marler emphasized that these deployments would be temporary and would end with the Civil War. In return, Canada wanted Britain's debt forgiven as well as a binding promise signed by Olson and Hull that when the time came to retake the British Isles, the US would provide similar assistance in kind. He also emphasized that the American government should make its decision quickly, for Canada could not allow the CSA or German schemes to succeed. Hull carefully considered the proposal before taking it to the White House, telling Marler that he would be summoned when the Cabinet had made its decision. The following evening Marler returned to Hull's office and was informed

[ ] The US would not allow its sovereignty to be trampled on nor be a beggar power, it would win the war and defend its overseas territories on its own.

[ ] Recognizing that the Federals needed serious assistance, the Cabinet had accepted the offer and the agreement would be signed by Olson and Hull.

[ ] The Cabinet had a counter offer, formally asking that Canada join the Civil War on their side, launching military operations against the CSA, and in return when the time came to retake the Isles, the US would play an active role, essentially joining the Entente.