- Location
- USA
[X]Plan Concessions Must be (Reasonably) Made, v2
[X] Plan Go Big or Go Home
[X] Plan Go Big or Go Home
To Struggle and Strive: The Combined Syndicates of America in 1932. A Kaiserreich Quest
- Thread starter notbirdofprey
- Start date
- Historic
Tabascoheath
Unkempt, Evil-eyed Charlatan, and Pseudo-Mystic
- Location
- Your Nearest Orbital Habitat
[X] Plan Concessions Must be (Reasonably) Made, v2
[X] Plan: For the Union Makes Us Strong!
[X] Plan Concessions Must be (Reasonably) Made, v2
[X] Plan Concessions Must be (Reasonably) Made, v2
Vote closed
November Crisis Week 2 Propaganda and Revolutionary Defense
"The initial days of the American Revolution were heady with optimism for the socialists, syndicalists, and anarchists who now saw the opportunity to fulfill their lifelong dream. As they sought support for their cause, they wielded an almost unfathomably dangerous weapon against the ruling class: propaganda.
A variety of methods were used. The first and simplest was the mockingly-named 'rabblerouse': an agitator would find a crowd and speak to them. The declining material conditions of the country had led many to be radicalized, and the agitator would incite them to take direct action to better themselves. However, the use of pamphlets, posters, songs, and newspaper articles was also popular. Jack Reed in particular favored using newspapers, writing and publishing long essays in them insisting on 'defensive action' and condemning discrimination, even as he encouraged acts like the seizure of private property and the formation or expansion of militias.
Many other articles were published by others, following similar lines, and attacking various groups they opposed, including the National Popular Front, the Anti-Syndicalist Alliance, and the American military. The American Unity Coalition and the Council for Defending Democracy also received some scorn from many 'red rags' but the majority ignored them. However, the official American government was almost ignored by them. This was due to the perception among the revolutionaries that the government had effectively been taken over by the military and thus was no longer relevant.
However, this view was not widespread among those who were more lukewarm towards the prospect of revolution, leading to something of a disconnect. Only skillful use of advanced propaganda tactics and the constant emphasis on the preference the SPA and CAS had for peace prevented widespread hostility against them growing amongst the less-revolutionary working class.
Other elements of the propaganda campaign had more success, particularly the attacks on the National Popular Front, an organization that was almost universally reviled. The fact that they had large numbers of "exile divisions" among their numbers led to widespread mockery, which proved devastating to their image, making them look weak and ineffectual.."
-The Value of Propaganda, The British Society for Peace
'The first goal of the Commision for Revolutionary Defense was to keep what the armed workers of the nation have taken secure. The Red Guards, the Revolutionary Guard, Schenck's spies, local informants, and more are all unleashed. Under the circumstances, a certain degree of laxness was accepted, primarily regarding interrogation, break-up of counterrevolutionary organizations, and temporary detainment.
The two priorities that every group were to focus on are preventing counterrevolutionaries from making an organized effort to disrupt the revolution and to keep "the chaos and desperation from overwhelming our good sense and prevent theft, pogroms, and pointless cruelty."
Though Chairman Reed spoke eloquently on the need to be better than the bloodthirsty reactionaries, with personally written newspaper articles and a stirring speech delivered by radio both advocating against pogroms (among other efforts, including halting his car and ordering his personal guard to force some vandals to clean up the mess they made at a New York synagogue) the simple fact was that most Red Guards preferred defeating the many attempts at counterrevolution than protecting groups of workers from each other, preferring to trust individual self-defense groups and proletarian solidarity to keep things from getting out of hand.
And for the most part, those forces were successful. The well-armed "Bagel and Lox Band" in New York City ensured no malcontents had any success in the Lower East Side neighborhoods that spoke Yiddish, for instance, while an alliance of Negro and Jewish patrols in Philadelphia kept order throughout the city. Boston and southern California saw some of the few and unfortunate exceptions..."
-The Glorious American Revolution, the British Historical Society
The review of reports goes on and on, as you turn to the stack from Schenck and Butler regarding their efforts at keeping order. The Red Guards have been out in force, cooperating with local militias wherever possible, but they are painfully overstretched. Thefts and feuds and disputes are mostly being handled by unofficial local groups, and word is filtering up, accusing those groups of corruption and abuse. You make a note to handle that later, pause to rub your temples, and turn to the next page.
Schenck is pessimistic. The backs of many reactionary groups have been broken by clashes with Red Guards and arrests of their leadership, but there's still opposition to the revolution from many sources. Organized criminal groups are still lodged like a tick in Chicago, and will surely be looking to expand operations. Anti-socilaist militias are still active in some areas, and many believe they are getting support from MacArthur and from Canada. In addition, there is a growing peace movement that must be dealt with, as well as various protests against rationing, refugee camps, and various other material issues. Some expect them to die down as representation is expanded, but not Schenck. He also fears the BOI has been more successful in infiltration than he previously thought, and is hard at work rooting out any potential traitors.
When it comes to more offensive actions, he is far more optimistic. He has reported workers at Rock Island have seized the factory, after a skirmish with military police that left many dead and much of the machinery damaged. In addition, the strike has continued disrupting Birmingham, Tulsa, Los Angeles, and many other cities, with agents being inserted into some cities to help the revolutionaries organize and encourage acts of sabotage. He has also been able to insert large numbers of agents among refugees fleeing the Red Belt. His many efforts to infiltrate factories and armies from before are being expanded on as both will become increasingly desperate for manpower.
But the priority for him is co-opting the sailors of the American fleet wherever and however possible. Agents are planted to fraternize with crew members deployed to the docks, existing operatives are ordered to agitate against the MacArthur junta, and various pieces of theater are used to encourage the defection of the sailors. Because of the class nature of the Navy, many enlisted are from the working class in the very cities they are blockading and preparing to bombard. And almost immediately, discontent is growing among the sailors, although the officers and security operatives seem to be keeping things under control.
Seaman Alex grunted with effort as he rowed. The officers had allowed the fleet to purchase fish and other basic goods from New York Harbor, and so a steady stream of boats went back and forth. Technically, he thought they were participating in a black market according to the ruling syndicalists, but their opinions didn't mean a whit to him.
As the boat got closer to the docks, he heard a cacophony and looked up, one hand abandoning the oar to check the pistol he had been given, which earned him a grunt of approval from the petty officer leading their expedition. The other sailors were also staring at the display before them, so shocked that they let the oars drift from their hands, murmuring curses and exclamations.
"Get back to rowing!" the petty officer ordered, "And don't think you'll be getting to enjoy all that, we're here for fish and nothing else!"
As the other sailors began to wheedle the chief, Alex simply stared at "all that."
It was somewhere between a party and a political rally. The city had been lined with banners in red and black, decorated with stars and torches and other symbols, but American flags were also in evidence, waving proudly. There were pamphlets being passed out, and speakers arguing with knots of people, but there were also plenty of signs promising free beer and cheap food too. And, he noticed, evidence of a wide variety of entertainment too.
Some of which seemed very excited to see sailors, if he guessed.
After a minute, he decided to lend his voice to the ongoing debate. And the chief petty officer gave in. "We'll stop for a drink or two, that won't do any harm, but nothing more!"
Several drinks later, Alex had signed his name on a petition for MacArthur to be removed from the leadership of the army and was listening earnestly, if confusedly, to a man speaking about the terrible oppression being inflicted on good Americans over in California.
A variety of methods were used. The first and simplest was the mockingly-named 'rabblerouse': an agitator would find a crowd and speak to them. The declining material conditions of the country had led many to be radicalized, and the agitator would incite them to take direct action to better themselves. However, the use of pamphlets, posters, songs, and newspaper articles was also popular. Jack Reed in particular favored using newspapers, writing and publishing long essays in them insisting on 'defensive action' and condemning discrimination, even as he encouraged acts like the seizure of private property and the formation or expansion of militias.
Many other articles were published by others, following similar lines, and attacking various groups they opposed, including the National Popular Front, the Anti-Syndicalist Alliance, and the American military. The American Unity Coalition and the Council for Defending Democracy also received some scorn from many 'red rags' but the majority ignored them. However, the official American government was almost ignored by them. This was due to the perception among the revolutionaries that the government had effectively been taken over by the military and thus was no longer relevant.
However, this view was not widespread among those who were more lukewarm towards the prospect of revolution, leading to something of a disconnect. Only skillful use of advanced propaganda tactics and the constant emphasis on the preference the SPA and CAS had for peace prevented widespread hostility against them growing amongst the less-revolutionary working class.
Other elements of the propaganda campaign had more success, particularly the attacks on the National Popular Front, an organization that was almost universally reviled. The fact that they had large numbers of "exile divisions" among their numbers led to widespread mockery, which proved devastating to their image, making them look weak and ineffectual.."
-The Value of Propaganda, The British Society for Peace
'The first goal of the Commision for Revolutionary Defense was to keep what the armed workers of the nation have taken secure. The Red Guards, the Revolutionary Guard, Schenck's spies, local informants, and more are all unleashed. Under the circumstances, a certain degree of laxness was accepted, primarily regarding interrogation, break-up of counterrevolutionary organizations, and temporary detainment.
The two priorities that every group were to focus on are preventing counterrevolutionaries from making an organized effort to disrupt the revolution and to keep "the chaos and desperation from overwhelming our good sense and prevent theft, pogroms, and pointless cruelty."
Though Chairman Reed spoke eloquently on the need to be better than the bloodthirsty reactionaries, with personally written newspaper articles and a stirring speech delivered by radio both advocating against pogroms (among other efforts, including halting his car and ordering his personal guard to force some vandals to clean up the mess they made at a New York synagogue) the simple fact was that most Red Guards preferred defeating the many attempts at counterrevolution than protecting groups of workers from each other, preferring to trust individual self-defense groups and proletarian solidarity to keep things from getting out of hand.
And for the most part, those forces were successful. The well-armed "Bagel and Lox Band" in New York City ensured no malcontents had any success in the Lower East Side neighborhoods that spoke Yiddish, for instance, while an alliance of Negro and Jewish patrols in Philadelphia kept order throughout the city. Boston and southern California saw some of the few and unfortunate exceptions..."
-The Glorious American Revolution, the British Historical Society
The review of reports goes on and on, as you turn to the stack from Schenck and Butler regarding their efforts at keeping order. The Red Guards have been out in force, cooperating with local militias wherever possible, but they are painfully overstretched. Thefts and feuds and disputes are mostly being handled by unofficial local groups, and word is filtering up, accusing those groups of corruption and abuse. You make a note to handle that later, pause to rub your temples, and turn to the next page.
Schenck is pessimistic. The backs of many reactionary groups have been broken by clashes with Red Guards and arrests of their leadership, but there's still opposition to the revolution from many sources. Organized criminal groups are still lodged like a tick in Chicago, and will surely be looking to expand operations. Anti-socilaist militias are still active in some areas, and many believe they are getting support from MacArthur and from Canada. In addition, there is a growing peace movement that must be dealt with, as well as various protests against rationing, refugee camps, and various other material issues. Some expect them to die down as representation is expanded, but not Schenck. He also fears the BOI has been more successful in infiltration than he previously thought, and is hard at work rooting out any potential traitors.
When it comes to more offensive actions, he is far more optimistic. He has reported workers at Rock Island have seized the factory, after a skirmish with military police that left many dead and much of the machinery damaged. In addition, the strike has continued disrupting Birmingham, Tulsa, Los Angeles, and many other cities, with agents being inserted into some cities to help the revolutionaries organize and encourage acts of sabotage. He has also been able to insert large numbers of agents among refugees fleeing the Red Belt. His many efforts to infiltrate factories and armies from before are being expanded on as both will become increasingly desperate for manpower.
But the priority for him is co-opting the sailors of the American fleet wherever and however possible. Agents are planted to fraternize with crew members deployed to the docks, existing operatives are ordered to agitate against the MacArthur junta, and various pieces of theater are used to encourage the defection of the sailors. Because of the class nature of the Navy, many enlisted are from the working class in the very cities they are blockading and preparing to bombard. And almost immediately, discontent is growing among the sailors, although the officers and security operatives seem to be keeping things under control.
Seaman Alex grunted with effort as he rowed. The officers had allowed the fleet to purchase fish and other basic goods from New York Harbor, and so a steady stream of boats went back and forth. Technically, he thought they were participating in a black market according to the ruling syndicalists, but their opinions didn't mean a whit to him.
As the boat got closer to the docks, he heard a cacophony and looked up, one hand abandoning the oar to check the pistol he had been given, which earned him a grunt of approval from the petty officer leading their expedition. The other sailors were also staring at the display before them, so shocked that they let the oars drift from their hands, murmuring curses and exclamations.
"Get back to rowing!" the petty officer ordered, "And don't think you'll be getting to enjoy all that, we're here for fish and nothing else!"
As the other sailors began to wheedle the chief, Alex simply stared at "all that."
It was somewhere between a party and a political rally. The city had been lined with banners in red and black, decorated with stars and torches and other symbols, but American flags were also in evidence, waving proudly. There were pamphlets being passed out, and speakers arguing with knots of people, but there were also plenty of signs promising free beer and cheap food too. And, he noticed, evidence of a wide variety of entertainment too.
Some of which seemed very excited to see sailors, if he guessed.
After a minute, he decided to lend his voice to the ongoing debate. And the chief petty officer gave in. "We'll stop for a drink or two, that won't do any harm, but nothing more!"
Several drinks later, Alex had signed his name on a petition for MacArthur to be removed from the leadership of the army and was listening earnestly, if confusedly, to a man speaking about the terrible oppression being inflicted on good Americans over in California.
- Location
- Northish
I honestly didn't think McArthur and his cronies would be stupid enough to order ships to fire on cities unless they were truly desperate. Especially as the sailors and any replacements are likely pulled from the local area in pre-WWII America. Particularly as a mutinous crew can simply sail their ship into the docks of the rebelling city.
I should note that this is what your character thinks MacArthur's plan is, not necessarily what it actually is. The reports your character receives are going to be from an in-universe perspective.
- Location
- USA
They know they're getting weaker by the day - the sooner they can put us to the sword, the better it'll be for them in the long term. It'd be easy to talk themselves into the 'necessity' of opening fire on factories in New York City to more quickly effect the collapse of the CAS to the Army.
And there's simple politics to consider - the Feds don't need much of a navy at all to blockade us - certainly not one the size they currently have. They're going to face pressure to use it or start diverting its resources elsewhere, which is something the navy will very strongly resist, even if it means doing some very, uh. Questionable things. Which could lead us to a scenario where an out-of-touch Admiral orders a bombardment of a city and the order is immediately belayed by the officers in charge of the ships because they know their crews would keelhaul them for giving it
Famine: Intensity
Disease: Intensity
Violence: Intensity (+20) x 3
Dust Storms: Intensity
Winter Weather: Intensity
Refugees: Intensity (+20)
Military Defections: Intensity
Elections Results: Higher is more radical
Areas of major conflict: New England, California, Black Belt, Kentucky., Midwest,
Side Performance:
Congress of American Syndicates: 5d100
California Uprising: 1d100
Black Belt Uprising: 1d100
American Unity Coalition: 5d100
Council for the Defense of Democracy: 4d100
National Popular Front: 4d100
Federal Government: 6d100
Anti-Syndicalist Alliance: 3d100
Disease: Intensity
Violence: Intensity (+20) x 3
Dust Storms: Intensity
Winter Weather: Intensity
Refugees: Intensity (+20)
Military Defections: Intensity
Elections Results: Higher is more radical
Areas of major conflict: New England, California, Black Belt, Kentucky., Midwest,
Side Performance:
California Uprising: 1d100
Black Belt Uprising: 1d100
American Unity Coalition: 5d100
Council for the Defense of Democracy: 4d100
National Popular Front: 4d100
Federal Government: 6d100
Anti-Syndicalist Alliance: 3d100
Last edited:
Starmine Starbow
Do you want a wish?
- Location
- Milky Way Galaxy
- Pronouns
- Femhon/Boymoder
Council for Defence of Democracy?
- Location
- Somewhere in the area
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
Rollin Rollin Rollin for the ASA
- Location
- USA
Rolling for the Federal Government
- Location
- Northish
Man the US is getting hammered by the dice this year, people are going to run from the horrifying dust storms only to freeze to death. We also manged to barely pick up any military forces, hopefully McArthur will help us in that regard once he starts giving more extreme orders. A man who rolls tanks on protesting veterans will not fight a clean war.
Also Congress of American Syndicates
Also Congress of American Syndicates
Last edited:
I'll take care of the NPF.
- Location
- Somewhere in the area
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
Faction performance rolls:
| Congress of American Syndicates | 89 + 86 + 46 + 32 + 13 | 266 [Max 500] |
| California Uprising | 50 | 50 [Max 100] |
| Black Belt Uprising | 42 | 42 [Max 100] |
| American Unity Coalition | 52 + 10 + 44 + 35 + 39 | 180 [Max 500] |
| Council for the Defense of Democracy | 43 + 84 + 35 + 6 | 168 [Max 400] |
| National Popular Front | 90 + 17 + 62 + 45 | 214 [Max 400] |
| Federal Government | 98 + 38 + 83 + 30 + Nat1 + 21 | 271 [Max 600] |
| Anti-Syndicalist Alliance | 57 + 33 + 31 | 121 [Max 300] |
November Crisis Week 2
Stats: [Nonexistent/Critical/Low/Steady/Medium/High/Great/Excellent], bold means improvement, italics means worsening.
CAS:
Stability: Low
Food Supply: Low
AUC: ???
CDD: ???
NPF: ???
Federal Government: ???
Map Key:
Spray paint in a faction's color represents partisan or political activity, depending on the relationship between the factions.
CAS:
Stability: Low
Food Supply: Low
AUC: ???
CDD: ???
NPF: ???
Federal Government: ???
Map Key:
Spray paint in a faction's color represents partisan or political activity, depending on the relationship between the factions.
| Faction | Limited Control | Full Control |
| CAS | Light red | Dark red |
| AUC | Light blue | Dark blue |
| CDD | Light green | Dark green |
| NPF | Gray | N/A |
| Federal Government | Light yellow | Dark yellow |
Last edited:
November Crisis Week 3
Father Smith had not stopped cursing for a solid minute, a sin for which he would spend hours on aching knees, begging for divine forgiveness. Of course, some might say the circumstances might allow for a degree of mitigation, but Father Smith did not believe in such things. Sin was sin. But that did not make him any less inclined to stop cursing, for the never-sufficiently-damned Children of Ham were rising up, with the whispers of Satanists in their ears. He gave brief thanks to the messenger who had arrived once his cursing ended, and grabbed a rifle from underneath the pulpit, loading it with practiced ease.
"Go boy, spread the word further. This rebellion must be put down, all the Front members must take up arms immediately!" Father Smith commanded, striding to the front of the church.
The messenger ran past as Smith busied himself, sweeping his gaze across the network of degenerate shanties his church was built in the middle of, atop the ruins of a false temple, an altar to Satan. He spotted a potential enemy creeping out of a shack, something shiny in its hand, and immediately Father Smith fired. The gun bucked in his hands, smacking hard against his shoulder, and he grimaced in pain – his spirit was willing, but his flesh was older and frailer every day.
Even so, the shot fired straight and true, striking the…young child right in the center of its chest. He sighed, annoyed at the wasted bullet. Its mother looked out the window and screamed in rage, and so he fired again, for the sake of silence.
Then there was a third gunshot, and he looked around quizzically. For some reason, he had dropped his gun. Father Smith looked down, saw the ruin his chest had become, and attempted to use his last breath to pray, but the fourth bullet ended any possibility of that.
Reverend Williams knelt in what had once been a church and now was the command center of a revolution, and he prayed. He prayed for mercy for the many innocents who had died, he prayed for the success of his comrades, but he also prayed for strength and courage. With his soul thus fortified, the preacher rose to his feet and walked outside, nodding to the two men sitting next to a radio shipped from their comrades up north.
The town had been devastated by the uprising. Homes had been riddled with bullets and shattered by explosives, and no one had gotten around to removing the many bodies. Reverend Williams stepped over the corpse of a priest someone had shot, paying it no mind, and barely noticing the ruins around him. His attention was instead caught by the four stout wooden Xs that stood in the middle of the street, each with a naked man nailed to it. Their screams were muffled by the white hoods that had been shoved into their mouths. Around that grisly display stood a mixed bag of fighters, wearing weary grins.
"Do you think Christ looks down on you and smiles?" Revered Williams shouted, gesturing at them, "Do you think he approves of this? Kill them and be done with it, if not out of a sense of Christian mercy to even the worst of your fellow men, then because you should have better things to do, like bury the dead or tend to the living!"
He continued to browbeat the increasingly shamefaced soldiers until one of them finally pointed his gun at the captured KKK members and squeezed his trigger a few times. Another moved to cut down the corpses, but the Reverend shook his head. "Take them to the edge of town, perhaps if any of their fellows come around it will make them hesitate."
Isaac cursed softly as he crawled through the mud, the chilly ooze clinging to his clothes and skin. He was one of the dozen Red Guards running the rendezvous, and he was not enjoying it. He had hoped the revolution would mean an end to him wallowing in the filth and mud, but that hadn't worked out for him. But he stayed in anyway, for the burning anger at the people who had forced him from his home in Philadelphia and made him flee across the country to scrape a miserable living from the soil, and for the fear at what would happen if he faltered now. So he would put up with the mud for however long he needed to.
He slipped under a charred fence, and saw a truck idling in the middle of a field. Carefully, he aimed a pistol at it, while all around him the other Guards did the same. The back of the truck split open, revealing a pair of men (he realized after a moment they were women) holding rifles, sweeping them across the ground.
The air was thrumming with tension for a moment, then one woman whispered "We come bringing gifts from Comrade Reed."
Everyone relaxed, and Isaac stood up with relief, brushing off his outfit as best he could, though the filthy garments clung to his skin and made him shiver. "What sort of gifts?" he asked.
"Rifles, bullets, mortars, shells, more radios, and two more Red Guards."
Before they could say anything more, the sound of a plane flying through the air split the night.
"Hit the deck!" someone shouted, and Isaac again cursed as he dived back into the mud, pressing his face against it.
Someone else landed on top of him, making him grunt. Gradually, the sound faded and everyone stood back up.
"The capitalists have been sending planes around and using them to break up any big gatherings and to spy on us. It's made it tricky to try and drive back the soldiers they send after us," Isaac explained to the young woman who had landed atop him.
She looked at the truck. "I think we can give those pilots a gift then, and pay forward the one you have just gotten."
Isaac grinned. "We should take the truck back to the commander first, but I think he will like your plan."
Leah wasn't sure which was worse: the cold or the boredom. She had fled her home with her parents when the cities had begun burning and made it across the Ohio, but it seemed now no one knew what to do with them. They weren't anyone important or valuable; her mother had been a maid, and her father a shopkeeper, and so the three of them had been left to languish.
Her parents said she was being dramatic, and it hadn't even been a month, and that things were going to get better, but in her thirteen years, she had only ever seen things get worse. She had no particular reason to believe that would change now.
The refugee camp was a miserable place: forty-odd tents scattered around a fireplace and a meal tent, a shack off to one side for the sick, and a latrine on the far side. They received scant meals three times a day, along with supplies of wood and clothing, and there was a young man assigned to be the nurse, but other than that they were left alone. If Leah wanted to, she could simply walk back to Kentucky. Sometimes, she dreamed of doing so. But other times, she remembered the screams and the smoke and she wished she could go further north.
And in between, she simply sat and shivered. There were no games, no books, no school. Her parents tried to keep her entertained and distracted, but often they lapsed into silence or simply held each other and enjoyed the peace.
Meanwhile, to escape the suffocating quiet of the tent, she would go out and walk and refuse to come back until her toes were stiff and her face was numb. And as soon as she warmed again, she would flee once more.
For a week, that had been her life, until two youths in red armbands had come by with pamphlets and news: the Congress of American Syndicates, their new governing body, had decided refugees like her would get representation now. Everyone in the camp had questions for them, but Leah had by far the most.
People wanted to know what the Congress wanted, and what was going on, and who they could vote for. Leah wanted to know all that and more besides. She pestered the two of them every chance she could, and hung around whenever they spoke to others. She heard them describe how the camp would elect a delegate, and that delegate would go to a council, and that council would elect a representative for the Congress as a whole, and how anyone old enough to vote could be elected. And she kept asking questions, about things like why the Congress used councils instead of ballots like normal, and what the means of production were.
And she showed up when the meeting was held to decide who would be the delegate. Her mother and father showed up as well, timidly casting votes when everyone else did. Others were more enthusiastic, arguing what the priorities should be for the delegate. Some wanted more food, some wanted better tents, some wanted work or games or schools. Eventually, decisions were made, and as the young man who was elected prepared to leave, she decided to seize an opportunity. "Mother, Father, can I go with him? It will be good for me to learn!" she asked, eager to be anyone else.
Everyone said no, but her new delegate promised to send her some books, and to take her when she was older and it was safer. Leah supposed she could be satisfied with that.
George worked with a grim, steady sort of satisfaction, operating machinery with smooth movements. They had made the CAS bend, and won a dozen victories with one fight, but now it was time for a bigger war, and he was doing his part. The entire factory was, producing large quantities of TNT, running every hour of every day. He was already worn and ragged, his back groaning when he awoke and his lungs scratchy, but he would keep this pace going until he dropped. And so would everyone else.
The factory was hot and poorly ventilated, which had been one of their complaints back when the Planning boys had first come around. Of course, they hadn't gotten around to fixing that, so the workers put up with it. They had done so for scraps of bread, they would do it for their liberation and their justice. But now that they were running the place, they did make some changes.
Casks of water, and only water, were scattered through the factory, with one in easy reach of every bit of machinery, so that thirsty workers could easy have a drink or two. The machinery itself had undergone a bevy of tweaks to make operating it safer, even if the rather ramshackle nature of the fixes meant they required constant repairs. But while those were certainly important, the change George was most fond of was the addition of a few fellows reading newspapers and talking about what things could mean. It livened up the day.
"Comrade Reed calls for the liberation of the Black Belt from national populists, reactionaries, and capitalists, encouraging the workers and farmers of the South to rise up and overthrow their oppressors!" one read out.
"How are they supposed to do that? He can call all he wants, they can't rise up when they are being stomped into the dirt!" someone shouted back.
"Damn it, let me finish! According to sources within the CAS, arrangements have been made with American Unity Coalition to transport Red Guards and supplies to support those brave men and women who choose to fight against oppression."
"And now he's trusting Long?"
"Long ain't half bad, he's been against the Klan for years, he's just a bit more moderate about economic stuff, but every citizen having a share of all the industry sounds just as good as us owning a part of this factory."
"The Kingfish would steal your shoes and you'd thank him for the privilege!"
"Fuck the Kingfish, I want to hear more about the Black Belt. Those articles say anything about what's going on?" George shouted out, interrupting the budding argument.
The news he had been hearing for months had been grim, and he was hoping for better.
They had lost. Battle after battle, skirmish after skirmish, the Red Guards, the Black Brigades, the Pan-African Militias, and the Minutemen were forced back, their numbers slowly lowering. Every time they retreated, hundreds fled with them, but not everyone could escape. And the stories that came from what happened when the Protectors or the Klan reoccupied territory made people's blood chill. Even the National Guards were rumored to shoot dozens at random and unleash mass brutality upon anyone they caught.
And with each atrocity, people got more vicious and more inventive. They fought from the woods and the swamps, they mutilated the living and the dead whenever they received a moment of respite, they used captives as human shields and took hostages. Their foe had made it clear that there were no limits to this war, and they returned the favor.
But one tactic was favored above all: the stay-behind. The bravest of the brave and the coldest of the cold would hide in basements and ruins, with only a gun and a Kentucky Moonshine, waiting for their enemies to arrive and let their guard down.
Jim was one such stay-behind, hiding in a church belfry. His clothes were stiff with sweat and mud, his eyes were ringed with dark circles, his limbs trembled with a mix of fear and exhaustion. Bruises and cuts lined his body from his head to his toes, legacies of near-misses and desperate dives. Below him filtered in a mix: Klansmen and Black Legionnaires, Protectors and police, soldiers and Guardsmen. They seemed uneasy around each, with many unfriendly glances and tense bearings.
Jim didn't particularly care how much they disliked each other. They were on the same side and they would be dealt with the same. He waited until no one else seemed to be coming in, and lit three matches.
Holding the Kentucky Moonshines awkwardly, he sprinted down from the belfry. There was a shot of alarm as one man looked up, but by then it was too late. Jim made three throws. Fire splattered across the door, across the altar, across the center of the room, licking greedily at flesh and cloth and wood alike. The shrieks of burning, dying men filled the church.
Jim took five shots, effectively at random as the room below erupted into chaos. He saved the sixth for himself.
Far, far away, Jack Reed was working. He sat in a cramped, but private hospital room, a luxury he could not help but be grateful for even though it went against his principles, one hand in his wife's as she laid there, drowsy and drugged with some of the most cutting-edge painkillers they had. His daughter sat on the opposite end of the room, staring at the window like a monster might come through it at any minute.
It was the first time he had been able to spend any time with them since he had left for Toledo five days ago, and even now he couldn't abandon his duties. With a stack of reports on his lap, he read through them, signing awkwardly with his off hand, all the while he tried to get his daughter to open up to him.
"Are you sure you don't want to come over here?" he asked, scanning through a report about the food situation and signing it to authorize the continuing of grain requisition.
Hannah shook her head stubbornly. "What if someone comes through?" she asks in a very small voice.
Jack sighs. "Would you like me to come over to you then?" he tried, wondering if Schenck was being honest in his estimates about the success of his sailors or if he was being overly optimistic.
It took Hannah a full minute to respond with a tiny nod, but it was something. Eagerly, Reed shifted position, until he was in between Hannah and his wife. "How have you been?" he asked her, scolding himself for the silly question even as he kept reading through reports.
"I've been scared and alone," she said so very softly.
Jack stopped reading for a moment and tried to blink back tears. I want to make a world where you will never be either...but I don't know how to explain that to you so you'll forgive me. I don't know if I should be forgiven.
In the end, he said nothing.
The Situation Report
The political situation may have stabilized to a degree, but it seems everything else has gotten worse. The stockpiles of confiscated grain are not going to last long enough, not unless more is taken. The winter weather has come back with vicious intensity, with an enormous blizzard burying much of New York in multiple feet of snow and the entire Midwest being blanketed in a mix of red soil and white snow. Rivers and lakes have frozen over, ice and wind have ruined roads, telegraph lines, and rails, and an unknowable number die cold and alone as they straggle towards safety and warmth.
The dust storms have continued to intensify as well, driving more and more refugees into wherever they can go. Though you are not a religious man, you find it hard to disagree with the perspective many have that this is some sort of divine punishment. However, their despair is somewhat ameliorated by the opportunity given by the restructuring of the CAS. The Refugee Councils become an important part of life in the camps, with many lively debates occurring. Local SPA members use the opportunity to introduce the refugees to more political and economic theory, and they have radicalized rapidly, electing a broad swathe of delegates who tend to align with the ASA, IWW, and the Fosterites (although the Teamster's Union is also popular), much to the shock of many.
Even as the weather turns against you, skirmishes and battles become more frequent. Desperate counterrevolutionary organizations clash with Red Guards and Local Defense Organizations, union militias brutally suppress efforts by capitalists to reclaim their factories and homes, and skirmishes between factions of National Guards lead to defats and victories that seem far too alike.
Perhaps the only good thing is that the rate of new infections may be slowing, although it is too early to tell if this is a temporary drop or the end of the epidemics.
Regardless of the miserable weather and difficult situation, a trickle of professional soldiers, sailors, and even a few pilots have begun coming in from federal strongholds, unwilling to fight against their fellow workers even if they are unwilling to fight for them. They bring word of crackdowns, arrests, and harsh reprisals, but also of incompetent and corrupt figures being removed and limited economic concessions being made, along with an intense propaganda campaign, as MacArthur works to secure his rear.
Meanwhile, his rear keeps being filled with bloody violence. The Boston Commune is utterly encircled, but significant parts of the Connecticut National Guard were pulled away from the city to suppress a series of strikes in Hartford and other cities. The Green Mountain Boys have begun attacking federal arsenals, training camps, and other facilities, rallying around the Kingfish's banner and making secretive overtures to you as they turn the mountains and forests of New York into a place of white death for federal troops.
Despite their brave efforts, citizen's militias, mercenary forces, and professional troops have slowly begun driving them back, slowly and painfully securing patches of ground.
California, meanwhile, continues to see simmering unrest in the cities and total occupation of the inland areas of the state by revolutionaries. Though strikes and riots are common, it is not enough to hold back the attempted "reclamation" of the state, and a series of mass aerial scouting and attack missions are launched, followed up by offensives against identified weaknesses. Despite initial successes, the attacks bogged down rapidly in the face of determined resistance, while the occupied areas turned into a hellish storm of partisan activity.
The Black Belt uprising began and had great initial success as well, however, the overwhelming forces available to the reactionaries were able to defeat the forces of liberation in a hundred bloody battles and horrific retaliations. Entire towns are left depopulated by the vicious, murderous fighting, even as Longist forces move in to secure what they can and establish refugee camps and fortifications with equal fervor.
In Kentucky, the situation escalates, with terrorist bombings and assassinations being used all across the state. Attacks on the families of leadership figures become commonplace for both sides, in addition to the use of hostages. And all the while, the more conventional clashes between militias continue to turn the state into a charnel pit. Artillery churns up the land, homes become temporary fortresses that only last until they are burned to ash, and grain siloes are bombarded into ash to prevent them being seized by enemies.
The Midwest sees similarly intense violence, driven less by ideological conflicts and instead by shortages and desperation. Cut off by snow, dust, and destruction, the scale of what is happening on the Great Plains is unclear, but the situation is quite clearly less than ideal.
The economic, political, and military stabilization of the CAS remains the highest priority. As the strike dies down, an investigation into reports of racism and discrimination is launched, spearheaded by you whenever you can spare the time. The promise of a public list of names does much to mollify concerns that the punishments will be irrelevant.
The grain requisition has triggered rural unrest, but it is not becoming a serious problem yet. The food shortages have been highly publicized, effective use of propaganda has been leveraged, and the promise of future compensation has kept complaints in the CAS from becoming anything more serious.
The Seattle Commune has expanded, seeking out the broken remnants of the Oregon worker's movement, crushing counterrevolutionary resistance, and reaching out to support the Spokane Revolutionary Council. Similar efforts have been conducted elsewhere, with varying degrees of success.
Meanwhile, there has been serious counterrevolutionary resistance, but the worst of it has been tamped down on, although Schenck fears a potential resurgence should the situation turn for the worse. The grip of the CAS has been tightened, production has been socialized, and the process of managing makeshift repairs on damaged factories and infrastructure has begun. There are shortages of everything, but none are critical. Things are stabilizing.
The same cannot be said for Long or Olson. While Olson has faced several near insurrections from socialists who find him insufficiently radical, attacks by federal militias have terrorized sections of Wyoming and Nebraska into compliance, and the winter storms have led to a serious breakdown in communication.
Long, on the other hand, has suffered major damage to his prestige from the New Orleans blockade, has serious unrest caused by the widespread corruption within his organization, has been hurt by the refugee crisis, and his aid for the Black Belt has led to friction within the AFP from the more racist parts of it. The insurrections in some of his territory have escalated as well, to a potentially dangerous degree. Despite his problems, the Kingfish is a canny operator who you suspect will handle things well.
The National Popular Front has seen major successes, regrettably, although they still are mostly powerless. They have expanded their holdings outside of Tulsa at Long's expense, and achieved victories in the South and California. They have also risen in popularity as a militia force in federal-controlled parts of the country.
Meanwhile, the federal government has suffered serious losses of legitimacy from the open offers of foreign support made by Canada, Germany, and Japan. Belligerent responses from MacArthur and Secretary of State Kellogg failed to win that back and only alienated potential allies. The economic crisis has also hit them very hard, as much of the country is suddenly cut off from any and all industry, while they have been swarmed with refugees from the Red Belt. Although MacArthur's forces have been effective in putting down resistance, and a combination of limited concessions and BOI interference have kept it down, he is still facing multiple insurgencies with a divided army that is almost entirely dependent on already stockpiled artillery, tanks, and planes.
The situation is similar on the west coast, although the prospect of Japanese aid was seen in a much different light, and the insurgencies in the city are even worse. San Diego, in particular, is on the verge of open revolt, with the local Red Guards attacking city hall, devastating the harbor, and seizing districts of the city for hours at a time before melting back into the population.
Priorities
You have four priority slots. In addition, you can actively de-prioritize up to four actions in order to gain a slot, one slot per de-prioritized action. Your subordinates will also be prioritizing actions, which will be noted. Everything will be done, this is just choosing what's most important.
[] Organize training cadres: While there will be more effort needed to fill the ranks of the Red Guards and the Revolutionary Army, the current priority must be ensuring those recruited are capable of the duties they must fulfill. They must be drilled, they must be trained, they must be taught, in matters practical and ideological both. This is especially important for officers and potential officers, as we face a severe shortage of experienced commanders at many ranks. Chief Revolutionary Commander Butler is already hard at work organizing experienced trainers and commissars to rectify the issue.
[] Support the Black Belt Uprising: The Black Belt is suffering under the boot of reactionaries, capitalists, and populists. Its people struggle against them, waging a bloody guerilla war, and we are supplying them with arms, advisors, and ammunition. It is turning the entire region into a bloody sore for the federal government, but more can and should be done.
[] Support the California Uprising: The revolution in California is slowly being strangled, but major gains have been made and great blows against capitalist oppression have been struck, and these gains must be solidified by providing further support to our comrades in the west.
[] Prepare partisan commands: We will lose territory to the federalists. That has been made clear by Chief Revolutionary Commander Butler, in a speech some have called defeatist. However, he has also made it clear that just because they have gained territory, he does not intend to make it easy for them to hold it, and that he trusts the workers and farmers of the nation will assist in him that. To that end, Butler is working to prepare underground cells in vulnerable territories to wreak havoc upon capitalist occupiers.
[] Establish additional branches of the military: This war will not only be fought on land, but in the air and sea. While their commands will largely be provisional at first, an organizational framework must be established for the air force, the navy, and similar segments of the military.
[] Expand equipment stockpiles: Bluntly, the military can never have enough guns, enough howitzers, enough shells, enough bullets. Even if there were a hundred rifles for every soldier, Butler would still want more. But there are not a hundred rifles for every soldier, although there are relatively few dire shortages. Still, preparations must be made for the inevitable losses of combat.
[] Improve backline logistics: While access to weaponry and ammunition is important, there are other important concerns that must be dealt with. The transport of massive quantities of food, uniforms, and other vital sundries must be prepared and organized, something Butler and his staff are working on.
[] Prepare defenses: Though massive, fixed fortifications like the fortress of Liege did not serve their intended purpose in the Weltkrieg, trench lines and other structures were absolutely vital during it. Many in Butler's staff think this war will be won in trenches like those of the German army, and hope to begin constructing lines like the vaunted Hindenburg Line in areas where they anticipate federal attack. This is a major priority of Butler.
[] Ready motorized forces: Others in Butler's staff argue that wars are not won on the defensive, and have a host of innovations to unleash on the capitalists, ranging from armored trains, to cars with armor welded on, to purpose-built tanks. They argue that they will be able to break through enemy lines and exploit those failures using their advanced, well-equipped armies. Preparation and organization of these forces is another major priority for Butler.
[] Crush illegitimate state governments: Elements of several state governments rejected the evidence of your popular support and were able to escape. They have established rival governments in states like Oklahoma and Missouri, and these must be crushed to ensure their pretense does not serve as a rallying point for further defiance.
[] Request SyndIntern aid: The SyndIntern is of course interested in your potential interest. Mexican guns and advisors have helped lead to a series of successful actions on the southern border, while the Red Guards sent south are already being returned. But American ships are blocking off New York City and Philadelphia, Boston is isolated, and Seattle is distant from their ports. Still, there must be something they can do...
[] Conduct slapdash repairs: There is not enough time or resources to fix everything that needs fixing, let alone fix it properly. But some things must be prioritized, and resources dedicated to keeping the military production centers and major rail lines functional. Keep things going, that's all that can be done, and the Economic Planning Commission is working hard at that.
[] Expand the Planning Commission: Neither the size of the Planning Commission nor its power is up to the task of keeping an economy running during war. Both must be expanded, even if some call it tyranny. This is a major priority of the Economic Planning Commission and the Office of Communications, despite opposition.
[] Devolve non-essential production efforts: As part of that opposition, sections of the CAS have been pushing for the decentralization of certain areas of production, favoring a more decentralized and bottom-up planning method. To some, it is a thin end of a wedge, for others, it is a test case to show that centralization is not needed for efficiency. Ben Little, the Committee for Education, and Ben Stevens are all supporting these measures.
[] Keep the networks ready: Rails and telegraphs are both threatening to fall apart. Partisan resistance is still leading to their sabotage in some areas, but winter storms and simple accidents are proving even more dangerous. If these fail, the strongholds of socialism will be cut off and picked apart. So they cannot be allowed to fail, and the Office of Communications is working to prevent that.
[] Prepare for winter: This winter is a bitter one. It is a winter of bloody conflict and refugee hordes. And it is also a winter of terrible storms, and it is only November. Food, shelter, fuel, and hope are in short supply. Those vital substances must be stockpiled and gathered, and measures taken to keep spirits high and bodies functioning. Ben Stevens and various local party cadres are working to minimize the hardships of the coming months, although their efforts may well be a snowball against an avalanche.
[] Requisition extra grain: There is still not enough food. Grain, potatoes, vegetables, cattle...everything is short. The rationing is helping, but there are still serious difficulties in making sure everyone eats enough. Alternative food sources are being considered, but that may not be enough. More food must be gathered, something the Office of Communications is leading a charge on.
[] Prevent overexploitation: Even as desperately needed food is gathered, reports trickle in of conflict, and CAS representatives protest and complain. Measures must be taken to clamp down on abuse by Red Guards, to ensure enough seed grain is left behind for farming families, and to give them adequate compensation, lest we get a renewed Fix-the-Price movement, or worse, a Green Army.
[] Maintain medicinal supplies: With quarantines established, those who are sick must be cured too. What antibiotics that can be produced will be distributed, doctors and nurses pressganged, whatever that can be done will be done to keep the sick alive, at any cost except for the revolution.
[] Rehome refugees: The hordes of refugees that have inundated the Red Belt need to be housed, they need to be fed, they need to be put to work. Their current status is a humanitarian and logistical nightmare. Ben Little, working with various members of the Committee for Education who have chosen to assist with more immediate concerns, is already trying to resolve this thorny knot.
[] Put refugees to use: Part of resolving that problem is getting refugees back to something more like ordinary life. Wherever there are gaps in our production lines, they can fill in to help keep the factories running. It will empty the camps, give them a sense of normalcy and something to occupy their time, and help keep the economy running. For those refugees who are simply capitalists fleeing gunfire, or their supporters, it can also give them a route for becoming good socialist workers.
[] Expand material stockpiles: Part of managing this economy will be dealing with a lack of raw materials. To prepare for this, and to allow factories to keep running for at least a time, many are proposing passing a decree encouraging unions to keep large stockpiles of raw materials in factories, although this had led to some discontent from those who will be digging the raw material up and those who will be transporting it.
[] Deal with production shortfalls: Another part of handling the wartime economy will be dealing with shortfalls. There have already been empty shelves, but it's likely to get worse before it gets better. A variety of proposals for helping deal with this problem have been suggested, ranging from propaganda encouraging people to reuse whatever they can to the sponsorship of artisanal production facilities for people to work in during their free time.
[] Negotiate with illegitimate governments: Several rival state governments have proclaimed themselves, while the federal government has clearly lost popular support. However, perhaps some sort of peaceful solution can be managed, or at least the united front the capitalist currently seem to have can be splintered. The State Legislative Committee and Norman Thomas are working hard on this.
[] Secure a viable majority: The CAS has grown larger, and its politics are unstable at the best of times. Given the likelihood that the body will be reformed several times before the civil war is over, and the civil war, alliances are forming and factions falling apart on a daily basis. There is order in the chaos however, order which can be used to create a broad and stable majority, something Norman Thomas is steadily helping you with.
[] Prepare a United Front: Disquiet is growing in the political scene of America, as more and more find they have no good options, and Olson and Long are both interested in furthering their alliance with you. There are a great many politicians, statesmen, soldiers, and even businessmen who would be willing to join you if the right tactics were used - many of them blame MacArthur just as much as they blame you, which is better than you expected, and the State Legislative Committee still has contacts they are leveraging.
[] Meet with Olson and Long: To truly determine the nature of your alliance, you will need to meet in person with Long and Olson both. Locations for a conference to discuss "the current situation" as Olson euphemistically called it were one of the topics of discussion over the past week, and its time to finally have this meeting.
[] Handle disputes and conflicts: Justice is a tricky thing no matter the scale of the matter. Everyone is arguing with everyone, leading to lots of hurt feelings and thorny situations. While some might see it as a waste of time, doing what you can to resolve these interpersonal dramas in as a manner that's as fair and just as you can make it betters your reputations, makes people work together better, and leaves many indebted to you in minor ways. Many party cadres are working to resolved these conflicts already.
[] Soothe the moderates: It is a time for revolution, for great deeds and grand proclamations, but there is a place for those who worry and fret and fear as well. The moderates, who will almost certainly be left behind, will still need to be part of the revolutionary coalition, especially so long as they keep contributing to it.
[] Settle the Fosterites: It may be a time for revolution, but that does not mean there must be senseless bloodshed and authoritarian decrees. Though the success of your methods have kept them relatively quiet, there have been growing calls from many Fosterites for harsher measures in the class war and greater power for the revolutionary executive. Have a talk with Schenck and Foster and make sure they don't say or do anything stupid.
[] Local issues: There are many minor concerns and quibbles that don't need to be escalated to the CAS, and many more where the most widespread opinion is not necessarily the right one. Devolving a limited degree of authority on such matters will be a popular measure that will ease many negotiations and discussions and garner some additional popular support. Various party cadres and union locals are hard at work at ensuring the process goes smoothly.
[] International diplomacy: The nations of the world have mostly chosen their sides, but their are some nations that are officially neutral, such as Sweden, Russia, the Indian Republic, and the Republic of Cuba. Reaching out to these nations for support and backing might prove vital, or it might prove irrelevant. But being seen as the legitimate American government by more nations can't hurt.
[] Condemn the capitalists: We all know who is to blame for this horrible situation. It is the fault of the capitalists, in their myriad awful forms. Continue the early propaganda campaigns, and attack those who oppose us, using propaganda and information as weapons in a war for the hearts and minds of the workers. This is a task the Propaganda Committee has great experience with, and one they will continue doing.
[] Prepare morale boosters: The mood in much of the country is grim, and for good reason. But despair is as dangerous a weapon as a gun in the hands of capitalists. Songs, stories, news articles, even films if they can be made, all must be used to keep the flame of the working class alive! And the Propaganda Committee is on the job!
[] Call for peace: We do not desire war. We do not want to kill so many sons and daughters of the working class, whether through bullets or blockades. We merely wish to see the will of the people expressed in a democratic fashion. The moral high ground is an advantage we must do our best to keep by emphasizing our desire for peace even as we prepare for war, a task the Propaganda Committee is working hard to accomplish.
[] Anti-discrimination propaganda: Racism, misogyny, the socialism of fools, all are tools used by the ruling classes to divide and disrupt the working class. We must stand together, united. We must make it clear pogroms and discrimination are not accepted and warn that when you burn a church, destroy a synagogue, or provoke a race riot, you are serving the anti-socialist cause. The Propaganda Committee and the Education Committee are both seeking to accomplish this task.
[] Revolutionary inspiration: We must do more than attack our enemies, we must give hope and strength to our supporters. Through inspiring posters and heroic imagery, we will encourage the workers of the nation to go further and work harder, to break the chains that capital has placed on their minds and overcome their weaknesses.
[] Speaking to soldiers: Part of our propaganda campaign will be tailored at the soldiers and sailors who might well crush our nation. Hopefully, they can be pulled away from such idiocy and serve the people instead of slaying them. Through behind enemy lines agitation, leaflet campaigns, and other methods, we will subvert and destroy the armies of capitalism and turn their soilders to our side.
[] Offer the carrot...: Not everyone who has been stubborn regarding our movement has been doing so unreasonably. Offer conciliatory terms to churches, tribes, and social organizations who have shown some degree of recalcitrance to help cajole them in compliance with our new order.
[] ...and the stick: At the same time, actively counterrevolutionary groups and organizations must and shall be repressed. The Red Guards and local defense forces will continue to keep them from marching and protesting and continue to prevent their attacks, but we need to escalate our methods and bully counterrevolutionaries into submission.
[] Anti-pogrom action: While initial efforts at clamping down on pogroms, vandalism, and harassment were at least partly successful, overstretched responders and resources in short supply did allow some unfortunate events to happen. That is not acceptable, and more attention must be devoted to both education and protection.
[] Canadian comrades: The crisis in America is being matched by one north of the border, where martial law has been declared, unions disbanded, and King Edward VIII has openly begun calling for an intervention into America. Though Hoover has demanded Canada not intervene, that may well prove insufficient. And should that come to pass, we will need friends to our northern border who can help us prepare.
[] Maintain order: The situation is...chaotic. In the sudden vacuum, groups have begun using factory seizures as excuses for looting, cruel attacks on capitalists have begun, bandits and militias have made nuisances of themselves, and there have been cases of pogroms and other violence. Red Guards and other forces must be used to keep order and prevent such senseless violence.
[] Infiltrate hostile forces: The enemy's workers, soldiers, and populations are all rendered vulnerable to infiltration and disruption. Agents can be sent among them, to fraternize and organize and report back. Refugee columns will be seeded, contacts will be subverted, vulnerabilities will be exploited. Charles Schenck is busily directing his spies to that end, but there are so many places that they are needed...
[] Internal infiltration: There will be resistance to our efforts to create a more just and equitable society. Although many groups that oppose us have been driven out or defeated, others have merely gone to ground. They must be found, infiltrated, and broken apart, or we will face an exhausting and expensive resistance from counterrevolutionaries.
[] Naval co-option: One area that must be a special priority is to expand the infiltration of the Navy. Ships are blockading nearly every port, and armed sailors and Marines are patrolling sections of Long Island, Seattle, much of the Texas coast...which means they are vulnerable to persuasion. They must be persuaded to join our cause, lest our cities be pounded to rubble beneath their guns.
[] Maintain security: Even as we infiltrate the enemy, let us not forget that the enemy can do the same to us. The men who tried to kill you may have had inside information, and there are countless other vulnerabilities in our ranks. Charles Schenck is working with the Revolutionary Guard to secure as much as he can.
[] Spend time with your family: Your wife is still in the hospital. She'll survive, although there will be a scar. Your daughter is spending every second she can with her. You know both are horribly wounded by the attempted murder, and you ache to comfort them and be comforted in turn...but you don't know if you can find the time...
[] Try and sleep: The stress is starting to get to you. You are having nightmares about Petrograd and Moscow. You need to sleep. People make bad decisions when they are tired. You need to sleep.
Dilemmas and Decisions
Butler has come to you with a proposal: the establishment of the Revolutionary Intelligence Directorate, a military intelligence service designed to provide more specialized information regarding things like troop positions and dispositions. He argues that he needs military men to provide military information, and that splitting jurisdictions will allow for specialization, however, Schenck opposes having his responsibilities lessened and argued that it will create interagency conflict.
The proposal will have to go through the CAS. While the Fosterites will back Schenck no matter what you do, and the moderates are suspicious enough to oppose him automatically, they are both minorities. What you decide will likely persuade many delegates.
[] [INTEL] Back Butler (???)
[] [INTEL] Back Schenck (???)
[] [INTEL] Stay neutral, you are uncertain which is better. (???)
Another matter has come up in the CAS, regarding the black markets. They were present to a degree for several years, but they have begun exploding in popularity. Many CAS delegates certainly make use of them, along with a great many others. They primarily provide luxury goods, but one can also buy food, clothing, and fuel on them.
As a result of their growth, time and goods are both being lost, and criminal and counterrevolutionary elements have gained a potential avenue for gaining access and power. While they are not serious problems yet, they could become one.
And of course there is ample debate in the CAS about how to handle the situation. Some factions want to crackdown on them, some want to legalize them, some want to propagandize against them, some want to use them, and some just don't want to make a decision. You can persuade people to back you whatever course you take, however.
[] [BLACK] Have a commission investigate the situation and come back with some more detailed options. This will delay an actual resolution, pleasing and angering no one, and hopefully allowing for some more palatable possibilities to be identified.
[] [BLACK] Crack down on the black markets. Pay informants, task Red Guards to search for the physical locations, arrest those who buy and sell, trace the goods that are being used. We cannot tolerate corruption, we cannot accept giving counterrevolutionary criminals a way to worm their way back in. This option is favored by some Fosterites and the ASA.
[] [BLACK] Legalize them, turning them into gray markets, which will allow you to better undercut and keep tabs on the black market and prevent the suffering and expense of a crackdown. This option is favored by most of the IWW and the AFL-CIO.
[] [BLACK] Propagandize against them. We can't afford a crackdown, but tolerating this will be an unacceptable deviation from our principles, and increase the suffering of many of our poorest citizens. Launching a propaganda campaign against the black market will hopefully persuade some to stop using it. This option is favored by the Red Grange, some of the ASA, and some of the IWW.
[] [BLACK] Undercut them. The luxuries that the black market offers can be offered by socialism as well. Begin a campaign to create alternate structures, forming "economic dual power" through establishing recreational clubs, lottery distribution of consumer goods, and other systems. This option is favored by the AFL-CIO and some Fosterites.
[] [BLACK] Use them. The black market is a double-edged sword. Work with existing criminal elements to expand into hostile territory and use it as a vehicle for our own infiltrations and other intelligence efforts. This option is not favored by anyone, but it is not necessarily disfavored either.
"Go boy, spread the word further. This rebellion must be put down, all the Front members must take up arms immediately!" Father Smith commanded, striding to the front of the church.
The messenger ran past as Smith busied himself, sweeping his gaze across the network of degenerate shanties his church was built in the middle of, atop the ruins of a false temple, an altar to Satan. He spotted a potential enemy creeping out of a shack, something shiny in its hand, and immediately Father Smith fired. The gun bucked in his hands, smacking hard against his shoulder, and he grimaced in pain – his spirit was willing, but his flesh was older and frailer every day.
Even so, the shot fired straight and true, striking the…young child right in the center of its chest. He sighed, annoyed at the wasted bullet. Its mother looked out the window and screamed in rage, and so he fired again, for the sake of silence.
Then there was a third gunshot, and he looked around quizzically. For some reason, he had dropped his gun. Father Smith looked down, saw the ruin his chest had become, and attempted to use his last breath to pray, but the fourth bullet ended any possibility of that.
Reverend Williams knelt in what had once been a church and now was the command center of a revolution, and he prayed. He prayed for mercy for the many innocents who had died, he prayed for the success of his comrades, but he also prayed for strength and courage. With his soul thus fortified, the preacher rose to his feet and walked outside, nodding to the two men sitting next to a radio shipped from their comrades up north.
The town had been devastated by the uprising. Homes had been riddled with bullets and shattered by explosives, and no one had gotten around to removing the many bodies. Reverend Williams stepped over the corpse of a priest someone had shot, paying it no mind, and barely noticing the ruins around him. His attention was instead caught by the four stout wooden Xs that stood in the middle of the street, each with a naked man nailed to it. Their screams were muffled by the white hoods that had been shoved into their mouths. Around that grisly display stood a mixed bag of fighters, wearing weary grins.
"Do you think Christ looks down on you and smiles?" Revered Williams shouted, gesturing at them, "Do you think he approves of this? Kill them and be done with it, if not out of a sense of Christian mercy to even the worst of your fellow men, then because you should have better things to do, like bury the dead or tend to the living!"
He continued to browbeat the increasingly shamefaced soldiers until one of them finally pointed his gun at the captured KKK members and squeezed his trigger a few times. Another moved to cut down the corpses, but the Reverend shook his head. "Take them to the edge of town, perhaps if any of their fellows come around it will make them hesitate."
Isaac cursed softly as he crawled through the mud, the chilly ooze clinging to his clothes and skin. He was one of the dozen Red Guards running the rendezvous, and he was not enjoying it. He had hoped the revolution would mean an end to him wallowing in the filth and mud, but that hadn't worked out for him. But he stayed in anyway, for the burning anger at the people who had forced him from his home in Philadelphia and made him flee across the country to scrape a miserable living from the soil, and for the fear at what would happen if he faltered now. So he would put up with the mud for however long he needed to.
He slipped under a charred fence, and saw a truck idling in the middle of a field. Carefully, he aimed a pistol at it, while all around him the other Guards did the same. The back of the truck split open, revealing a pair of men (he realized after a moment they were women) holding rifles, sweeping them across the ground.
The air was thrumming with tension for a moment, then one woman whispered "We come bringing gifts from Comrade Reed."
Everyone relaxed, and Isaac stood up with relief, brushing off his outfit as best he could, though the filthy garments clung to his skin and made him shiver. "What sort of gifts?" he asked.
"Rifles, bullets, mortars, shells, more radios, and two more Red Guards."
Before they could say anything more, the sound of a plane flying through the air split the night.
"Hit the deck!" someone shouted, and Isaac again cursed as he dived back into the mud, pressing his face against it.
Someone else landed on top of him, making him grunt. Gradually, the sound faded and everyone stood back up.
"The capitalists have been sending planes around and using them to break up any big gatherings and to spy on us. It's made it tricky to try and drive back the soldiers they send after us," Isaac explained to the young woman who had landed atop him.
She looked at the truck. "I think we can give those pilots a gift then, and pay forward the one you have just gotten."
Isaac grinned. "We should take the truck back to the commander first, but I think he will like your plan."
Leah wasn't sure which was worse: the cold or the boredom. She had fled her home with her parents when the cities had begun burning and made it across the Ohio, but it seemed now no one knew what to do with them. They weren't anyone important or valuable; her mother had been a maid, and her father a shopkeeper, and so the three of them had been left to languish.
Her parents said she was being dramatic, and it hadn't even been a month, and that things were going to get better, but in her thirteen years, she had only ever seen things get worse. She had no particular reason to believe that would change now.
The refugee camp was a miserable place: forty-odd tents scattered around a fireplace and a meal tent, a shack off to one side for the sick, and a latrine on the far side. They received scant meals three times a day, along with supplies of wood and clothing, and there was a young man assigned to be the nurse, but other than that they were left alone. If Leah wanted to, she could simply walk back to Kentucky. Sometimes, she dreamed of doing so. But other times, she remembered the screams and the smoke and she wished she could go further north.
And in between, she simply sat and shivered. There were no games, no books, no school. Her parents tried to keep her entertained and distracted, but often they lapsed into silence or simply held each other and enjoyed the peace.
Meanwhile, to escape the suffocating quiet of the tent, she would go out and walk and refuse to come back until her toes were stiff and her face was numb. And as soon as she warmed again, she would flee once more.
For a week, that had been her life, until two youths in red armbands had come by with pamphlets and news: the Congress of American Syndicates, their new governing body, had decided refugees like her would get representation now. Everyone in the camp had questions for them, but Leah had by far the most.
People wanted to know what the Congress wanted, and what was going on, and who they could vote for. Leah wanted to know all that and more besides. She pestered the two of them every chance she could, and hung around whenever they spoke to others. She heard them describe how the camp would elect a delegate, and that delegate would go to a council, and that council would elect a representative for the Congress as a whole, and how anyone old enough to vote could be elected. And she kept asking questions, about things like why the Congress used councils instead of ballots like normal, and what the means of production were.
And she showed up when the meeting was held to decide who would be the delegate. Her mother and father showed up as well, timidly casting votes when everyone else did. Others were more enthusiastic, arguing what the priorities should be for the delegate. Some wanted more food, some wanted better tents, some wanted work or games or schools. Eventually, decisions were made, and as the young man who was elected prepared to leave, she decided to seize an opportunity. "Mother, Father, can I go with him? It will be good for me to learn!" she asked, eager to be anyone else.
Everyone said no, but her new delegate promised to send her some books, and to take her when she was older and it was safer. Leah supposed she could be satisfied with that.
George worked with a grim, steady sort of satisfaction, operating machinery with smooth movements. They had made the CAS bend, and won a dozen victories with one fight, but now it was time for a bigger war, and he was doing his part. The entire factory was, producing large quantities of TNT, running every hour of every day. He was already worn and ragged, his back groaning when he awoke and his lungs scratchy, but he would keep this pace going until he dropped. And so would everyone else.
The factory was hot and poorly ventilated, which had been one of their complaints back when the Planning boys had first come around. Of course, they hadn't gotten around to fixing that, so the workers put up with it. They had done so for scraps of bread, they would do it for their liberation and their justice. But now that they were running the place, they did make some changes.
Casks of water, and only water, were scattered through the factory, with one in easy reach of every bit of machinery, so that thirsty workers could easy have a drink or two. The machinery itself had undergone a bevy of tweaks to make operating it safer, even if the rather ramshackle nature of the fixes meant they required constant repairs. But while those were certainly important, the change George was most fond of was the addition of a few fellows reading newspapers and talking about what things could mean. It livened up the day.
"Comrade Reed calls for the liberation of the Black Belt from national populists, reactionaries, and capitalists, encouraging the workers and farmers of the South to rise up and overthrow their oppressors!" one read out.
"How are they supposed to do that? He can call all he wants, they can't rise up when they are being stomped into the dirt!" someone shouted back.
"Damn it, let me finish! According to sources within the CAS, arrangements have been made with American Unity Coalition to transport Red Guards and supplies to support those brave men and women who choose to fight against oppression."
"And now he's trusting Long?"
"Long ain't half bad, he's been against the Klan for years, he's just a bit more moderate about economic stuff, but every citizen having a share of all the industry sounds just as good as us owning a part of this factory."
"The Kingfish would steal your shoes and you'd thank him for the privilege!"
"Fuck the Kingfish, I want to hear more about the Black Belt. Those articles say anything about what's going on?" George shouted out, interrupting the budding argument.
The news he had been hearing for months had been grim, and he was hoping for better.
They had lost. Battle after battle, skirmish after skirmish, the Red Guards, the Black Brigades, the Pan-African Militias, and the Minutemen were forced back, their numbers slowly lowering. Every time they retreated, hundreds fled with them, but not everyone could escape. And the stories that came from what happened when the Protectors or the Klan reoccupied territory made people's blood chill. Even the National Guards were rumored to shoot dozens at random and unleash mass brutality upon anyone they caught.
And with each atrocity, people got more vicious and more inventive. They fought from the woods and the swamps, they mutilated the living and the dead whenever they received a moment of respite, they used captives as human shields and took hostages. Their foe had made it clear that there were no limits to this war, and they returned the favor.
But one tactic was favored above all: the stay-behind. The bravest of the brave and the coldest of the cold would hide in basements and ruins, with only a gun and a Kentucky Moonshine, waiting for their enemies to arrive and let their guard down.
Jim was one such stay-behind, hiding in a church belfry. His clothes were stiff with sweat and mud, his eyes were ringed with dark circles, his limbs trembled with a mix of fear and exhaustion. Bruises and cuts lined his body from his head to his toes, legacies of near-misses and desperate dives. Below him filtered in a mix: Klansmen and Black Legionnaires, Protectors and police, soldiers and Guardsmen. They seemed uneasy around each, with many unfriendly glances and tense bearings.
Jim didn't particularly care how much they disliked each other. They were on the same side and they would be dealt with the same. He waited until no one else seemed to be coming in, and lit three matches.
Holding the Kentucky Moonshines awkwardly, he sprinted down from the belfry. There was a shot of alarm as one man looked up, but by then it was too late. Jim made three throws. Fire splattered across the door, across the altar, across the center of the room, licking greedily at flesh and cloth and wood alike. The shrieks of burning, dying men filled the church.
Jim took five shots, effectively at random as the room below erupted into chaos. He saved the sixth for himself.
Far, far away, Jack Reed was working. He sat in a cramped, but private hospital room, a luxury he could not help but be grateful for even though it went against his principles, one hand in his wife's as she laid there, drowsy and drugged with some of the most cutting-edge painkillers they had. His daughter sat on the opposite end of the room, staring at the window like a monster might come through it at any minute.
It was the first time he had been able to spend any time with them since he had left for Toledo five days ago, and even now he couldn't abandon his duties. With a stack of reports on his lap, he read through them, signing awkwardly with his off hand, all the while he tried to get his daughter to open up to him.
"Are you sure you don't want to come over here?" he asked, scanning through a report about the food situation and signing it to authorize the continuing of grain requisition.
Hannah shook her head stubbornly. "What if someone comes through?" she asks in a very small voice.
Jack sighs. "Would you like me to come over to you then?" he tried, wondering if Schenck was being honest in his estimates about the success of his sailors or if he was being overly optimistic.
It took Hannah a full minute to respond with a tiny nod, but it was something. Eagerly, Reed shifted position, until he was in between Hannah and his wife. "How have you been?" he asked her, scolding himself for the silly question even as he kept reading through reports.
"I've been scared and alone," she said so very softly.
Jack stopped reading for a moment and tried to blink back tears. I want to make a world where you will never be either...but I don't know how to explain that to you so you'll forgive me. I don't know if I should be forgiven.
In the end, he said nothing.
The Situation Report
The political situation may have stabilized to a degree, but it seems everything else has gotten worse. The stockpiles of confiscated grain are not going to last long enough, not unless more is taken. The winter weather has come back with vicious intensity, with an enormous blizzard burying much of New York in multiple feet of snow and the entire Midwest being blanketed in a mix of red soil and white snow. Rivers and lakes have frozen over, ice and wind have ruined roads, telegraph lines, and rails, and an unknowable number die cold and alone as they straggle towards safety and warmth.
The dust storms have continued to intensify as well, driving more and more refugees into wherever they can go. Though you are not a religious man, you find it hard to disagree with the perspective many have that this is some sort of divine punishment. However, their despair is somewhat ameliorated by the opportunity given by the restructuring of the CAS. The Refugee Councils become an important part of life in the camps, with many lively debates occurring. Local SPA members use the opportunity to introduce the refugees to more political and economic theory, and they have radicalized rapidly, electing a broad swathe of delegates who tend to align with the ASA, IWW, and the Fosterites (although the Teamster's Union is also popular), much to the shock of many.
Even as the weather turns against you, skirmishes and battles become more frequent. Desperate counterrevolutionary organizations clash with Red Guards and Local Defense Organizations, union militias brutally suppress efforts by capitalists to reclaim their factories and homes, and skirmishes between factions of National Guards lead to defats and victories that seem far too alike.
Perhaps the only good thing is that the rate of new infections may be slowing, although it is too early to tell if this is a temporary drop or the end of the epidemics.
Regardless of the miserable weather and difficult situation, a trickle of professional soldiers, sailors, and even a few pilots have begun coming in from federal strongholds, unwilling to fight against their fellow workers even if they are unwilling to fight for them. They bring word of crackdowns, arrests, and harsh reprisals, but also of incompetent and corrupt figures being removed and limited economic concessions being made, along with an intense propaganda campaign, as MacArthur works to secure his rear.
Meanwhile, his rear keeps being filled with bloody violence. The Boston Commune is utterly encircled, but significant parts of the Connecticut National Guard were pulled away from the city to suppress a series of strikes in Hartford and other cities. The Green Mountain Boys have begun attacking federal arsenals, training camps, and other facilities, rallying around the Kingfish's banner and making secretive overtures to you as they turn the mountains and forests of New York into a place of white death for federal troops.
Despite their brave efforts, citizen's militias, mercenary forces, and professional troops have slowly begun driving them back, slowly and painfully securing patches of ground.
California, meanwhile, continues to see simmering unrest in the cities and total occupation of the inland areas of the state by revolutionaries. Though strikes and riots are common, it is not enough to hold back the attempted "reclamation" of the state, and a series of mass aerial scouting and attack missions are launched, followed up by offensives against identified weaknesses. Despite initial successes, the attacks bogged down rapidly in the face of determined resistance, while the occupied areas turned into a hellish storm of partisan activity.
The Black Belt uprising began and had great initial success as well, however, the overwhelming forces available to the reactionaries were able to defeat the forces of liberation in a hundred bloody battles and horrific retaliations. Entire towns are left depopulated by the vicious, murderous fighting, even as Longist forces move in to secure what they can and establish refugee camps and fortifications with equal fervor.
In Kentucky, the situation escalates, with terrorist bombings and assassinations being used all across the state. Attacks on the families of leadership figures become commonplace for both sides, in addition to the use of hostages. And all the while, the more conventional clashes between militias continue to turn the state into a charnel pit. Artillery churns up the land, homes become temporary fortresses that only last until they are burned to ash, and grain siloes are bombarded into ash to prevent them being seized by enemies.
The Midwest sees similarly intense violence, driven less by ideological conflicts and instead by shortages and desperation. Cut off by snow, dust, and destruction, the scale of what is happening on the Great Plains is unclear, but the situation is quite clearly less than ideal.
The economic, political, and military stabilization of the CAS remains the highest priority. As the strike dies down, an investigation into reports of racism and discrimination is launched, spearheaded by you whenever you can spare the time. The promise of a public list of names does much to mollify concerns that the punishments will be irrelevant.
The grain requisition has triggered rural unrest, but it is not becoming a serious problem yet. The food shortages have been highly publicized, effective use of propaganda has been leveraged, and the promise of future compensation has kept complaints in the CAS from becoming anything more serious.
The Seattle Commune has expanded, seeking out the broken remnants of the Oregon worker's movement, crushing counterrevolutionary resistance, and reaching out to support the Spokane Revolutionary Council. Similar efforts have been conducted elsewhere, with varying degrees of success.
Meanwhile, there has been serious counterrevolutionary resistance, but the worst of it has been tamped down on, although Schenck fears a potential resurgence should the situation turn for the worse. The grip of the CAS has been tightened, production has been socialized, and the process of managing makeshift repairs on damaged factories and infrastructure has begun. There are shortages of everything, but none are critical. Things are stabilizing.
The same cannot be said for Long or Olson. While Olson has faced several near insurrections from socialists who find him insufficiently radical, attacks by federal militias have terrorized sections of Wyoming and Nebraska into compliance, and the winter storms have led to a serious breakdown in communication.
Long, on the other hand, has suffered major damage to his prestige from the New Orleans blockade, has serious unrest caused by the widespread corruption within his organization, has been hurt by the refugee crisis, and his aid for the Black Belt has led to friction within the AFP from the more racist parts of it. The insurrections in some of his territory have escalated as well, to a potentially dangerous degree. Despite his problems, the Kingfish is a canny operator who you suspect will handle things well.
The National Popular Front has seen major successes, regrettably, although they still are mostly powerless. They have expanded their holdings outside of Tulsa at Long's expense, and achieved victories in the South and California. They have also risen in popularity as a militia force in federal-controlled parts of the country.
Meanwhile, the federal government has suffered serious losses of legitimacy from the open offers of foreign support made by Canada, Germany, and Japan. Belligerent responses from MacArthur and Secretary of State Kellogg failed to win that back and only alienated potential allies. The economic crisis has also hit them very hard, as much of the country is suddenly cut off from any and all industry, while they have been swarmed with refugees from the Red Belt. Although MacArthur's forces have been effective in putting down resistance, and a combination of limited concessions and BOI interference have kept it down, he is still facing multiple insurgencies with a divided army that is almost entirely dependent on already stockpiled artillery, tanks, and planes.
The situation is similar on the west coast, although the prospect of Japanese aid was seen in a much different light, and the insurgencies in the city are even worse. San Diego, in particular, is on the verge of open revolt, with the local Red Guards attacking city hall, devastating the harbor, and seizing districts of the city for hours at a time before melting back into the population.
Priorities
You have four priority slots. In addition, you can actively de-prioritize up to four actions in order to gain a slot, one slot per de-prioritized action. Your subordinates will also be prioritizing actions, which will be noted. Everything will be done, this is just choosing what's most important.
[] Organize training cadres: While there will be more effort needed to fill the ranks of the Red Guards and the Revolutionary Army, the current priority must be ensuring those recruited are capable of the duties they must fulfill. They must be drilled, they must be trained, they must be taught, in matters practical and ideological both. This is especially important for officers and potential officers, as we face a severe shortage of experienced commanders at many ranks. Chief Revolutionary Commander Butler is already hard at work organizing experienced trainers and commissars to rectify the issue.
[] Support the Black Belt Uprising: The Black Belt is suffering under the boot of reactionaries, capitalists, and populists. Its people struggle against them, waging a bloody guerilla war, and we are supplying them with arms, advisors, and ammunition. It is turning the entire region into a bloody sore for the federal government, but more can and should be done.
[] Support the California Uprising: The revolution in California is slowly being strangled, but major gains have been made and great blows against capitalist oppression have been struck, and these gains must be solidified by providing further support to our comrades in the west.
[] Prepare partisan commands: We will lose territory to the federalists. That has been made clear by Chief Revolutionary Commander Butler, in a speech some have called defeatist. However, he has also made it clear that just because they have gained territory, he does not intend to make it easy for them to hold it, and that he trusts the workers and farmers of the nation will assist in him that. To that end, Butler is working to prepare underground cells in vulnerable territories to wreak havoc upon capitalist occupiers.
[] Establish additional branches of the military: This war will not only be fought on land, but in the air and sea. While their commands will largely be provisional at first, an organizational framework must be established for the air force, the navy, and similar segments of the military.
[] Expand equipment stockpiles: Bluntly, the military can never have enough guns, enough howitzers, enough shells, enough bullets. Even if there were a hundred rifles for every soldier, Butler would still want more. But there are not a hundred rifles for every soldier, although there are relatively few dire shortages. Still, preparations must be made for the inevitable losses of combat.
[] Improve backline logistics: While access to weaponry and ammunition is important, there are other important concerns that must be dealt with. The transport of massive quantities of food, uniforms, and other vital sundries must be prepared and organized, something Butler and his staff are working on.
[] Prepare defenses: Though massive, fixed fortifications like the fortress of Liege did not serve their intended purpose in the Weltkrieg, trench lines and other structures were absolutely vital during it. Many in Butler's staff think this war will be won in trenches like those of the German army, and hope to begin constructing lines like the vaunted Hindenburg Line in areas where they anticipate federal attack. This is a major priority of Butler.
[] Ready motorized forces: Others in Butler's staff argue that wars are not won on the defensive, and have a host of innovations to unleash on the capitalists, ranging from armored trains, to cars with armor welded on, to purpose-built tanks. They argue that they will be able to break through enemy lines and exploit those failures using their advanced, well-equipped armies. Preparation and organization of these forces is another major priority for Butler.
[] Crush illegitimate state governments: Elements of several state governments rejected the evidence of your popular support and were able to escape. They have established rival governments in states like Oklahoma and Missouri, and these must be crushed to ensure their pretense does not serve as a rallying point for further defiance.
[] Request SyndIntern aid: The SyndIntern is of course interested in your potential interest. Mexican guns and advisors have helped lead to a series of successful actions on the southern border, while the Red Guards sent south are already being returned. But American ships are blocking off New York City and Philadelphia, Boston is isolated, and Seattle is distant from their ports. Still, there must be something they can do...
[] Conduct slapdash repairs: There is not enough time or resources to fix everything that needs fixing, let alone fix it properly. But some things must be prioritized, and resources dedicated to keeping the military production centers and major rail lines functional. Keep things going, that's all that can be done, and the Economic Planning Commission is working hard at that.
[] Expand the Planning Commission: Neither the size of the Planning Commission nor its power is up to the task of keeping an economy running during war. Both must be expanded, even if some call it tyranny. This is a major priority of the Economic Planning Commission and the Office of Communications, despite opposition.
[] Devolve non-essential production efforts: As part of that opposition, sections of the CAS have been pushing for the decentralization of certain areas of production, favoring a more decentralized and bottom-up planning method. To some, it is a thin end of a wedge, for others, it is a test case to show that centralization is not needed for efficiency. Ben Little, the Committee for Education, and Ben Stevens are all supporting these measures.
[] Keep the networks ready: Rails and telegraphs are both threatening to fall apart. Partisan resistance is still leading to their sabotage in some areas, but winter storms and simple accidents are proving even more dangerous. If these fail, the strongholds of socialism will be cut off and picked apart. So they cannot be allowed to fail, and the Office of Communications is working to prevent that.
[] Prepare for winter: This winter is a bitter one. It is a winter of bloody conflict and refugee hordes. And it is also a winter of terrible storms, and it is only November. Food, shelter, fuel, and hope are in short supply. Those vital substances must be stockpiled and gathered, and measures taken to keep spirits high and bodies functioning. Ben Stevens and various local party cadres are working to minimize the hardships of the coming months, although their efforts may well be a snowball against an avalanche.
[] Requisition extra grain: There is still not enough food. Grain, potatoes, vegetables, cattle...everything is short. The rationing is helping, but there are still serious difficulties in making sure everyone eats enough. Alternative food sources are being considered, but that may not be enough. More food must be gathered, something the Office of Communications is leading a charge on.
[] Prevent overexploitation: Even as desperately needed food is gathered, reports trickle in of conflict, and CAS representatives protest and complain. Measures must be taken to clamp down on abuse by Red Guards, to ensure enough seed grain is left behind for farming families, and to give them adequate compensation, lest we get a renewed Fix-the-Price movement, or worse, a Green Army.
[] Maintain medicinal supplies: With quarantines established, those who are sick must be cured too. What antibiotics that can be produced will be distributed, doctors and nurses pressganged, whatever that can be done will be done to keep the sick alive, at any cost except for the revolution.
[] Rehome refugees: The hordes of refugees that have inundated the Red Belt need to be housed, they need to be fed, they need to be put to work. Their current status is a humanitarian and logistical nightmare. Ben Little, working with various members of the Committee for Education who have chosen to assist with more immediate concerns, is already trying to resolve this thorny knot.
[] Put refugees to use: Part of resolving that problem is getting refugees back to something more like ordinary life. Wherever there are gaps in our production lines, they can fill in to help keep the factories running. It will empty the camps, give them a sense of normalcy and something to occupy their time, and help keep the economy running. For those refugees who are simply capitalists fleeing gunfire, or their supporters, it can also give them a route for becoming good socialist workers.
[] Expand material stockpiles: Part of managing this economy will be dealing with a lack of raw materials. To prepare for this, and to allow factories to keep running for at least a time, many are proposing passing a decree encouraging unions to keep large stockpiles of raw materials in factories, although this had led to some discontent from those who will be digging the raw material up and those who will be transporting it.
[] Deal with production shortfalls: Another part of handling the wartime economy will be dealing with shortfalls. There have already been empty shelves, but it's likely to get worse before it gets better. A variety of proposals for helping deal with this problem have been suggested, ranging from propaganda encouraging people to reuse whatever they can to the sponsorship of artisanal production facilities for people to work in during their free time.
[] Negotiate with illegitimate governments: Several rival state governments have proclaimed themselves, while the federal government has clearly lost popular support. However, perhaps some sort of peaceful solution can be managed, or at least the united front the capitalist currently seem to have can be splintered. The State Legislative Committee and Norman Thomas are working hard on this.
[] Secure a viable majority: The CAS has grown larger, and its politics are unstable at the best of times. Given the likelihood that the body will be reformed several times before the civil war is over, and the civil war, alliances are forming and factions falling apart on a daily basis. There is order in the chaos however, order which can be used to create a broad and stable majority, something Norman Thomas is steadily helping you with.
[] Prepare a United Front: Disquiet is growing in the political scene of America, as more and more find they have no good options, and Olson and Long are both interested in furthering their alliance with you. There are a great many politicians, statesmen, soldiers, and even businessmen who would be willing to join you if the right tactics were used - many of them blame MacArthur just as much as they blame you, which is better than you expected, and the State Legislative Committee still has contacts they are leveraging.
[] Meet with Olson and Long: To truly determine the nature of your alliance, you will need to meet in person with Long and Olson both. Locations for a conference to discuss "the current situation" as Olson euphemistically called it were one of the topics of discussion over the past week, and its time to finally have this meeting.
[] Handle disputes and conflicts: Justice is a tricky thing no matter the scale of the matter. Everyone is arguing with everyone, leading to lots of hurt feelings and thorny situations. While some might see it as a waste of time, doing what you can to resolve these interpersonal dramas in as a manner that's as fair and just as you can make it betters your reputations, makes people work together better, and leaves many indebted to you in minor ways. Many party cadres are working to resolved these conflicts already.
[] Soothe the moderates: It is a time for revolution, for great deeds and grand proclamations, but there is a place for those who worry and fret and fear as well. The moderates, who will almost certainly be left behind, will still need to be part of the revolutionary coalition, especially so long as they keep contributing to it.
[] Settle the Fosterites: It may be a time for revolution, but that does not mean there must be senseless bloodshed and authoritarian decrees. Though the success of your methods have kept them relatively quiet, there have been growing calls from many Fosterites for harsher measures in the class war and greater power for the revolutionary executive. Have a talk with Schenck and Foster and make sure they don't say or do anything stupid.
[] Local issues: There are many minor concerns and quibbles that don't need to be escalated to the CAS, and many more where the most widespread opinion is not necessarily the right one. Devolving a limited degree of authority on such matters will be a popular measure that will ease many negotiations and discussions and garner some additional popular support. Various party cadres and union locals are hard at work at ensuring the process goes smoothly.
[] International diplomacy: The nations of the world have mostly chosen their sides, but their are some nations that are officially neutral, such as Sweden, Russia, the Indian Republic, and the Republic of Cuba. Reaching out to these nations for support and backing might prove vital, or it might prove irrelevant. But being seen as the legitimate American government by more nations can't hurt.
[] Condemn the capitalists: We all know who is to blame for this horrible situation. It is the fault of the capitalists, in their myriad awful forms. Continue the early propaganda campaigns, and attack those who oppose us, using propaganda and information as weapons in a war for the hearts and minds of the workers. This is a task the Propaganda Committee has great experience with, and one they will continue doing.
[] Prepare morale boosters: The mood in much of the country is grim, and for good reason. But despair is as dangerous a weapon as a gun in the hands of capitalists. Songs, stories, news articles, even films if they can be made, all must be used to keep the flame of the working class alive! And the Propaganda Committee is on the job!
[] Call for peace: We do not desire war. We do not want to kill so many sons and daughters of the working class, whether through bullets or blockades. We merely wish to see the will of the people expressed in a democratic fashion. The moral high ground is an advantage we must do our best to keep by emphasizing our desire for peace even as we prepare for war, a task the Propaganda Committee is working hard to accomplish.
[] Anti-discrimination propaganda: Racism, misogyny, the socialism of fools, all are tools used by the ruling classes to divide and disrupt the working class. We must stand together, united. We must make it clear pogroms and discrimination are not accepted and warn that when you burn a church, destroy a synagogue, or provoke a race riot, you are serving the anti-socialist cause. The Propaganda Committee and the Education Committee are both seeking to accomplish this task.
[] Revolutionary inspiration: We must do more than attack our enemies, we must give hope and strength to our supporters. Through inspiring posters and heroic imagery, we will encourage the workers of the nation to go further and work harder, to break the chains that capital has placed on their minds and overcome their weaknesses.
[] Speaking to soldiers: Part of our propaganda campaign will be tailored at the soldiers and sailors who might well crush our nation. Hopefully, they can be pulled away from such idiocy and serve the people instead of slaying them. Through behind enemy lines agitation, leaflet campaigns, and other methods, we will subvert and destroy the armies of capitalism and turn their soilders to our side.
[] Offer the carrot...: Not everyone who has been stubborn regarding our movement has been doing so unreasonably. Offer conciliatory terms to churches, tribes, and social organizations who have shown some degree of recalcitrance to help cajole them in compliance with our new order.
[] ...and the stick: At the same time, actively counterrevolutionary groups and organizations must and shall be repressed. The Red Guards and local defense forces will continue to keep them from marching and protesting and continue to prevent their attacks, but we need to escalate our methods and bully counterrevolutionaries into submission.
[] Anti-pogrom action: While initial efforts at clamping down on pogroms, vandalism, and harassment were at least partly successful, overstretched responders and resources in short supply did allow some unfortunate events to happen. That is not acceptable, and more attention must be devoted to both education and protection.
[] Canadian comrades: The crisis in America is being matched by one north of the border, where martial law has been declared, unions disbanded, and King Edward VIII has openly begun calling for an intervention into America. Though Hoover has demanded Canada not intervene, that may well prove insufficient. And should that come to pass, we will need friends to our northern border who can help us prepare.
[] Maintain order: The situation is...chaotic. In the sudden vacuum, groups have begun using factory seizures as excuses for looting, cruel attacks on capitalists have begun, bandits and militias have made nuisances of themselves, and there have been cases of pogroms and other violence. Red Guards and other forces must be used to keep order and prevent such senseless violence.
[] Infiltrate hostile forces: The enemy's workers, soldiers, and populations are all rendered vulnerable to infiltration and disruption. Agents can be sent among them, to fraternize and organize and report back. Refugee columns will be seeded, contacts will be subverted, vulnerabilities will be exploited. Charles Schenck is busily directing his spies to that end, but there are so many places that they are needed...
[] Internal infiltration: There will be resistance to our efforts to create a more just and equitable society. Although many groups that oppose us have been driven out or defeated, others have merely gone to ground. They must be found, infiltrated, and broken apart, or we will face an exhausting and expensive resistance from counterrevolutionaries.
[] Naval co-option: One area that must be a special priority is to expand the infiltration of the Navy. Ships are blockading nearly every port, and armed sailors and Marines are patrolling sections of Long Island, Seattle, much of the Texas coast...which means they are vulnerable to persuasion. They must be persuaded to join our cause, lest our cities be pounded to rubble beneath their guns.
[] Maintain security: Even as we infiltrate the enemy, let us not forget that the enemy can do the same to us. The men who tried to kill you may have had inside information, and there are countless other vulnerabilities in our ranks. Charles Schenck is working with the Revolutionary Guard to secure as much as he can.
[] Spend time with your family: Your wife is still in the hospital. She'll survive, although there will be a scar. Your daughter is spending every second she can with her. You know both are horribly wounded by the attempted murder, and you ache to comfort them and be comforted in turn...but you don't know if you can find the time...
[] Try and sleep: The stress is starting to get to you. You are having nightmares about Petrograd and Moscow. You need to sleep. People make bad decisions when they are tired. You need to sleep.
Dilemmas and Decisions
Butler has come to you with a proposal: the establishment of the Revolutionary Intelligence Directorate, a military intelligence service designed to provide more specialized information regarding things like troop positions and dispositions. He argues that he needs military men to provide military information, and that splitting jurisdictions will allow for specialization, however, Schenck opposes having his responsibilities lessened and argued that it will create interagency conflict.
The proposal will have to go through the CAS. While the Fosterites will back Schenck no matter what you do, and the moderates are suspicious enough to oppose him automatically, they are both minorities. What you decide will likely persuade many delegates.
[] [INTEL] Back Butler (???)
[] [INTEL] Back Schenck (???)
[] [INTEL] Stay neutral, you are uncertain which is better. (???)
Another matter has come up in the CAS, regarding the black markets. They were present to a degree for several years, but they have begun exploding in popularity. Many CAS delegates certainly make use of them, along with a great many others. They primarily provide luxury goods, but one can also buy food, clothing, and fuel on them.
As a result of their growth, time and goods are both being lost, and criminal and counterrevolutionary elements have gained a potential avenue for gaining access and power. While they are not serious problems yet, they could become one.
And of course there is ample debate in the CAS about how to handle the situation. Some factions want to crackdown on them, some want to legalize them, some want to propagandize against them, some want to use them, and some just don't want to make a decision. You can persuade people to back you whatever course you take, however.
[] [BLACK] Have a commission investigate the situation and come back with some more detailed options. This will delay an actual resolution, pleasing and angering no one, and hopefully allowing for some more palatable possibilities to be identified.
[] [BLACK] Crack down on the black markets. Pay informants, task Red Guards to search for the physical locations, arrest those who buy and sell, trace the goods that are being used. We cannot tolerate corruption, we cannot accept giving counterrevolutionary criminals a way to worm their way back in. This option is favored by some Fosterites and the ASA.
[] [BLACK] Legalize them, turning them into gray markets, which will allow you to better undercut and keep tabs on the black market and prevent the suffering and expense of a crackdown. This option is favored by most of the IWW and the AFL-CIO.
[] [BLACK] Propagandize against them. We can't afford a crackdown, but tolerating this will be an unacceptable deviation from our principles, and increase the suffering of many of our poorest citizens. Launching a propaganda campaign against the black market will hopefully persuade some to stop using it. This option is favored by the Red Grange, some of the ASA, and some of the IWW.
[] [BLACK] Undercut them. The luxuries that the black market offers can be offered by socialism as well. Begin a campaign to create alternate structures, forming "economic dual power" through establishing recreational clubs, lottery distribution of consumer goods, and other systems. This option is favored by the AFL-CIO and some Fosterites.
[] [BLACK] Use them. The black market is a double-edged sword. Work with existing criminal elements to expand into hostile territory and use it as a vehicle for our own infiltrations and other intelligence efforts. This option is not favored by anyone, but it is not necessarily disfavored either.
- Pronouns
- They/Them
[] Try and sleep: The stress is starting to get to you. You are having nightmares about Petrograd and Moscow. You need to sleep. People make bad decisions when they are tired. You need to sleep.
[] Naval co-option: One area that must be a special priority is to expand the infiltration of the Navy. Ships are blockading nearly every port, and armed sailors and Marines are patrolling sections of Long Island, Seattle, much of the Texas coast...which means they are vulnerable to persuasion. They must be persuaded to join our cause, lest our cities be pounded to rubble beneath their guns.
[] Secure a viable majority: The CAS has grown larger, and its politics are unstable at the best of times. Given the likelihood that the body will be reformed several times before the civil war is over, and the civil war, alliances are forming and factions falling apart on a daily basis. There is order in the chaos however, order which can be used to create a broad and stable majority, something Norman Thomas is steadily helping you with.
[] Prevent overexploitation: Even as desperately needed food is gathered, reports trickle in of conflict, and CAS representatives protest and complain. Measures must be taken to clamp down on abuse by Red Guards, to ensure enough seed grain is left behind for farming families, and to give them adequate compensation, lest we get a renewed Fix-the-Price movement, or worse, a Green Army.
[] Request SyndIntern aid: The SyndIntern is of course interested in your potential interest. Mexican guns and advisors have helped lead to a series of successful actions on the southern border, while the Red Guards sent south are already being returned. But American ships are blocking off New York City and Philadelphia, Boston is isolated, and Seattle is distant from their ports. Still, there must be something they can do...
[] Meet with Olson and Long: To truly determine the nature of your alliance, you will need to meet in person with Long and Olson both. Locations for a conference to discuss "the current situation" as Olson euphemistically called it were one of the topics of discussion over the past week, and its time to finally have this meeting.
[] Support the California Uprising: The revolution in California is slowly being strangled, but major gains have been made and great blows against capitalist oppression have been struck, and these gains must be solidified by providing further support to our comrades in the west.
Some number of these, I think? But this is seven, and I don't think there are three things we can afford to de-emphasize, and so we need to make choices.
Potential De-Emphasis List:
[] International diplomacy: The nations of the world have mostly chosen their sides, but their are some nations that are officially neutral, such as Sweden, Russia, the Indian Republic, and the Republic of Cuba. Reaching out to these nations for support and backing might prove vital, or it might prove irrelevant. But being seen as the legitimate American government by more nations can't hurt.
[] ...and the stick: At the same time, actively counterrevolutionary groups and organizations must and shall be repressed. The Red Guards and local defense forces will continue to keep them from marching and protesting and continue to prevent their attacks, but we need to escalate our methods and bully counterrevolutionaries into submission.
[] Put refugees to use: Part of resolving that problem is getting refugees back to something more like ordinary life. Wherever there are gaps in our production lines, they can fill in to help keep the factories running. It will empty the camps, give them a sense of normalcy and something to occupy their time, and help keep the economy running. For those refugees who are simply capitalists fleeing gunfire, or their supporters, it can also give them a route for becoming good socialist workers.
[] Establish additional branches of the military: This war will not only be fought on land, but in the air and sea. While their commands will largely be provisional at first, an organizational framework must be established for the air force, the navy, and similar segments of the military.
[] Naval co-option: One area that must be a special priority is to expand the infiltration of the Navy. Ships are blockading nearly every port, and armed sailors and Marines are patrolling sections of Long Island, Seattle, much of the Texas coast...which means they are vulnerable to persuasion. They must be persuaded to join our cause, lest our cities be pounded to rubble beneath their guns.
[] Secure a viable majority: The CAS has grown larger, and its politics are unstable at the best of times. Given the likelihood that the body will be reformed several times before the civil war is over, and the civil war, alliances are forming and factions falling apart on a daily basis. There is order in the chaos however, order which can be used to create a broad and stable majority, something Norman Thomas is steadily helping you with.
[] Prevent overexploitation: Even as desperately needed food is gathered, reports trickle in of conflict, and CAS representatives protest and complain. Measures must be taken to clamp down on abuse by Red Guards, to ensure enough seed grain is left behind for farming families, and to give them adequate compensation, lest we get a renewed Fix-the-Price movement, or worse, a Green Army.
[] Request SyndIntern aid: The SyndIntern is of course interested in your potential interest. Mexican guns and advisors have helped lead to a series of successful actions on the southern border, while the Red Guards sent south are already being returned. But American ships are blocking off New York City and Philadelphia, Boston is isolated, and Seattle is distant from their ports. Still, there must be something they can do...
[] Meet with Olson and Long: To truly determine the nature of your alliance, you will need to meet in person with Long and Olson both. Locations for a conference to discuss "the current situation" as Olson euphemistically called it were one of the topics of discussion over the past week, and its time to finally have this meeting.
[] Support the California Uprising: The revolution in California is slowly being strangled, but major gains have been made and great blows against capitalist oppression have been struck, and these gains must be solidified by providing further support to our comrades in the west.
Some number of these, I think? But this is seven, and I don't think there are three things we can afford to de-emphasize, and so we need to make choices.
Potential De-Emphasis List:
[] International diplomacy: The nations of the world have mostly chosen their sides, but their are some nations that are officially neutral, such as Sweden, Russia, the Indian Republic, and the Republic of Cuba. Reaching out to these nations for support and backing might prove vital, or it might prove irrelevant. But being seen as the legitimate American government by more nations can't hurt.
[] ...and the stick: At the same time, actively counterrevolutionary groups and organizations must and shall be repressed. The Red Guards and local defense forces will continue to keep them from marching and protesting and continue to prevent their attacks, but we need to escalate our methods and bully counterrevolutionaries into submission.
[] Put refugees to use: Part of resolving that problem is getting refugees back to something more like ordinary life. Wherever there are gaps in our production lines, they can fill in to help keep the factories running. It will empty the camps, give them a sense of normalcy and something to occupy their time, and help keep the economy running. For those refugees who are simply capitalists fleeing gunfire, or their supporters, it can also give them a route for becoming good socialist workers.
[] Establish additional branches of the military: This war will not only be fought on land, but in the air and sea. While their commands will largely be provisional at first, an organizational framework must be established for the air force, the navy, and similar segments of the military.
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