All of humanity will be united under one virtuous republic.
Springtime of Freedom: A Guns of Old John Brown Riot Quest
- Thread starter notbirdofprey
- Start date
[x] Socialist Worker's Party
[X] Freedmen's Party
I liked both the Socialist and the Freedmen platforms this year, but the Socialists are already winning by a landslide.
I liked both the Socialist and the Freedmen platforms this year, but the Socialists are already winning by a landslide.
[X] Socialist Party
Vote closed
The 1882 Election Results
For many years, the Freedmen's Republic and the Des Moines alliance had been at peace with the world. Though they still espoused rhetoric of liberation and revolution, they also happily traded with the imperial powers they decried and maintained cool but correct relations with all the great nations of Europe. Some even expected that the various nations would falter and collapse into poverty and misery without the guiding hands of wise leaders, just as they had seen happen to France and Haiti.
Others had simply turned their eyes away from the revolutionaries an ocean away in favor of rivals closer to home.
In 1882, many began to realize this might have been a mistake.
First came a series of bloody victories and even defeats against the Zulu. The British Empire found its spearhead not just bloodied but turned away. And it was readily apparent to its leaders that this was happening thanks to outside assistance - aside from their confidence that African savages could not defeat redcoats by themselves, there was evidence in the form of advanced weaponry the Zulu had used in their battles.
Regardless, the British Empire redoubled its efforts to crush the African kingdom, even as they deployed troops to other parts of the continent, securing ports along the Congo and a few vassal states around the Horn of Africa. And they kept their eyes open for further evidence of the western rabble stirring up trouble.
Once they started looking, they found it easy to see. Someone was arming natives and escaped slaves and peasant rebels in Brazil and Mexico, and soon enough everywhere between, as the scope of the revolutionaries' efforts expanded and their allies made contact with each other.
Someone was reaching out to dissidents in Europe, both overtly and covertly. As the International called for peace from not just their headquarters in New York, but also their affiliates in Paris and London. And they began to organize action to demand that peace, propaganda, specie, and weaponry were smuggled into ports throughout Europe. Agents met with radical leaders, exchanging information and supplies, and as armies clashed throughout Europe, draft-dodging and labor militancy both became increasingly common.
The Central European War ended with a Prussian prince on the Bavarian throne and an agreement to divide the Ottomans like a prize turkey and countless thousands furious about the amount of blood and treasure spent for so little. As ingloriously completed as it had begun, with terrible scars carved into the land in the form of trenches and leftover shells, and with horrible wounds gouged into the body politic of many nations, many wished to simply put the war behind them and focus on other things.
Like the Rome Conference to divide the world into spheres of influence and avoid another such war, or the growing unrest as demobilized soldiers were met by striking workers and protesting crowds.
Or the massive new ships, larger and more dangerous than any before, that were being built on the western coast of the Atlantic.
Or the new special steam engines they were building, that could drive without tracks and moved faster than the wind.
Journalists who visited found they had much to report on: vast armies of uniformed soldiers, great herds of mobile vehicles hauling men and supplies many times faster than normal militaries could march (on good roads, anyway), flying dirigibles equipped with lethal weaponry, and a well-drilled, well-oiled war machine that brought four nations together as one mighty force.
As riots accelerated in the cities of Mexico, as indigenous peoples in the northwest of Mexico successfully drove government troops and landowner militias off and petitioned for annexation into the Turtle Island Confederation, as a coalition of socialists and anarchists seized parts of Mexico City and announced the establishment of the Federal Socialist State of Mexico, those same journalists found they had more to report on.
They reported on the first two battles, in which the Des Moines Army twice shattered and encircled significant portions of the available troops who could be spared from other conflicts and sent against them. They reported on the rapidity of their advance, with the mechanized vehicles going everywhere there were roads (with frequent breakdowns) and mounted troops on horseback everywhere else.
And they reported on how the Freedmen's Republic, despite the war, still was able to govern effectively. Municipal governments were empowered to develop their own water and sewage networks, with a national commission created to handle inspections and distribute funding for improvements. They reported on the beginnings of electrification for the people of the Republic, not just for its industry and infrastructure, with the first power plants built in Appalachia and networks of power lines stretching in every direction. They reported on new regulations to manage the production and pricing of the incredible medicines produced in thousands of factories, cutting slightly into export profits but greatly enhancing the lives of countless citizens. They reported on the creation of new mines and refinement facilities that produced the precious substance aluminum in vast quantities, churning it out for use in household goods and mechanical components.
They did not report on the new funding for the RSA and the modifications to the Oversight Committee to allow representatives to serve multiple terms on it, with enforced breaks, or on the firm rejection of Argentina's offer, because those happened during closed sessions.
They also did not report on the internal affairs of various parties, of the Socialist Party seeking to unify with their close allies in the Worker's Republic and formally align with their somewhat divergent comrades in Haiti and the Confederation. They did not report on the joint campaign to promote the welfare of the queer minority in the Republic by the International Revolutionary Party and the Socialist Worker's Party. They did not report on the formalization of the Universal Revolution doctrine of the International Revolutionary Party.
Nor did they report on the massive, international mutual aid organizing done by the Freedmen's Party that won them great plaudits internally, or the outreach of the International to a few more conventional pacifist figures in the hopes of strengthening the international peace movement by the same party.
They also didn't report on the internal party drama of the Radical Republicans, but to be fair, no one did.
And soon, they had nothing to report on but the movement of armies. The uprising in Mexico City was suppressed before the Des Moines Army could come to their aid, but several of its leaders and some of its members escaped to fight another day and the Mexican army was collapsing due to exhaustion and the overwhelming strength of their enemy.
And as slave revolts and native insurrections erupted across Brazil, some began to wonder where the seemingly invincible Des Moines Army would stop.
At the Rome Conference, this was eyed with great concern. Despite mutual antipathy, most points of conflict had seemingly been settled. Fleeing Mexican government officials were sent on to Rome, where a government-in-exile was established. Shipments of weapons and promissory notes backed by the strength of several powerful governments were delivered to Brazil and to various other Latin American regimes. And a formal agreement to embargo "any nation which preaches the wholesale destruction of order or which sponsors insurrection" was added to the Treaty of Rome.
The First Latin Revolutionary War had begun and with it the First Cold War.
And onward spun the course of history, endless and unstoppable.
Others had simply turned their eyes away from the revolutionaries an ocean away in favor of rivals closer to home.
In 1882, many began to realize this might have been a mistake.
First came a series of bloody victories and even defeats against the Zulu. The British Empire found its spearhead not just bloodied but turned away. And it was readily apparent to its leaders that this was happening thanks to outside assistance - aside from their confidence that African savages could not defeat redcoats by themselves, there was evidence in the form of advanced weaponry the Zulu had used in their battles.
Regardless, the British Empire redoubled its efforts to crush the African kingdom, even as they deployed troops to other parts of the continent, securing ports along the Congo and a few vassal states around the Horn of Africa. And they kept their eyes open for further evidence of the western rabble stirring up trouble.
Once they started looking, they found it easy to see. Someone was arming natives and escaped slaves and peasant rebels in Brazil and Mexico, and soon enough everywhere between, as the scope of the revolutionaries' efforts expanded and their allies made contact with each other.
Someone was reaching out to dissidents in Europe, both overtly and covertly. As the International called for peace from not just their headquarters in New York, but also their affiliates in Paris and London. And they began to organize action to demand that peace, propaganda, specie, and weaponry were smuggled into ports throughout Europe. Agents met with radical leaders, exchanging information and supplies, and as armies clashed throughout Europe, draft-dodging and labor militancy both became increasingly common.
The Central European War ended with a Prussian prince on the Bavarian throne and an agreement to divide the Ottomans like a prize turkey and countless thousands furious about the amount of blood and treasure spent for so little. As ingloriously completed as it had begun, with terrible scars carved into the land in the form of trenches and leftover shells, and with horrible wounds gouged into the body politic of many nations, many wished to simply put the war behind them and focus on other things.
Like the Rome Conference to divide the world into spheres of influence and avoid another such war, or the growing unrest as demobilized soldiers were met by striking workers and protesting crowds.
Or the massive new ships, larger and more dangerous than any before, that were being built on the western coast of the Atlantic.
Or the new special steam engines they were building, that could drive without tracks and moved faster than the wind.
Journalists who visited found they had much to report on: vast armies of uniformed soldiers, great herds of mobile vehicles hauling men and supplies many times faster than normal militaries could march (on good roads, anyway), flying dirigibles equipped with lethal weaponry, and a well-drilled, well-oiled war machine that brought four nations together as one mighty force.
As riots accelerated in the cities of Mexico, as indigenous peoples in the northwest of Mexico successfully drove government troops and landowner militias off and petitioned for annexation into the Turtle Island Confederation, as a coalition of socialists and anarchists seized parts of Mexico City and announced the establishment of the Federal Socialist State of Mexico, those same journalists found they had more to report on.
They reported on the first two battles, in which the Des Moines Army twice shattered and encircled significant portions of the available troops who could be spared from other conflicts and sent against them. They reported on the rapidity of their advance, with the mechanized vehicles going everywhere there were roads (with frequent breakdowns) and mounted troops on horseback everywhere else.
And they reported on how the Freedmen's Republic, despite the war, still was able to govern effectively. Municipal governments were empowered to develop their own water and sewage networks, with a national commission created to handle inspections and distribute funding for improvements. They reported on the beginnings of electrification for the people of the Republic, not just for its industry and infrastructure, with the first power plants built in Appalachia and networks of power lines stretching in every direction. They reported on new regulations to manage the production and pricing of the incredible medicines produced in thousands of factories, cutting slightly into export profits but greatly enhancing the lives of countless citizens. They reported on the creation of new mines and refinement facilities that produced the precious substance aluminum in vast quantities, churning it out for use in household goods and mechanical components.
They did not report on the new funding for the RSA and the modifications to the Oversight Committee to allow representatives to serve multiple terms on it, with enforced breaks, or on the firm rejection of Argentina's offer, because those happened during closed sessions.
They also did not report on the internal affairs of various parties, of the Socialist Party seeking to unify with their close allies in the Worker's Republic and formally align with their somewhat divergent comrades in Haiti and the Confederation. They did not report on the joint campaign to promote the welfare of the queer minority in the Republic by the International Revolutionary Party and the Socialist Worker's Party. They did not report on the formalization of the Universal Revolution doctrine of the International Revolutionary Party.
Nor did they report on the massive, international mutual aid organizing done by the Freedmen's Party that won them great plaudits internally, or the outreach of the International to a few more conventional pacifist figures in the hopes of strengthening the international peace movement by the same party.
They also didn't report on the internal party drama of the Radical Republicans, but to be fair, no one did.
And soon, they had nothing to report on but the movement of armies. The uprising in Mexico City was suppressed before the Des Moines Army could come to their aid, but several of its leaders and some of its members escaped to fight another day and the Mexican army was collapsing due to exhaustion and the overwhelming strength of their enemy.
And as slave revolts and native insurrections erupted across Brazil, some began to wonder where the seemingly invincible Des Moines Army would stop.
At the Rome Conference, this was eyed with great concern. Despite mutual antipathy, most points of conflict had seemingly been settled. Fleeing Mexican government officials were sent on to Rome, where a government-in-exile was established. Shipments of weapons and promissory notes backed by the strength of several powerful governments were delivered to Brazil and to various other Latin American regimes. And a formal agreement to embargo "any nation which preaches the wholesale destruction of order or which sponsors insurrection" was added to the Treaty of Rome.
The First Latin Revolutionary War had begun and with it the First Cold War.
And onward spun the course of history, endless and unstoppable.
The Freedmen's Republic in 1882
Government
Government Type: Parliamentary Republic (National Assembly), Municipal Councils
Governing Document: Freedmen's Charter (civil rights, guaranteed welfare, freedom of conscience)
Head of State: Walpurga Voight
Head of Government: Walpurga Voight
Legislative Coalition: SP, SWP, IRP
Election Types: National Proportional Representation with universal suffrage and recall. Municipal governments operate on the same principles.
Foreign Affairs
Diplomatic Status: Recognized by Britain, France, German Confederation, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Mexico, recognized by several African kingdoms including the Zulu and Merina
War and Peace: At war with the United States of Mexico
Alliances: Part of Des Moines Alliance with Turtle Island Confederation, Worker's Republic of America, and Haiti
Trade Agreements: Turtle Island Confederation (Economic Aid), Worker's Republic of America (Economic Aid), Great Britain, France, Haiti (Economic Aid)
Border Disputes: Mexico, Dominion of Pacifica
War
Army Type: Volunteer Militia, International Professional Force (Freedmen's Army)
Army Quality: High
Army Quantity: Adequate
Fort Quality: Critical
Fort Quantity: Critical
Navy Type: Coast Guard, Limited Strike Components (Freedmen's Navy)
Navy Quality: Adequate
Navy Quantity: Adequate
Seaport Quality: Adequate
Seaport Quantity: Adequate
Interior
National Stability: Adequate
Regional Stability: N/A
Law Enforcement Quality: Low
Law Enforcement Quantity: Low
Bureaucracy Quality: Adequate
Bureaucracy Quantity: Adequate
Anti-Corruption Quality: Low
Anti-Corruption Quantity: Low
Espionage
External Espionage Quality (Revolutionary Support Agency): Adequate
Internal Espionage Quality (Counterrevolutionary Defence Agency): Adequate
External Espionage Accountability: Adequate
Internal Espionage Accountability: Adequate
Finance
Treasury: Adequate
Debt Ratio: High
Tax Income: High
Tariff Income: Adequate
Fee Income: Low
Expenses: High
Principal Creditors: Britain (40%), Domestic (45%), Des Moines Alliance (15%)
Principal Debtors: The Des Moines Alliance (100%)
Welfare and Regulations
Pensions: Adequate
Social Safety Nets: Adequate
Healthcare: High
Healthcare Access: High
Financial Regulations: Low
Environmental Regulations: Adequate
Worker's Regulations: High
Consumer Regulations: Adequate
Economy
Economic Output: High
Economic Growth: Adequate
Economic Activity: Agriculture (31%), trade (12%), light industry (33%), heavy industry (24%)
Commercial Output: High
Commercial Growth: Adequate
Trade Partners: Des Moines Alliance [mixed] (100%)
Living Standards: High
Technology: Ideal
Immigration: Low (Des Moines Alliance, Federal Socialist State of Mexico, Africa, Europe )
Public Works
Road Quality: Adequate
Road Presence: Adequate
Rail Quality: High
Rail Presence: High
Utility Quality: Adequate
Utility Presence: High
Housing Quality: High
Housing Presence: High
Port Quality: Adequate
Port Presence: Adequate
Waterway Quality: Adequate
Waterway Presence: Adequate
Education
Literacy Rate: 85%
Literacy Growth: High
Education Quality: High
Education Presence: High
Stats: [None/Critical] / [Low/High] / [Adequate/Medium] / [High/Low] / [Ideal/Booming]
Stats in bold are improving, stats in italics are declining.
Government Type: Parliamentary Republic (National Assembly), Municipal Councils
Governing Document: Freedmen's Charter (civil rights, guaranteed welfare, freedom of conscience)
Head of State: Walpurga Voight
Head of Government: Walpurga Voight
Legislative Coalition: SP, SWP, IRP
Election Types: National Proportional Representation with universal suffrage and recall. Municipal governments operate on the same principles.
Foreign Affairs
Diplomatic Status: Recognized by Britain, France, German Confederation, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Mexico, recognized by several African kingdoms including the Zulu and Merina
War and Peace: At war with the United States of Mexico
Alliances: Part of Des Moines Alliance with Turtle Island Confederation, Worker's Republic of America, and Haiti
Trade Agreements: Turtle Island Confederation (Economic Aid), Worker's Republic of America (Economic Aid), Great Britain, France, Haiti (Economic Aid)
Border Disputes: Mexico, Dominion of Pacifica
War
Army Type: Volunteer Militia, International Professional Force (Freedmen's Army)
Army Quality: High
Army Quantity: Adequate
Fort Quality: Critical
Fort Quantity: Critical
Navy Type: Coast Guard, Limited Strike Components (Freedmen's Navy)
Navy Quality: Adequate
Navy Quantity: Adequate
Seaport Quality: Adequate
Seaport Quantity: Adequate
Interior
National Stability: Adequate
Regional Stability: N/A
Law Enforcement Quality: Low
Law Enforcement Quantity: Low
Bureaucracy Quality: Adequate
Bureaucracy Quantity: Adequate
Anti-Corruption Quality: Low
Anti-Corruption Quantity: Low
Espionage
External Espionage Quality (Revolutionary Support Agency): Adequate
Internal Espionage Quality (Counterrevolutionary Defence Agency): Adequate
External Espionage Accountability: Adequate
Internal Espionage Accountability: Adequate
Finance
Treasury: Adequate
Debt Ratio: High
Tax Income: High
Tariff Income: Adequate
Fee Income: Low
Expenses: High
Principal Creditors: Britain (40%), Domestic (45%), Des Moines Alliance (15%)
Principal Debtors: The Des Moines Alliance (100%)
Welfare and Regulations
Pensions: Adequate
Social Safety Nets: Adequate
Healthcare: High
Healthcare Access: High
Financial Regulations: Low
Environmental Regulations: Adequate
Worker's Regulations: High
Consumer Regulations: Adequate
Economy
Economic Output: High
Economic Growth: Adequate
Economic Activity: Agriculture (31%), trade (12%), light industry (33%), heavy industry (24%)
Commercial Output: High
Commercial Growth: Adequate
Trade Partners: Des Moines Alliance [mixed] (100%)
Living Standards: High
Technology: Ideal
Immigration: Low (Des Moines Alliance, Federal Socialist State of Mexico, Africa, Europe )
Public Works
Road Quality: Adequate
Road Presence: Adequate
Rail Quality: High
Rail Presence: High
Utility Quality: Adequate
Utility Presence: High
Housing Quality: High
Housing Presence: High
Port Quality: Adequate
Port Presence: Adequate
Waterway Quality: Adequate
Waterway Presence: Adequate
Education
Literacy Rate: 85%
Literacy Growth: High
Education Quality: High
Education Presence: High
Stats: [None/Critical] / [Low/High] / [Adequate/Medium] / [High/Low] / [Ideal/Booming]
Stats in bold are improving, stats in italics are declining.
Welp guy we need to upgrade our quality on our men and uniforms for better protection
Anti-Corruption is slipping as well. Alas.
Hard to find time to fix those forts and buld (drags out a soap box) river boats! The natural infrastructure of the Mississippi River basin is one of the great sources of wealth on Turtle I- *is removed from the stage by a vaudeville hook*
Hard to find time to fix those forts and buld (drags out a soap box) river boats! The natural infrastructure of the Mississippi River basin is one of the great sources of wealth on Turtle I- *is removed from the stage by a vaudeville hook*
We need lawmen guys give us lawmen
- Location
- India
Is there a reason why Chinese and Japanese immigration so limited?
- Location
- Lake Wobegon
- Pronouns
- He/Him/His
Not having a Pacific coast.
Why aren't we destabilising the Dominion of Pacifica and the Dominion of Canada?
Godwinson
"Well, I've got nothing."
Because there are two whole other republics in our alliance who actually border each of those, who would be doing that if they were wanting to?
I'm asking because I don't remember anything being said about the state of Pacifica and Canada since The Warlord's War. For all we know they have a strong expatriate community (thanks to all the capitalists that lost their privileges) making them into militant anti-socialists.
The 1881 update talks about border raids into Pacifica and mexico to gather intelligence and distribute arms while the alliance is in contact with the underground Canadian labor movement.
And yeah there are enough pro-capitalist exiles that all American regiments are popping up in a bunch of places including Pacifica.
And yeah there are enough pro-capitalist exiles that all American regiments are popping up in a bunch of places including Pacifica.
- Location
- Here & There
Gonna have to keep the corruption to a minimum somehow
We need lawmen more then ever
- Pronouns
- She/Her
Alas, the GM has said on Discord that he's going to wrap up the quest, so we can expect an epilogue sometime this week.
Epilogue
The First Latin American Revolutionary War was a decisive victory for the revolutionaries. The army of the United States of Mexico was completely shattered within six months, and the Yucatan Revolution was expanding into Guatemala, Honduras, and San Salvador, rallying countless landless peasants to their side with demands for land reform and the end of the dominance of European interests. The ranking leaders of the Joint Army decided to support their comrades and continued their advances over the Mexican border, taking some care to avoid British Honduras, unwilling to expand the conflict without permission from civilian leadership.
The various Central American states, with their tiny armies and unprepared leadership, were rapidly bowled over, and the Des Moines Alliance almost refused to halt at the border of Colombia, but the governments issued orders to halt that arrived just in time. There were a few skirmishes along the border, but nothing more.
Nevertheless, the rapid victories had unleashed a tide of internationalist enthusiasm in the four republics of the Des Moines Alliance. And it galvanized both revolution and reaction within Latin America. European troops were sent into their various colonies, nervously watching their borders, while loans were taken out and laws passed by various powers in an attempt to crush unrest. Meanwhile, the mountains of the Andes and the forests of the Amazon grew alive with revolutionary movements, to say nothing of the urban labor movements and rural peasant militias that sprang up.
To refill their army's depleted ranks, a series of volunteer incentives were issued, a costly measure, especially for the Worker's Republic and Freedmen's Republic, who had agreed to take on the majority of the military burden while the Turtle Island Confederation began integrating their new members. The four governments of the Alliance issued a unified demand to Colombia and Venezuela: let our troops through to support our comrades in Brazil, or we will go through you regardless.
The governments refused and prepared for battle. The untested navy of the Des Moines Alliance bombarded sections of the Colombian coast, providing cover for the Joint Army. Thousands of troops landed, clashing with the Colombian and Venezuelan armies, expecting victories of similar ease to previous battles. However, these opponents were fresh and prepared and the Joint Army was struggling at the end of a long supply line. The merchant marine of the Alliance was tasked with supporting them, but they could only help so much, especially when a mysterious rash of pirates began attacking the endless convoys of ships bringing forth supplies.
What followed was nearly a year of bloody slogging south and east. There were many great victories, but there were also many inconclusive clashes and costly skirmishes. Attitudes towards the Joint Army in the land they occupied varied greatly, and discipline was starting to war down. The war dragged on, growing more expensive in blood and treasure by the day, and the armies of Venezuela and Colombia fell back slowly, reinforced by troops from several other nations, especially Argentina, who deployed nearly their entire army abroad and purchased significant quantities of arms to bolster their fellows.
No matter what, the technology and training of the Joint Army was superior. Their guns could fire faster, their artillery could shoot further, and their reconnaissance capabilities were unmatched thanks to their fleet of dirigibles. Eventually, the front lines reached Brazil and the signatories of the Rome Conference decided that nothing more could be gained from this war.
For even as the Joint Army bled and the homefront suffered under wartime privation, their opponents in Latin America also faced increasing unrest. A strike by native workers in Cuzco protesting rationing and the discrimination they faced had already exploded into a general uprising, and more such events threatened if the conflict went on.
The first offer was sent to the Freedmen's Republic embassy in London: a cessation of hostilities, with all of Brazil north and west of the Araguaia River, Peru, most of Colombia, and the southern half of Venezuela to be recognized as being within the "Des Moines sphere of influence" while the rest of Latin America remained as colonies of Europe or independent.
The militant internationalists in government of the Freedmen's Republic and the Worker's Republic decided to reject these terms, believing they could push further and fearing this agreement would mean the abandonment of local allies in much of Latin America.
When this was publicized, for the first time, the national recall was successfully exercised and a Freedmen's Party and their northern affiliate, along with a number of backbenchers in rival parties, found themselves in power with a mandate to secure a peace.
The new governments found the terms had worsened, with the north-western coast of Peru to remain in the hands of the Republic of Peru and its leading caudillos. But they were unwilling to betray their mandate and hold out for better terms, leading to their acceptance. The war had ended, and now they had to win the peace.
Large portions of the army were demobilized, but more remained to help stabilize the new socialist states. A careful balance needed to be struck in order to build cadres of socialists and revolutionaries who could act independently without letting the old power structures and imperial hierarchies return, a process made more difficult by a notable increase in political instability at home.
Militant internationalists were angered by what they viewed as a betrayal of the toiling classes, remnants of the capitalists sought to use the upswing in pacifist sentiment to restore a return to power, radical pacifists and anti-imperialists who demanded the total demobilization of the army, and workers were frustrated by the sudden decrease in the rate of living standards growth. Parties split and fractured, elections became immensely divisive, political machines saw a resurgence, and so did political violence.
None of this was made easier by cross-border attacks from reactionary militias, raids from Pacifica, the continuation of piracy that mysteriously only struck Des Moines-aligned ships, or the ongoing struggles of various African allies. For several years, it was not uncommon to find newspapers in London crowing about the collapse of the "new Jacobins across the sea" and the "triumph of good government by men of sense."
The Rome Conference repeated itself twice more, and then became a formal agreement - the Rome Pact, an alliance to ensure peace between the powers of the earth and stand against threats to them all. From the shores of Africa to the heart of Asia, their banner flew high and their laws reigned supreme. Civilizing missions advanced steadily, bringing with them economic transformations that turned vast lands into captive markets for goods from various parts of Europe. New engines of financial growth were created, some original, some inspired by the technology of the Des Moines Alliance. Most prominent were a series of new ways to invest that further fueled the stock market, leading to what many predicted would be an eternity of permanent growth.
Even as the Des Moines Alliance emerged from its years of struggle with a strengthened political system and a revitalized economy, the great and good of London, Paris, Rome, Berlin, and St. Petersburg continued making those confident predictions.
Across the sea, in the lands of the Des Moines Alliance, the chaos after the "mutilated victory" that had ended the First Latin War of Revolution had given way to significant reforms. The law enforcement departments had been strengthened, especially the anti-reactionary Special Response Units, the only law enforcement units allowed to carry weapons. Networks of informants and the establishment of self-defense militias in unstable regions had torn apart reactionary organizations, and the Revolutionary Support Agency found itself with greatly expanded networks throughout the world and far more experience. The four nations of the Alliance had grown even closer, with Haiti formally annexing itself to the Freedmen's Republic and the parties of the three remaining nations federalizing themselves under general joint platforms. New industries had developed, a powerful new navy strong enough to challenge Great Britain and her handmaidens on any two oceans had been built, even if it remained untested, and the revolutionary allies in Latin America had grown significantly in every way possible, from population to standard of living. Countless diseases were things of the past, as were malnutrition, disenfranchisement, and illiteracy. Grant programs and revival efforts had allowed cultures long-suppressed to flourish and mingle with each other.
And the ranks of their allies abroad had also grown. Despite claims of dominance, much of Africa remained independent. The Herrero, the Zulu, and more still stood free, bolstered by shipments of Des Moines equipment, volunteers, and industry. The Empire of Japan and the Kingdom of Hawaii had both become steadfast comrades of the Des Moines Alliance following the provision of diplomatic, economic, and military support that had fended off Russian, Dutch, and British attempts at colonization.
Memories of the bloodshed and privation had not faded, but instead used to prepare for the next opportunity. From stockpiles of vital goods to the establishment of semi-autarky to prevent the loss of essential raw goods to improved training pipelines, widespread reforms were created to prepare for the next conflict.
Most expected it to come in Latin America or Africa, although it would surely expand soon after. Tensions were slowly rising as the Rome Pact realized their enemies would not collapse all by themselves, and this time the Des Moines Alliance had no intention of allowing Europe to retain a foothold in the Americas, Africa, or Asia. Not if they could help it.
The 1895 Crash gave the Des Moines Alliance an opportunity to escalate the pressure against their enemies abroad. The decoupling they had endured allowed their economies to survive the crippling devastation endured in Rome, London, Paris, and the other capitals of Europe, and the unrest provoked by the sharp increase in privation and sudden weakness of state authority proved fruitful. Although an abortive St. Petersburg uprising was crushed by the Tsar's Cossacks, the Anti-Concession Chinese Front was successfully able to drive European troops out from the concession quarters, even as their movement was co-opted by reformist elements in the Qing Dynasty. The Social Democratic Party and their left-wing allies saw massive electoral victories. After consulting with his advisors, the Kaiser chose to allow them to form a government and prepare alternate solutions rather than risk an immediate confrontation. The newly installed government set about creating a timetable for independence in Germany's Pacific and African colonies, strengthening the position of unions, and seeking to break open aristocratic dominance of the military.
The reaction of the other powers of the Rome Pact was immediate hostility. Russian troops crossed into German Poland, officially to "protect local nobles until the temporary unrest in Germany abates," while France proposed embargoing Germany and sections of the government called for a unilateral intervention.
Cautious, the German government began to take precautions, including reaching out diplomatically through backchannels to the Des Moines Alliance, hoping for some form of support.
These overtures were received coolly at first, until the Des Moines Alliance also became aware of a planned series of May Day demonstrations in France, Spain, Ireland, and Germany, including the Polish territories recently occupied by Russia. As much support as possible was to be funneled to these, and having greater access to Germany would dramatically increase the amount of specie, equipment, and advisors that could be sent.
On the first of May, 1896, massive protests began in Madrid, Barcelona, Bilbao, Marseilles, Paris, Nantes, Berlin, Warsaw, Posen, Dublin, Cork, and countless others. Even St. Petersburg, where public gatherings were forbidden and soldiers patrolled the streets with bayonets fixed, saw small demonstrations. Every nation responded differently, although most cracked down to some degree.
In Spain, however, these crackdowns faltered in the face of armed demonstrators and soldiers discontent with delayed pay. The protests turned into riots, the riots into uprisings, and the uprisings into revolutions. The Spanish government, fleeing from Madrid, requested intervention. The German government, facing a combination of popular unrest and diplomatic pressure from Des Moines, refused to take part, even under the threat of being attacked as well.
And the Joint Army, Navy, and Army Air Force launched attacks on Caribbean colonies, British dominions, and Pacific protectorates, even as they sent troops to defend their comrades in Spain.
The First World War had begun.
British Honduras was seized within a week, while uprisings rocked Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and many smaller islands, supported by the guns of the Freedmen's Navy. The colonial governments of the Caribbean, far from support, isolated and vulnerable, were plucked like ripe fruit.
The Dominion of Canada lasted little longer. Although the St. Lawrence was heavily fortified and the Great Lakes were filled with mines, neither slowed the columns of armored vehicles supported by rocket and cannon-armed aircraft and ranks of truck-transported troops for very long. The open terrain of eastern Canada, and the number of population and industrial centers close to the border, meant that organized resistance lasted for mere weeks.
What units of the British army that remained intact retreated. Some went west, others east, and a few even went north, braving the cold and inhospitable terrain in hopes of avoiding and outlasting pursuit. Few were successful.
Newfoundland and Nova Scotia remained in the hands of the British Empire for longer, protected by heavily overlapping coastal batteries and agile torpedo boats. Weeks of bombardment from ships and planes were needed to break open the defenses and deny the Empire a dagger at the back of the Des Moines Alliance. But their fall was inevitable.
Western Canada and Pacifica proved more difficult. Far away from major population centers, isolated by forbidding mountains and desolate deserts, it would take multiple months for them to be conquered, especially Pacifica, where years had been spent preparing for the "final defense of American liberty.".
Well-emplaced artillery overlooked every pass, bunkers and caves were filled with soldiers, and stay-behind units were in every city and town. Heavily fortified bases lined the country, filled with convict-soldiers stiffened with promises of citizenship following victory and Pacifican "exemplars" scattered among their ranks.
For all their determination and willingness to commit atrocities to harm their enemies, the Pacificans were outnumbered and outmatched. Especially when fortresses were surrounded and the convict-soldiers decided shooting their exemplars and surrendering had better odds than fighting to the last.
The Republic of Peru was the only Latin American nation to enter the war on the side of the Rome Pact, a desperate revanchist invasion defeated by the People's Republic of Peru entirely on their own before they launched a counterattack, supported by a small expeditionary force from the Union of Latin Revolutionary Republics.
The war in Africa was more fluid than any other theatre, as European garrisons launched assaults and raids on any concentration of natives they could find, still seeking to ensure their dominance over the continent. These garrisons were steadily isolated and then destroyed one by one by troops of the various still-independent nations of Africa.
Meanwhile, an event that would change the continent forever was beginning. At a meeting in Ulundi, a Pan-African Federation was declared, along with formal requests to enter the Des Moines Alliance as observers by all members. And they declared war on all colonial powers. Within months, the last European fortresses and settlements south of the Sahara had surrendered, although the more northern colonies such as Algeria and Egypt remained in Rome Pact hands for the time being. The logistics of crossing that massive desert would be a formidable challenge, but already connections to groups such as the Senussi and Tuaregs were being formed to make life difficult for the colonizers. And with the southern Atlantic rapidly falling under the control of the Des Moines Alliance and their native allies, supply convoys began making their way across the ocean to support the effort, harried by British submarines and air attacks from the Falklands.
The islands were soon blockaded and besieged and bombarded from the sea and sky. In order to eliminate the danger to their base and take advantage of the opportunity to potentially destroy much of the Joint Navy, the pride of the His Majesty's fleet, supported by elements of other navies, sallied forth in what would prove to the last major surface clash in history. For an entire day, the fleets dueled, maneuvering about each other and blasting away. In the end, the superior speed and fire control of the Joint Navy granted them a victory, forcing the British fleet away and damaging much of it.
Unfortunately, significant elements remained intact.
Asia itself saw relatively little fighting. Although allied, Japan and Hawaii refused to enter the war. China did take the opportunity to further expel European influence, including in Southeast Asia and Joseon.
And so it was Europe that saw the bloodiest fighting as hundreds of thousands of soldiers clashed, the blood of entire generations once more soaking into the soil. The uprisings in Barcelona and Bilbao had been suppressed by French troops, but Madrid still held strong despite being encircled in a ring of steel and much of the southern countryside was aflame as peasant uprisings battled landowner militias. French, Austrian, and Italian troops were invading Germany, while Russia struggled to mobilize its vast legions sufficiently to crush even the defiant Poles, especially when large numbers of modern rifles and mortars found their way into the hands of the Polish Legion from sympathetic elements in Berlin.
The German military was large and powerful, supported by an immense industrial base, and the invasion by foreign reactionaries for the crime of neutrality had ensured the current government had broad support. Attempted uprisings to support the Rome Pact were ruthlessly suppressed, only managing to seize a few border towns, and trenches were dug swiftly and deeply throughout Germany. Rationing and recycling were both immediately implemented, especially when the blockade of the Baltic began to bite.
"This is a war for the survival of Germany, against those who would turn us into slaves to aristocrats and the financiers of London!" the government thundered, grimly determined not to win, but to survive.
They knew they could not stand against all the mighty empires of Europe. Not alone.
Fortunately, they were not. Soon armies were arriving in Galicia and Granada and fleets were clashing in the Bay of Biscay. Portugal declared neutrality and retreated from Galicia, and the Joint Army chose not to pursue for the time being. Instead, they advanced north and south, driving towards Madrid. Rapid motorized and mechanized and mounted units scythed through the countryside, backing the many small uprisings, providing both firepower and humanitarian aid, while the 1st and 2nd Siege Regiments of the Worker's Republics, who had seized Caracas during the First Latin War of Revolution, emplaced themselves around Gibraltar. Uprisings in Morocco began after attempts at implementing conscription of the native population ran facefirst into angry youths armed with modern rifles. These youths found ample support from the Des Moines Alliance and expeditionary forces from the Pan-African Federation ferried to their aid.
But many eyes were on Madrid. The civilian population had largely fled or died, while the garrison of revolutionaries was down to eating rats. The Joint Army was driving towards them, two great columns arcing from the north and the south to meet at the city, but there was no guarantee they would get there in time.
The Battle of Madrid would actually happen about twenty kilometers away from the city. It was a short clash, but it was enough for the Rome Pact armies to decide to withdraw and take a more defensive posture. The Joint Army troops were greeted as liberators when they marched into Madrid, especially when they brought ample stocks of food with them.
Next would come the harder part: advancing into the lair of the imperial machine. It would not be enough to reclaim Barcelona and Bilbao for the workers of Spain. The colonial empires must be wholly dismembered, and that would all but certainly mean being able to dictate terms in Rome, London, and Paris.
What came next was another multi-month bloody slog. The European powers had learned from the failures of Pacifica, and found the terrain of Spain just as suitable to making advancing through it a misery. An attempt to outflank the defenses and land in Aquitaine turned into a bloody disaster, leaving only the slow advance east. One hill at a time, the Joint Army moved forward.
Meanwhile, Germany found itself bleeding from a thousand cuts, only surviving by dint of stubbornness and the distraction of their foes. But slowly, they were losing. Once more, Cologne and Essen fell to French troops, and both cities were sacked bloodily. Russian troops had reached Warsaw and were just barely stalled at the Vistula.
In Africa, the revolutionaries still saw continuing success, with French troops in Algeria soon finding themselves confined to a few coastal cities, while revolts by the Igbo and Yoruba broke out in British West Africa.
On the war dragged on, growing increasingly bloody. Something had to give.
And in Moscow, something did. An unknown assassin took the lives of the Tsar and all his sons, leaving only daughters married into several different families. In a stable absolute monarchy, such an event would be dangerous. In a poorly-industrialized nation straining itself from a long and costly war, full of increasingly restless peasants and poor workers, facing multiple economic crises brought on by corruption and mismanagement, and struggling to suppress increasingly powerful nationalist movements, it was devastating. Intrigue and infighting weakened the government, violence broke out between backers of rival claimants within a week, and rapid increases in unrest followed. The only thing keeping an immediate and total revolution from breaking out was the success of the secret police in fomenting division in the various revolutionary movements, resulting in various disjointed uprisings that were mutually hostile and soon found themselves in conflict over scarce resources, especially grain.
The internal conflict of revolutionaries allowed various moderate and reactionary organizations enough breathing space to carve out their own demesnes, although they proved equally prone to infighting.
But the collapse of the Russian Army gave Germany and Poland much-needed time, and the various Baltic, Belarusian, and Ukrainian revolutionaries were happy enough to receive German support in exchange for much-needed grain and other resources.
Reinforcements were sent to every front, and determinedly Germany held.
One empire had collapsed. Soon, the others would as well.
The strain of the war kept growing. The Peace Electorate in the Des Moines Alliance was growing in prominence. In an attempt to defray their concerns, the Alliance requested increased military support from many of their allies, and even tried to persuade Hawaii and Japan to enter the war.
But as intense as the pressure to stop the bloodshed was getting in Atlanta, New York City, or Des Moines, it was nothing compared to the events in Vienna or Paris.
The collapse of the French Army was entirely unexpected to many. The rot had begun within, not at the surface. In an attempt to keep the supplies flowing to the army, many railworkers had been conscripted. Too few were left behind in France to really keep the rail network running, resulting in delays and accidents that slowly began to pile up. An attempt by the railworkers to protest this, since it was harming the war effort, was met with harsh repression out of anti-revolutionary paranoia, only worsening the condition of the rail network, while those who survived found themselves radicalized and vengeful.
Split between defending Algeria and Spain while also attacking Germany, France was beginning to run into manpower shortages, especially since their allies seemed more interested in defending their remaining holdings in Africa or skirmishing in the North Atlantic. Conscription was expanded and leaves were shortened. And, in order to keep the war machine running, rationing was introduced.
All this came to a head when a collection of wives angry they couldn't purchase bread, railworkers furious about their mistreatment, and soldiers displeased with their lot, along with a wide variety of city-dwellers, happened to encounter each other in a Paris square and begin bemoaning their lot. What started as a complaining competition accelerated when the soldiers met an attempt at forcing them to disperse with violence.
While the uprising was put down, it further damaged the rail network and led to financial and industrial disruptions that had knock-on effects ending in critical shortages of ammunition and food on the front.
Without food and bullets, and in many cases without pay, soldiers mutinied, surrendered, or deserted, and German troops and the Joint Army both found themselves scrambling to catch up.
The Hapsburgs saw the writing on the wall and met with Germany to negotiate terms, as did Britain. While the Des Moines Alliance took part in these and was able to include a number of terms, including the independence of Ireland and nearly all of Africa, they fell short of their goal. Diplomatic exchanges turned into insults, and then into mistrust.
The left flank of the SDP was neutered in a party conference in favor of the right, which won the next election in alliance with some of the moderates. They had no intention of allowing any further upheaval to damage society.
The First World War had ended, and with it the Second Cold War had begun.
But a simple look at a map will tell you everything you need to know about who will win.
The various Central American states, with their tiny armies and unprepared leadership, were rapidly bowled over, and the Des Moines Alliance almost refused to halt at the border of Colombia, but the governments issued orders to halt that arrived just in time. There were a few skirmishes along the border, but nothing more.
Nevertheless, the rapid victories had unleashed a tide of internationalist enthusiasm in the four republics of the Des Moines Alliance. And it galvanized both revolution and reaction within Latin America. European troops were sent into their various colonies, nervously watching their borders, while loans were taken out and laws passed by various powers in an attempt to crush unrest. Meanwhile, the mountains of the Andes and the forests of the Amazon grew alive with revolutionary movements, to say nothing of the urban labor movements and rural peasant militias that sprang up.
To refill their army's depleted ranks, a series of volunteer incentives were issued, a costly measure, especially for the Worker's Republic and Freedmen's Republic, who had agreed to take on the majority of the military burden while the Turtle Island Confederation began integrating their new members. The four governments of the Alliance issued a unified demand to Colombia and Venezuela: let our troops through to support our comrades in Brazil, or we will go through you regardless.
The governments refused and prepared for battle. The untested navy of the Des Moines Alliance bombarded sections of the Colombian coast, providing cover for the Joint Army. Thousands of troops landed, clashing with the Colombian and Venezuelan armies, expecting victories of similar ease to previous battles. However, these opponents were fresh and prepared and the Joint Army was struggling at the end of a long supply line. The merchant marine of the Alliance was tasked with supporting them, but they could only help so much, especially when a mysterious rash of pirates began attacking the endless convoys of ships bringing forth supplies.
What followed was nearly a year of bloody slogging south and east. There were many great victories, but there were also many inconclusive clashes and costly skirmishes. Attitudes towards the Joint Army in the land they occupied varied greatly, and discipline was starting to war down. The war dragged on, growing more expensive in blood and treasure by the day, and the armies of Venezuela and Colombia fell back slowly, reinforced by troops from several other nations, especially Argentina, who deployed nearly their entire army abroad and purchased significant quantities of arms to bolster their fellows.
No matter what, the technology and training of the Joint Army was superior. Their guns could fire faster, their artillery could shoot further, and their reconnaissance capabilities were unmatched thanks to their fleet of dirigibles. Eventually, the front lines reached Brazil and the signatories of the Rome Conference decided that nothing more could be gained from this war.
For even as the Joint Army bled and the homefront suffered under wartime privation, their opponents in Latin America also faced increasing unrest. A strike by native workers in Cuzco protesting rationing and the discrimination they faced had already exploded into a general uprising, and more such events threatened if the conflict went on.
The first offer was sent to the Freedmen's Republic embassy in London: a cessation of hostilities, with all of Brazil north and west of the Araguaia River, Peru, most of Colombia, and the southern half of Venezuela to be recognized as being within the "Des Moines sphere of influence" while the rest of Latin America remained as colonies of Europe or independent.
The militant internationalists in government of the Freedmen's Republic and the Worker's Republic decided to reject these terms, believing they could push further and fearing this agreement would mean the abandonment of local allies in much of Latin America.
When this was publicized, for the first time, the national recall was successfully exercised and a Freedmen's Party and their northern affiliate, along with a number of backbenchers in rival parties, found themselves in power with a mandate to secure a peace.
The new governments found the terms had worsened, with the north-western coast of Peru to remain in the hands of the Republic of Peru and its leading caudillos. But they were unwilling to betray their mandate and hold out for better terms, leading to their acceptance. The war had ended, and now they had to win the peace.
Large portions of the army were demobilized, but more remained to help stabilize the new socialist states. A careful balance needed to be struck in order to build cadres of socialists and revolutionaries who could act independently without letting the old power structures and imperial hierarchies return, a process made more difficult by a notable increase in political instability at home.
Militant internationalists were angered by what they viewed as a betrayal of the toiling classes, remnants of the capitalists sought to use the upswing in pacifist sentiment to restore a return to power, radical pacifists and anti-imperialists who demanded the total demobilization of the army, and workers were frustrated by the sudden decrease in the rate of living standards growth. Parties split and fractured, elections became immensely divisive, political machines saw a resurgence, and so did political violence.
None of this was made easier by cross-border attacks from reactionary militias, raids from Pacifica, the continuation of piracy that mysteriously only struck Des Moines-aligned ships, or the ongoing struggles of various African allies. For several years, it was not uncommon to find newspapers in London crowing about the collapse of the "new Jacobins across the sea" and the "triumph of good government by men of sense."
The Rome Conference repeated itself twice more, and then became a formal agreement - the Rome Pact, an alliance to ensure peace between the powers of the earth and stand against threats to them all. From the shores of Africa to the heart of Asia, their banner flew high and their laws reigned supreme. Civilizing missions advanced steadily, bringing with them economic transformations that turned vast lands into captive markets for goods from various parts of Europe. New engines of financial growth were created, some original, some inspired by the technology of the Des Moines Alliance. Most prominent were a series of new ways to invest that further fueled the stock market, leading to what many predicted would be an eternity of permanent growth.
Even as the Des Moines Alliance emerged from its years of struggle with a strengthened political system and a revitalized economy, the great and good of London, Paris, Rome, Berlin, and St. Petersburg continued making those confident predictions.
Across the sea, in the lands of the Des Moines Alliance, the chaos after the "mutilated victory" that had ended the First Latin War of Revolution had given way to significant reforms. The law enforcement departments had been strengthened, especially the anti-reactionary Special Response Units, the only law enforcement units allowed to carry weapons. Networks of informants and the establishment of self-defense militias in unstable regions had torn apart reactionary organizations, and the Revolutionary Support Agency found itself with greatly expanded networks throughout the world and far more experience. The four nations of the Alliance had grown even closer, with Haiti formally annexing itself to the Freedmen's Republic and the parties of the three remaining nations federalizing themselves under general joint platforms. New industries had developed, a powerful new navy strong enough to challenge Great Britain and her handmaidens on any two oceans had been built, even if it remained untested, and the revolutionary allies in Latin America had grown significantly in every way possible, from population to standard of living. Countless diseases were things of the past, as were malnutrition, disenfranchisement, and illiteracy. Grant programs and revival efforts had allowed cultures long-suppressed to flourish and mingle with each other.
And the ranks of their allies abroad had also grown. Despite claims of dominance, much of Africa remained independent. The Herrero, the Zulu, and more still stood free, bolstered by shipments of Des Moines equipment, volunteers, and industry. The Empire of Japan and the Kingdom of Hawaii had both become steadfast comrades of the Des Moines Alliance following the provision of diplomatic, economic, and military support that had fended off Russian, Dutch, and British attempts at colonization.
Memories of the bloodshed and privation had not faded, but instead used to prepare for the next opportunity. From stockpiles of vital goods to the establishment of semi-autarky to prevent the loss of essential raw goods to improved training pipelines, widespread reforms were created to prepare for the next conflict.
Most expected it to come in Latin America or Africa, although it would surely expand soon after. Tensions were slowly rising as the Rome Pact realized their enemies would not collapse all by themselves, and this time the Des Moines Alliance had no intention of allowing Europe to retain a foothold in the Americas, Africa, or Asia. Not if they could help it.
The 1895 Crash gave the Des Moines Alliance an opportunity to escalate the pressure against their enemies abroad. The decoupling they had endured allowed their economies to survive the crippling devastation endured in Rome, London, Paris, and the other capitals of Europe, and the unrest provoked by the sharp increase in privation and sudden weakness of state authority proved fruitful. Although an abortive St. Petersburg uprising was crushed by the Tsar's Cossacks, the Anti-Concession Chinese Front was successfully able to drive European troops out from the concession quarters, even as their movement was co-opted by reformist elements in the Qing Dynasty. The Social Democratic Party and their left-wing allies saw massive electoral victories. After consulting with his advisors, the Kaiser chose to allow them to form a government and prepare alternate solutions rather than risk an immediate confrontation. The newly installed government set about creating a timetable for independence in Germany's Pacific and African colonies, strengthening the position of unions, and seeking to break open aristocratic dominance of the military.
The reaction of the other powers of the Rome Pact was immediate hostility. Russian troops crossed into German Poland, officially to "protect local nobles until the temporary unrest in Germany abates," while France proposed embargoing Germany and sections of the government called for a unilateral intervention.
Cautious, the German government began to take precautions, including reaching out diplomatically through backchannels to the Des Moines Alliance, hoping for some form of support.
These overtures were received coolly at first, until the Des Moines Alliance also became aware of a planned series of May Day demonstrations in France, Spain, Ireland, and Germany, including the Polish territories recently occupied by Russia. As much support as possible was to be funneled to these, and having greater access to Germany would dramatically increase the amount of specie, equipment, and advisors that could be sent.
On the first of May, 1896, massive protests began in Madrid, Barcelona, Bilbao, Marseilles, Paris, Nantes, Berlin, Warsaw, Posen, Dublin, Cork, and countless others. Even St. Petersburg, where public gatherings were forbidden and soldiers patrolled the streets with bayonets fixed, saw small demonstrations. Every nation responded differently, although most cracked down to some degree.
In Spain, however, these crackdowns faltered in the face of armed demonstrators and soldiers discontent with delayed pay. The protests turned into riots, the riots into uprisings, and the uprisings into revolutions. The Spanish government, fleeing from Madrid, requested intervention. The German government, facing a combination of popular unrest and diplomatic pressure from Des Moines, refused to take part, even under the threat of being attacked as well.
And the Joint Army, Navy, and Army Air Force launched attacks on Caribbean colonies, British dominions, and Pacific protectorates, even as they sent troops to defend their comrades in Spain.
The First World War had begun.
British Honduras was seized within a week, while uprisings rocked Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and many smaller islands, supported by the guns of the Freedmen's Navy. The colonial governments of the Caribbean, far from support, isolated and vulnerable, were plucked like ripe fruit.
The Dominion of Canada lasted little longer. Although the St. Lawrence was heavily fortified and the Great Lakes were filled with mines, neither slowed the columns of armored vehicles supported by rocket and cannon-armed aircraft and ranks of truck-transported troops for very long. The open terrain of eastern Canada, and the number of population and industrial centers close to the border, meant that organized resistance lasted for mere weeks.
What units of the British army that remained intact retreated. Some went west, others east, and a few even went north, braving the cold and inhospitable terrain in hopes of avoiding and outlasting pursuit. Few were successful.
Newfoundland and Nova Scotia remained in the hands of the British Empire for longer, protected by heavily overlapping coastal batteries and agile torpedo boats. Weeks of bombardment from ships and planes were needed to break open the defenses and deny the Empire a dagger at the back of the Des Moines Alliance. But their fall was inevitable.
Western Canada and Pacifica proved more difficult. Far away from major population centers, isolated by forbidding mountains and desolate deserts, it would take multiple months for them to be conquered, especially Pacifica, where years had been spent preparing for the "final defense of American liberty.".
Well-emplaced artillery overlooked every pass, bunkers and caves were filled with soldiers, and stay-behind units were in every city and town. Heavily fortified bases lined the country, filled with convict-soldiers stiffened with promises of citizenship following victory and Pacifican "exemplars" scattered among their ranks.
For all their determination and willingness to commit atrocities to harm their enemies, the Pacificans were outnumbered and outmatched. Especially when fortresses were surrounded and the convict-soldiers decided shooting their exemplars and surrendering had better odds than fighting to the last.
The Republic of Peru was the only Latin American nation to enter the war on the side of the Rome Pact, a desperate revanchist invasion defeated by the People's Republic of Peru entirely on their own before they launched a counterattack, supported by a small expeditionary force from the Union of Latin Revolutionary Republics.
The war in Africa was more fluid than any other theatre, as European garrisons launched assaults and raids on any concentration of natives they could find, still seeking to ensure their dominance over the continent. These garrisons were steadily isolated and then destroyed one by one by troops of the various still-independent nations of Africa.
Meanwhile, an event that would change the continent forever was beginning. At a meeting in Ulundi, a Pan-African Federation was declared, along with formal requests to enter the Des Moines Alliance as observers by all members. And they declared war on all colonial powers. Within months, the last European fortresses and settlements south of the Sahara had surrendered, although the more northern colonies such as Algeria and Egypt remained in Rome Pact hands for the time being. The logistics of crossing that massive desert would be a formidable challenge, but already connections to groups such as the Senussi and Tuaregs were being formed to make life difficult for the colonizers. And with the southern Atlantic rapidly falling under the control of the Des Moines Alliance and their native allies, supply convoys began making their way across the ocean to support the effort, harried by British submarines and air attacks from the Falklands.
The islands were soon blockaded and besieged and bombarded from the sea and sky. In order to eliminate the danger to their base and take advantage of the opportunity to potentially destroy much of the Joint Navy, the pride of the His Majesty's fleet, supported by elements of other navies, sallied forth in what would prove to the last major surface clash in history. For an entire day, the fleets dueled, maneuvering about each other and blasting away. In the end, the superior speed and fire control of the Joint Navy granted them a victory, forcing the British fleet away and damaging much of it.
Unfortunately, significant elements remained intact.
Asia itself saw relatively little fighting. Although allied, Japan and Hawaii refused to enter the war. China did take the opportunity to further expel European influence, including in Southeast Asia and Joseon.
And so it was Europe that saw the bloodiest fighting as hundreds of thousands of soldiers clashed, the blood of entire generations once more soaking into the soil. The uprisings in Barcelona and Bilbao had been suppressed by French troops, but Madrid still held strong despite being encircled in a ring of steel and much of the southern countryside was aflame as peasant uprisings battled landowner militias. French, Austrian, and Italian troops were invading Germany, while Russia struggled to mobilize its vast legions sufficiently to crush even the defiant Poles, especially when large numbers of modern rifles and mortars found their way into the hands of the Polish Legion from sympathetic elements in Berlin.
The German military was large and powerful, supported by an immense industrial base, and the invasion by foreign reactionaries for the crime of neutrality had ensured the current government had broad support. Attempted uprisings to support the Rome Pact were ruthlessly suppressed, only managing to seize a few border towns, and trenches were dug swiftly and deeply throughout Germany. Rationing and recycling were both immediately implemented, especially when the blockade of the Baltic began to bite.
"This is a war for the survival of Germany, against those who would turn us into slaves to aristocrats and the financiers of London!" the government thundered, grimly determined not to win, but to survive.
They knew they could not stand against all the mighty empires of Europe. Not alone.
Fortunately, they were not. Soon armies were arriving in Galicia and Granada and fleets were clashing in the Bay of Biscay. Portugal declared neutrality and retreated from Galicia, and the Joint Army chose not to pursue for the time being. Instead, they advanced north and south, driving towards Madrid. Rapid motorized and mechanized and mounted units scythed through the countryside, backing the many small uprisings, providing both firepower and humanitarian aid, while the 1st and 2nd Siege Regiments of the Worker's Republics, who had seized Caracas during the First Latin War of Revolution, emplaced themselves around Gibraltar. Uprisings in Morocco began after attempts at implementing conscription of the native population ran facefirst into angry youths armed with modern rifles. These youths found ample support from the Des Moines Alliance and expeditionary forces from the Pan-African Federation ferried to their aid.
But many eyes were on Madrid. The civilian population had largely fled or died, while the garrison of revolutionaries was down to eating rats. The Joint Army was driving towards them, two great columns arcing from the north and the south to meet at the city, but there was no guarantee they would get there in time.
The Battle of Madrid would actually happen about twenty kilometers away from the city. It was a short clash, but it was enough for the Rome Pact armies to decide to withdraw and take a more defensive posture. The Joint Army troops were greeted as liberators when they marched into Madrid, especially when they brought ample stocks of food with them.
Next would come the harder part: advancing into the lair of the imperial machine. It would not be enough to reclaim Barcelona and Bilbao for the workers of Spain. The colonial empires must be wholly dismembered, and that would all but certainly mean being able to dictate terms in Rome, London, and Paris.
What came next was another multi-month bloody slog. The European powers had learned from the failures of Pacifica, and found the terrain of Spain just as suitable to making advancing through it a misery. An attempt to outflank the defenses and land in Aquitaine turned into a bloody disaster, leaving only the slow advance east. One hill at a time, the Joint Army moved forward.
Meanwhile, Germany found itself bleeding from a thousand cuts, only surviving by dint of stubbornness and the distraction of their foes. But slowly, they were losing. Once more, Cologne and Essen fell to French troops, and both cities were sacked bloodily. Russian troops had reached Warsaw and were just barely stalled at the Vistula.
In Africa, the revolutionaries still saw continuing success, with French troops in Algeria soon finding themselves confined to a few coastal cities, while revolts by the Igbo and Yoruba broke out in British West Africa.
On the war dragged on, growing increasingly bloody. Something had to give.
And in Moscow, something did. An unknown assassin took the lives of the Tsar and all his sons, leaving only daughters married into several different families. In a stable absolute monarchy, such an event would be dangerous. In a poorly-industrialized nation straining itself from a long and costly war, full of increasingly restless peasants and poor workers, facing multiple economic crises brought on by corruption and mismanagement, and struggling to suppress increasingly powerful nationalist movements, it was devastating. Intrigue and infighting weakened the government, violence broke out between backers of rival claimants within a week, and rapid increases in unrest followed. The only thing keeping an immediate and total revolution from breaking out was the success of the secret police in fomenting division in the various revolutionary movements, resulting in various disjointed uprisings that were mutually hostile and soon found themselves in conflict over scarce resources, especially grain.
The internal conflict of revolutionaries allowed various moderate and reactionary organizations enough breathing space to carve out their own demesnes, although they proved equally prone to infighting.
But the collapse of the Russian Army gave Germany and Poland much-needed time, and the various Baltic, Belarusian, and Ukrainian revolutionaries were happy enough to receive German support in exchange for much-needed grain and other resources.
Reinforcements were sent to every front, and determinedly Germany held.
One empire had collapsed. Soon, the others would as well.
The strain of the war kept growing. The Peace Electorate in the Des Moines Alliance was growing in prominence. In an attempt to defray their concerns, the Alliance requested increased military support from many of their allies, and even tried to persuade Hawaii and Japan to enter the war.
But as intense as the pressure to stop the bloodshed was getting in Atlanta, New York City, or Des Moines, it was nothing compared to the events in Vienna or Paris.
The collapse of the French Army was entirely unexpected to many. The rot had begun within, not at the surface. In an attempt to keep the supplies flowing to the army, many railworkers had been conscripted. Too few were left behind in France to really keep the rail network running, resulting in delays and accidents that slowly began to pile up. An attempt by the railworkers to protest this, since it was harming the war effort, was met with harsh repression out of anti-revolutionary paranoia, only worsening the condition of the rail network, while those who survived found themselves radicalized and vengeful.
Split between defending Algeria and Spain while also attacking Germany, France was beginning to run into manpower shortages, especially since their allies seemed more interested in defending their remaining holdings in Africa or skirmishing in the North Atlantic. Conscription was expanded and leaves were shortened. And, in order to keep the war machine running, rationing was introduced.
All this came to a head when a collection of wives angry they couldn't purchase bread, railworkers furious about their mistreatment, and soldiers displeased with their lot, along with a wide variety of city-dwellers, happened to encounter each other in a Paris square and begin bemoaning their lot. What started as a complaining competition accelerated when the soldiers met an attempt at forcing them to disperse with violence.
While the uprising was put down, it further damaged the rail network and led to financial and industrial disruptions that had knock-on effects ending in critical shortages of ammunition and food on the front.
Without food and bullets, and in many cases without pay, soldiers mutinied, surrendered, or deserted, and German troops and the Joint Army both found themselves scrambling to catch up.
The Hapsburgs saw the writing on the wall and met with Germany to negotiate terms, as did Britain. While the Des Moines Alliance took part in these and was able to include a number of terms, including the independence of Ireland and nearly all of Africa, they fell short of their goal. Diplomatic exchanges turned into insults, and then into mistrust.
The left flank of the SDP was neutered in a party conference in favor of the right, which won the next election in alliance with some of the moderates. They had no intention of allowing any further upheaval to damage society.
The First World War had ended, and with it the Second Cold War had begun.
But a simple look at a map will tell you everything you need to know about who will win.
I wanted to say thank you to everyone who participated. This quest was a pleasure to write about. The job search has left me burned out, and I need to shift gears, but I wanted to give this quest and setting a decent send-off. I hope this meets your expectations.
So what will modern age look like
Well colonialism just died for real this time... so pretty good.