Yeah I want to help Dom Pedro and save Brazil from falling to the slavers and corruption.
This Mighty Scourge of War: A Reconstruction-Era Quest
- Thread starter Kirook
- Start date
- Alt. History
I'm not sure if that's a good idea. IIRC didn't it involved the mass deportation of free black people to Africa?
Chapter 14: New World Dreams
- Location
- SF Bay Area
[X] Expand the labor pool by loosening restrictions on immigration.
[X] Strengthen trade ties with Latin America to compensate for the loss of trade with Europe.
[X] Encourage consumer cooperatives and farmers' associations in order to reduce prices.
September 14, 1867
With open war no longer looming on the horizon, the National Union Party and its members in Congress were free to consider the longer term. Rather than implementing crash solutions that might upset the delicate situation in the South, it was decided that America would chart a slow but steady course to recovery from the sudden recession. It was hoped that what would emerge when all was said and done was a more resilient American economy, one able to sustain itself in spite of any shocks at home or abroad.
The first, and most controversial, step in this process was a loosening of immigration controls and naturalization laws to allow for a broader labor force. Most immediately, this led to a surge in immigration from war-torn Europe, with migrants from the British Isles, France, Germany, and the newly-proclaimed Austro-Hungarian Empire arriving in large numbers on American shores. While this stirred up some nativist anger (primarily at the predominance of Catholics among these migrant populations), the old Know-Nothings were not the force in Republican politics that they had once been, especially not since the Sumner administration had signaled friendliness to the Irish rebellion. In New York City, a revitalized Fenian Brotherhood sparred with Tammany Hall over the allegiance of new Irish immigrants, but overall—to the surprise of few—Europeans of any nationality found much easier acceptance in the United States than their counterparts from elsewhere in the world.
Chinese immigration on the West Coast had been a hot-button issue for the past several years, since their number had been increasing rapidly as many Chinese fled the destruction of the Taiping Rebellion. Though that conflict had mostly burned out, aftershocks and regional rebellions continued throughout China, and the Qing Dynasty remained unstable, prompting continued emigration. Because of their desperate situation, these migrants were often willing to work for low wages or even be used as strikebreakers, and calls for their removal became louder among infuriated white workers. However, few could doubt their work ethic—with Chinese laborers on the job, the Transcontinental Railroad proceeded apace, promising an economic boost from the connection between America's coasts once completed.
Also, as the government worked to negotiate trade agreements and other bilateral treaties in Latin America, interest in migration to America grew in those countries as well. Decades of caudillismo, coups, and unrest had made living in a country with a stabilizing democratic government an attractive prospect, and crossing the Caribbean was a far shorter journey than the Atlantic. As border controls slackened, companies in charge of the South's industrial development recruited Venezuelans, Colombians, and Central Americans to join their workforces. (Mexicans proved harder to convince—with the French-imposed Empire recently overthrown, patriotism was at a high-water mark, and few were interested in leaving the country whose independence they had fought for and won. Still, a few did cross the Rio Grande to take up temporary jobs.) Traveling to a region still dominated by racial resentment, they met at least as hostile a reception as the Chinese despite their smaller numbers, as their presence stoked Southern white fears about a Northern conspiracy to "mongrelize Dixie" (which had been building since the crackdown at the end of the Bloody Winter). But they proved willing to work alongside Black laborers when their white neighbors were not, a key quality to keep Reconstruction at least somewhat functional despite the slowing economy.
The final, slightly eclectic group was a consequence of other recent decisions in American foreign policy: Russians in Alaska. Though Russia agreed to transfer the territory in August as planned, it too shared in the common European concern about American incitement to revolution in the wake of the Fenian revolt. As such, despite no longer governing Alaska, the Tsar chose to maintain the Russian Alaska Company in order to prevent the American territory from being used as a breeding ground for revolutionary sentiment. This made Alaska something of a hybrid—a region under American control but with significant Russian influence still persisting. This was an attractive combination to various fortune-seekers and homesteaders in Russia who wished to leave the direct control of the Tsar and the Orthodox Church while still retaining cultural connections with their homeland, and many of these made the trip across the Bering Strait to settle in Sitka or other trading towns.
Closer to home, the administration implemented several experimental new programs revolving around cooperative farming in order to stabilize food prices. The National Grange was founded midway through the year as a forum for agricultural politics, and farming collectives such as those established in the Port Royal Experiment blossomed. These groups were integrated from their founding, but many white farmers, still maintaining their racist views, refused to join. Policymakers hoped that with support from the government, the cooperatives could provide boons to local standards of living that would entice white Southerners to overcome their prejudices. But that outcome seemed a long way away, and it could only be reached if the government could successfully stay the course.
But there was one barrier of prejudice that the Granges and their allies did meet early success in breaking down: gender. Women were not just allowed but encouraged to participate in Grange activities from the start. This provided the first experience of political advocacy for many women across the nation, particularly in the West and South. Besides this, many heroes of the abolitionist movement—most prominently Sojourner Truth, Harriet Tubman, and Frederick Douglass—were also supporters of women's suffrage, and took note of the development of the Granges as a possible new forum for their views. While the farmers' movement was still nascent after only a few months of growth, these were nevertheless promising signs for advocates of equality in the revitalized Union.
The final piece of the economic puzzle lay in the nations of Latin America. While they could not fully replace the industrial powerhouses of Europe, trade with the Western Hemisphere was still useful for the government's strategy for dealing with the recession—and some Liberals and Radicals saw it as a useful means of projecting power abroad for America's abolitionist mission. But "Latin America" was an umbrella term for a vast region encompassing one entire continent and a large portion of a second, and the State Department had a wide variety of options for where to seek out new partners.
Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela had all recently emerged from civil wars and might benefit from American investment; meanwhile, Central America had made several attempts to reunify over the preceding decades, and a restored Federal Republic of Central America might be a beneficial trading partner for the USA and its neighbors. Both of these possibilities were favored by War Democrats, who were concerned with overextension and wary of the prospect of an American empire. Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile had been waging a naval war with Spain since 1864 and would look kindly upon (secret) American military assistance, and Radical Republicans hoped for a prelude to an operation against the slavers of Spanish Cuba. And then there was the possibility of ending the quagmire of the War of the Triple Alliance, which had drawn in Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay against Paraguay. Many Radicals were aghast at the idea of conducting diplomacy with a monarchical slave state like Brazil, but Liberals pointed out that Emperor Pedro II was a staunch abolitionist, and American pressure could help push him to "follow in Lincoln's footsteps".
Some observers suggested that this profusion of possibilities was not a bad thing; the Monroe Doctrine had long maintained that the whole of the New World was the USA's natural sphere of influence, and bringing it together under American auspices would make the Union truly a force to be reckoned with on the world stage. Others warned of the danger of "putting all of America's eggs in one basket", pointing out that with the Franco-Prussian War raging on and the British Isles still in turmoil, becoming too involved in Latin American affairs might render American diplomacy too inflexible and distracted to deal with any crises that might arise.
With territory spanning North America "from sea to shining sea", a vast bounty of natural resources, and a rapidly growing population, the United States was emerging as a world power even in spite of its economic troubles. Now, the time had come for the postbellum nation's first—but hardly its last—decision on how that power was to be used…
National stability is middling.
The government's legitimacy is strong.
The capital is agitated.
The mood of the War Democrats is angry.
The mood of the Liberal Republicans is angry.
The mood of the Radical Republicans is angry.
The international situation is chaotic.
The status of Reconstruction is hindered by economic recession.
The intensity of conflict on the frontier is slowly rising.
Of the assassins of Lincoln and his trusted subordinates, two have been killed in the field, five have been executed, and the last one is in exile in Britain.
Vote for a diplomatic plan involving any number of the following options:
[X] Strengthen trade ties with Latin America to compensate for the loss of trade with Europe.
[X] Encourage consumer cooperatives and farmers' associations in order to reduce prices.
September 14, 1867
With open war no longer looming on the horizon, the National Union Party and its members in Congress were free to consider the longer term. Rather than implementing crash solutions that might upset the delicate situation in the South, it was decided that America would chart a slow but steady course to recovery from the sudden recession. It was hoped that what would emerge when all was said and done was a more resilient American economy, one able to sustain itself in spite of any shocks at home or abroad.
The first, and most controversial, step in this process was a loosening of immigration controls and naturalization laws to allow for a broader labor force. Most immediately, this led to a surge in immigration from war-torn Europe, with migrants from the British Isles, France, Germany, and the newly-proclaimed Austro-Hungarian Empire arriving in large numbers on American shores. While this stirred up some nativist anger (primarily at the predominance of Catholics among these migrant populations), the old Know-Nothings were not the force in Republican politics that they had once been, especially not since the Sumner administration had signaled friendliness to the Irish rebellion. In New York City, a revitalized Fenian Brotherhood sparred with Tammany Hall over the allegiance of new Irish immigrants, but overall—to the surprise of few—Europeans of any nationality found much easier acceptance in the United States than their counterparts from elsewhere in the world.
Chinese immigration on the West Coast had been a hot-button issue for the past several years, since their number had been increasing rapidly as many Chinese fled the destruction of the Taiping Rebellion. Though that conflict had mostly burned out, aftershocks and regional rebellions continued throughout China, and the Qing Dynasty remained unstable, prompting continued emigration. Because of their desperate situation, these migrants were often willing to work for low wages or even be used as strikebreakers, and calls for their removal became louder among infuriated white workers. However, few could doubt their work ethic—with Chinese laborers on the job, the Transcontinental Railroad proceeded apace, promising an economic boost from the connection between America's coasts once completed.
Also, as the government worked to negotiate trade agreements and other bilateral treaties in Latin America, interest in migration to America grew in those countries as well. Decades of caudillismo, coups, and unrest had made living in a country with a stabilizing democratic government an attractive prospect, and crossing the Caribbean was a far shorter journey than the Atlantic. As border controls slackened, companies in charge of the South's industrial development recruited Venezuelans, Colombians, and Central Americans to join their workforces. (Mexicans proved harder to convince—with the French-imposed Empire recently overthrown, patriotism was at a high-water mark, and few were interested in leaving the country whose independence they had fought for and won. Still, a few did cross the Rio Grande to take up temporary jobs.) Traveling to a region still dominated by racial resentment, they met at least as hostile a reception as the Chinese despite their smaller numbers, as their presence stoked Southern white fears about a Northern conspiracy to "mongrelize Dixie" (which had been building since the crackdown at the end of the Bloody Winter). But they proved willing to work alongside Black laborers when their white neighbors were not, a key quality to keep Reconstruction at least somewhat functional despite the slowing economy.
The final, slightly eclectic group was a consequence of other recent decisions in American foreign policy: Russians in Alaska. Though Russia agreed to transfer the territory in August as planned, it too shared in the common European concern about American incitement to revolution in the wake of the Fenian revolt. As such, despite no longer governing Alaska, the Tsar chose to maintain the Russian Alaska Company in order to prevent the American territory from being used as a breeding ground for revolutionary sentiment. This made Alaska something of a hybrid—a region under American control but with significant Russian influence still persisting. This was an attractive combination to various fortune-seekers and homesteaders in Russia who wished to leave the direct control of the Tsar and the Orthodox Church while still retaining cultural connections with their homeland, and many of these made the trip across the Bering Strait to settle in Sitka or other trading towns.
Closer to home, the administration implemented several experimental new programs revolving around cooperative farming in order to stabilize food prices. The National Grange was founded midway through the year as a forum for agricultural politics, and farming collectives such as those established in the Port Royal Experiment blossomed. These groups were integrated from their founding, but many white farmers, still maintaining their racist views, refused to join. Policymakers hoped that with support from the government, the cooperatives could provide boons to local standards of living that would entice white Southerners to overcome their prejudices. But that outcome seemed a long way away, and it could only be reached if the government could successfully stay the course.
But there was one barrier of prejudice that the Granges and their allies did meet early success in breaking down: gender. Women were not just allowed but encouraged to participate in Grange activities from the start. This provided the first experience of political advocacy for many women across the nation, particularly in the West and South. Besides this, many heroes of the abolitionist movement—most prominently Sojourner Truth, Harriet Tubman, and Frederick Douglass—were also supporters of women's suffrage, and took note of the development of the Granges as a possible new forum for their views. While the farmers' movement was still nascent after only a few months of growth, these were nevertheless promising signs for advocates of equality in the revitalized Union.
The final piece of the economic puzzle lay in the nations of Latin America. While they could not fully replace the industrial powerhouses of Europe, trade with the Western Hemisphere was still useful for the government's strategy for dealing with the recession—and some Liberals and Radicals saw it as a useful means of projecting power abroad for America's abolitionist mission. But "Latin America" was an umbrella term for a vast region encompassing one entire continent and a large portion of a second, and the State Department had a wide variety of options for where to seek out new partners.
Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela had all recently emerged from civil wars and might benefit from American investment; meanwhile, Central America had made several attempts to reunify over the preceding decades, and a restored Federal Republic of Central America might be a beneficial trading partner for the USA and its neighbors. Both of these possibilities were favored by War Democrats, who were concerned with overextension and wary of the prospect of an American empire. Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile had been waging a naval war with Spain since 1864 and would look kindly upon (secret) American military assistance, and Radical Republicans hoped for a prelude to an operation against the slavers of Spanish Cuba. And then there was the possibility of ending the quagmire of the War of the Triple Alliance, which had drawn in Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay against Paraguay. Many Radicals were aghast at the idea of conducting diplomacy with a monarchical slave state like Brazil, but Liberals pointed out that Emperor Pedro II was a staunch abolitionist, and American pressure could help push him to "follow in Lincoln's footsteps".
Some observers suggested that this profusion of possibilities was not a bad thing; the Monroe Doctrine had long maintained that the whole of the New World was the USA's natural sphere of influence, and bringing it together under American auspices would make the Union truly a force to be reckoned with on the world stage. Others warned of the danger of "putting all of America's eggs in one basket", pointing out that with the Franco-Prussian War raging on and the British Isles still in turmoil, becoming too involved in Latin American affairs might render American diplomacy too inflexible and distracted to deal with any crises that might arise.
With territory spanning North America "from sea to shining sea", a vast bounty of natural resources, and a rapidly growing population, the United States was emerging as a world power even in spite of its economic troubles. Now, the time had come for the postbellum nation's first—but hardly its last—decision on how that power was to be used…
National stability is middling.
The government's legitimacy is strong.
The capital is agitated.
The mood of the War Democrats is angry.
The mood of the Liberal Republicans is angry.
The mood of the Radical Republicans is angry.
The international situation is chaotic.
The status of Reconstruction is hindered by economic recession.
The intensity of conflict on the frontier is slowly rising.
Of the assassins of Lincoln and his trusted subordinates, two have been killed in the field, five have been executed, and the last one is in exile in Britain.
Vote for a diplomatic plan involving any number of the following options:
| Provide development loans to Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela to help them recover from their recent civil wars. | Support Central American reunification. | Provide covert military assistance to Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile in their conflict with Spain. | Attempt to bring an end to the Paraguayan War. |
| This requires a small investment of effort into Latin America. It will likely stabilize the local political situation, which will slightly reduce emigration to the United States; it will also help these nations industrialize but may encourage corruption. | This requires a small investment of effort into Latin America. It will slightly benefit the economies of both the USA and countries near Central America. It may also have future benefits for a transoceanic canal project. | This will require a moderate investment of effort into Latin America. It will strengthen American military readiness and secure a supply of nitrates, which are crucial for fertilizer and munitions. The effects of the South American campaign against Spain will be unpredictable and the involvement of the United States has a small chance of being discovered. | This will require a significant investment of effort into Latin America; you will be given a choice between using peaceful or forceful means, which may or may not be successful. If successful, it will provide a notable economic boost, improve the prestige of America on the world stage, and may enable the USA to pressure Brazil towards abolition. |
True but it could be different with the the native Africans being a protectorate that would be called Liberia...?
- Location
- USA
The bigger issue to me is that the free black eventually started oppressing the locals African
God these are all so good. Honestly I'd be willing to become too inflexible about Europe with the exception of Ireland if it means getting our fellow American nations on their feet. The fact that we might get pulled into a war with Spain is just a benefit to me since it means a free Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and Philippines.
Provide development loans to Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela to help them recover from their recent civil wars.
This is the one I'm least sure about given the reduction of emigration and the possibility of corruption.
Support Central American reunification.
Small amount of effort, improvement of everyone's economies, and possible canal. I see this as an easy win-win.
Provide covert military assistance to Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile in their conflict with Spain.
Given we were almost on the brink of war with the UK and that we might go to war with Spain, maintaining war readiness will be a good thing. This might also help us prevent the War of the Pacific which would occur after these countries independence due to border disputes over the nitrate rich territory of the Atacama. Also Spain is the sick man of Europe. If they want to fight, they can try and fail. Everyone else is too busy fighting to support them.
Attempt to bring an end to the Paraguayan War.
This is the one I'm second most wary about because this is going to be a sticky situation. Honestly if it came down to it, I'd have us side with the Triple Alliance against Paraguay. Brazil settled its issues with Uruguay and Uruguay was happy with the settlement. Paraguay was the aggressor in this war and President Lopez basically screwed his country given he managed to get into a war of aggression with the two largest countries in South America over a nation that did not want nor appreciate his interference. Also a quick end might prevent Paraguay from losing 69% of its population and 90% of its males. But if we can pull it off, alongside freeing Ecuador, Peru, Chile, and Bolivia, that's the majority of South America stabilized, a possible abolition of slavery in Brazil since we come down on Brazil's side, and improving American prestige as a nation that champions peace and self determination.
Provide development loans to Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela to help them recover from their recent civil wars.
This is the one I'm least sure about given the reduction of emigration and the possibility of corruption.
Support Central American reunification.
Small amount of effort, improvement of everyone's economies, and possible canal. I see this as an easy win-win.
Provide covert military assistance to Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile in their conflict with Spain.
Given we were almost on the brink of war with the UK and that we might go to war with Spain, maintaining war readiness will be a good thing. This might also help us prevent the War of the Pacific which would occur after these countries independence due to border disputes over the nitrate rich territory of the Atacama. Also Spain is the sick man of Europe. If they want to fight, they can try and fail. Everyone else is too busy fighting to support them.
Attempt to bring an end to the Paraguayan War.
This is the one I'm second most wary about because this is going to be a sticky situation. Honestly if it came down to it, I'd have us side with the Triple Alliance against Paraguay. Brazil settled its issues with Uruguay and Uruguay was happy with the settlement. Paraguay was the aggressor in this war and President Lopez basically screwed his country given he managed to get into a war of aggression with the two largest countries in South America over a nation that did not want nor appreciate his interference. Also a quick end might prevent Paraguay from losing 69% of its population and 90% of its males. But if we can pull it off, alongside freeing Ecuador, Peru, Chile, and Bolivia, that's the majority of South America stabilized, a possible abolition of slavery in Brazil since we come down on Brazil's side, and improving American prestige as a nation that champions peace and self determination.
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- Location
- somewhere on this dying planet
- Pronouns
- He/Him
I'm up for whatever plan includes Central American unification, that sounds way too cool to ignore.
- Location
- an unseen void
- Pronouns
- Any
- Pronouns
- He
I think that the first two are the Best option for a slow start in the internacional scene, but the stop of the triple aliance war is also a tentative prospect
[]Step by step
-[]Provide development loans to Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela to help them recover from their recent civil wars.
-[]Support Central American reunification.
[]Step by step
-[]Provide development loans to Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela to help them recover from their recent civil wars.
-[]Support Central American reunification.
- Location
- India
I am wondering will there be any impact on Indians as well particularly upon Ghadar movement? Most of the Sikh and Hindu students who went to America founded ghadar movement and which led to Indo german conspiracy. With US far more hostile towards British will be see ghadar party becoming more powerful than canon?
- Location
- SF Bay Area
Doing all of them will more or less lock you into a diplomatic strategy solely focused around the Americas, meaning your ability to respond to events elsewhere in the world will be much more limited. The question here is how much control over e.g. the European situation you're willing to give up in exchange for the benefits of involvement in various areas of Latin America.
I am quite fond of the Ghadar Movement as an alt-historical possibility, but unfortunately it will be almost another half century before they're even founded. At this point in the quest it's only been a decade since the Sepoy Rebellion; the Indian independence movement in its modern form hasn't really developed yet.
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I hope so!
- Location
- Most likely California
Definitely the first two options, they may be small investments, but have the possibility of great mutual benefits, in terms of both the USA's Influence, and Latin America's prosperity.
Not sure about the other two options. Since the possibility of a Anglo-American war is still in the Cards, the nitrate supply would be highly useful, but I'm not sure if its worth the risk of getting Spain on England's side. Meanwhile, the Paraguayan War is a huge investment for an uncertain reward, and I honestly don't think its worth the cost with the economic depression still ongoing.
Not sure about the other two options. Since the possibility of a Anglo-American war is still in the Cards, the nitrate supply would be highly useful, but I'm not sure if its worth the risk of getting Spain on England's side. Meanwhile, the Paraguayan War is a huge investment for an uncertain reward, and I honestly don't think its worth the cost with the economic depression still ongoing.
- Location
- Fort Worth, TX
We have some surplus equipment that could be 'lost' or sold to third parties. Also, did we pass the 1862 Homestead Acts?
- Location
- SF Bay Area
The PoD was in 1865, so yes.
with the war on the frontier heating up we need to get our millitarty in better state and we also def need a supply of nitrates not only for our millitarty but also to help with the food situation so def think we should take this no matter the plan
Provide covert military assistance to Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile in their conflict with Spain.
Provide covert military assistance to Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile in their conflict with Spain.
- Location
- India
Any impact on religious Fremework fue to introduction of Buddhists? Also will Chicago World Parliament of religion happen just like canon?
- Location
- Somewhere in the area
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
I'm 100% in support of the first two options, and similarly against getting involved in the War of the Triple Alliance. What I'm divided about is whether to supply the remaining South American countries with covert military assistance against Spain or not. If we're discovered, it's a confirmation of everything Britain has been saying about us. I need more details on what we'd be doing to assist the South American countries in this scenario to decide.
- Location
- SF Bay Area
There were a fair number of Chinese in the historical USA during this period, so not really any more than in our timeline. And the Parliament of the World's Religions was in 1893, so it's a little beyond the scope of the quest at present.