To Struggle and Strive: The Combined Syndicates of America in 1932. A Kaiserreich Quest

With Vice President Curtis indisposed and President Hoover directly holding the reins again, it is important to identify the remaining bastions of support for the federal government. Recent events over the past couple of months have left the government sorely lacking in popular support, with many regions seen as loyal to the Federal Government more accurately supporting a local figure who in turn is nominally loyal to, if not the Hoover-Curtis Administration in particular, at least the concept of American democracy and the existing government apparatus.

It is likely that efforts to keep America stable will rely heavily on supporting and ensuring the loyalty of these regional powerhouses. Should either the SPA or AFP manage to subvert or convince them to turn coats, our influence in the region would rapidly collapse.

Washington DC Region
Thankfully, the areas immediately surrounding the Capital remain supportive of the government, with further major support and control in the states of Maryland, Delaware, and Virginia. Unfortunately, this is generally where the good news ends. Pennsylvania is effectively lost to the Syndicalists, while control of West Virginia hangs by a thread. Further south, the Democratic continues to struggle for the Carolinas with the support of the True Ku Klux Klan and other pro-government militias. Continued Federal support here may allow for these states to be wrested from the AFP's grasp.

However, it must be emphasized that even should the Carolinas be secured, continued control of the DC Region in the event of civil war is at best unlikely, considering its proximity to the centers of power for both radical groups, and is furthermore sandwiched between the two. While abandoning the capital may be a significant blow to the government's legitimacy, it must be considered and planned for, in preparation for if the worst should come to pass.

Western Command Center
Continued investment into Utah and Colorado have created a safe zone of support for the federal government as a whole, with the city of Denver remaining a likely candidate to relocate Congress and military command to in the event of full-scale insurrection. Surplus military equipment has been stockpiled in depots or issued to pro-government militias in the area, which, combined with its distance from the AFP and SPA centers of power and a reinforced garrison, make it a well-fortified and manned fallback point in the case that full-scale war is needed to restore order to the USA. Already people from rank and file soldiers to high ranking staff have begun calling the region "The Western Command Center."

However, while it is unlikely to fall, WESTCOM is also ill-suited to deliver victory in the case of a civil war on its own, lacking in population and military industry needed to support a major war effort, in spite of attempts to alleviate this.

California (George Creel)
California is the first of the bastions of Federal support where popular support is aligned with pro-Federal regional figures rather than the government itself (which shall, for the remainder of these documents, be referred to as Federal Affiliates.) In this instance, the figure in question is Governor George Creel of the Democratic Party. With a combination of media control, social policies, irregular "Concerned Citizen" anti-radical militia units, and co-opting radical forces via so-called "Pink Unions", Governor Creel has managed to significantly inhibit the spread of both the SPA and AFP in California.

Ensuring the continued loyalty of California is crucial in the event of civil war. Its proximity to WESTCOM (connected by rail lines through the also loyalist-dominated Nevada) would mean access to a major industrial and population center that, while still outnumbered by the whole of the AFP or SPA, would at least ensure that WESTCOM remains more able to sustain a longer war of attrition, along with reliable access to the ocean and therefore, trade. More than any other Federal Affiliate, Governor Creel's loyalty must be ensured.

Minnesota (Floyd Olson)
Minnesota has been the last holdout of the Progressive Party, and under the leadership of Floyd Olson, they maintain a strong presence here. The Progressive Party's recent absorption by the Republican Party was rapidly shattered as they split and formed a temporary coalition with the Socialist Party in protest to the actions of Vice President Curtis and General Douglas MacArthur, with an estimated third of the Progressives outright joining the SPA.

Since then, Floyd Olson has moved away from this coalition with the SPA specifically, moving closer to the SPA-aligned Left Farmer-Labor and government-aligned True Farmer-Labor, and seems to be attempting to form a less radical alternative to the SPA, similar to the efforts of Creel in California. However, the SPA presence in Minnesota has thrived from the Progressives' previous support, completely dominating the capital of Minneapolis and spreading across the rest of the state from there.

Of the various Federal Affiliates, Minnesota and Olson is the one most at risk of subversion. It has already been proven by past events that the Progressives hew dangerously close to the Syndicalists, and the entire state of Minnesota is rife with SPA and CSA agitation. Ensuring Olson's support and re-introducing the Progressives in a coalition ticket similar to that of VP Curtis's Progressive Constitutional Front could allow for the peeling away of the SPA's support base, but this would likely require significant concessions and effort, and the government must make the decision on whether or not those resources can be more productively spent elsewhere.

New England (Quentin Roosevelt)
Unfortunately, the events of the New York Rising and missteps of former NY Governor Al Smith have had devastating consequences for our popular support in what was once a Republican stronghold. Syndicalist movements have made major strides across the coastal cities, while the pro-AFP Green Mountain Boys have all but taken Maine and seen significant support elsewhere in the interior, while Upstate New York has been split across all three factions, with pro-government supporters only dominating in the northernmost sections.

Control of government-aligned New England lies in the hands of Quentin Roosevelt, youngest son of Theodore Roosevelt, drawing on the connections, influence, and good name of the Roosevelt family to garner support across smaller towns and and interior cities, alongside the respect of the current Governors of Vermont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New York to become the unofficial leader and coordinator of them all against the twin threats of Longist and Syndicalist radicalism, and champion of the Republican Party's progressives.

While Roosevelt had initially expected to run for the Governorship of New York in the 1934 elections, it may be wiser to advise him to instead campaign for Massachusetts, where support for the government is still high, with the exception of SPA-dominated Boston. Ultimately however, New England is cut off from any other pro-government regions by the core of SPA power in the Red Belt, and barring a miracle like outright intervention by Canada, cannot be expected to hold out against a Syndicalist invasion. This was true even when popular support overwhelmingly favored the government, and it is even more so when New England is as split and divided as it now stands.

Idaho/Montana (Charles B. Ross/William Borah/John E. Erickson)
Under VP Curtis's administration, Montana was designated as a state where the SPA, while present, was weak enough to evict entirely with sufficient effort. Successful control of Montana, along with the already loyal Idaho, would cut off the SPA dominated Washington from outside assistance, allowing that pocket to be quickly cleaned up in case of war.

While efforts in Montana have lost significant amounts of ground after the major drop in Federal government popularity, Idaho remains a firm bastion under Governor Charles B. Ross. Despite being a Democrat, Governor Ross has cooperated closely with the Republican Senator of Idaho William Borah to ensure that radicalism does not take root in the state. In this, they have been largely successful, though CSA agitation among the rail workers remains a persistent problem. Overall, Idaho remains a tribute to Republican-Democrat bipartisan cooperation in these dark times, one that sets an example that may be followed elsewhere in the shared interest of preserving the nation.

Montana under governor John E. Erickson has proven more troublesome. Despite the repeated efforts of Strikebreakers, the coal miners have continued to launch strikes and maintain loyalty to the CSA, and the rise of the Red Grange leaves concerns that more of the rural population could end up subverted. Still, there have been victories along with defeats, as the strikes are defeated more often than they emerge victorious, and new patriotic paramilitary organizations are rising that could ensure the region remains under government control. Should this occur, a land border with friendly and firmly anti-Syndicalist Canada can be secured, and the Syndicalist powerbase in the Red Belt will remain cut off from Seattle.

Texas (Dan Moody/John Nance Garner)
Similar to Montana, Texas was deemed a state where the presence of radicals was weak enough that a concentrated effort could see them fully ousted, in this case the radicals in question being the AFP rather than the SPA. Recent events have, unfortunately, proven this to be overly optimistic.

The popular support enjoyed by the AFP in the state appears to have been greatly underestimated. Following Curtis's disappearance and the resulting gridlock the Federal Government went into, Longist agitators ran rampant over large portions of Texas, with many Democrats being either forced into retirement or turning coat, and the rural population of Texas seems to have overwhelmingly supported Long. The two areas where the AFP doesn't hold a dominating position are the Mexican border, where they are heavily contested by Mexican-supported Red Bandits, and the urban cities of South Texas under Governor Dan Moody.

With the support of political powerhouses like John Nance Garner, Democratic Party political machines, and legislation that greatly reduces the ability of radical sections of the population to overrun the ballot, Governor Moody has been able to ensure that support for the Democratic Party, and by extension, the continuation of the current political system remains high. Unfortunately, these same methods have also become weapons used by Long, turning the rural poor population against the Democrats. With the exception of the 15th Congressional District, dominated by Garner's patronage system, the rural sectors of Texas have moved heavily in support of the AFP, making the cities of South Texas islands of pro-Federal sentiment surrounded by seas of radicals. Worsening the situation has been the rise of the "Redeemed" Ku Klux Klan under Pelley's Silver Legion; Unfortunately, it appears that the KKK splinters in Texas were solidly anti-Democrat, or at least resentful of Governor Moody's earlier career as a District Attorney against the Klan.

Securing Texas as a Federal bastion may prove difficult. The intricate machine that ensured it remained a one-party state has been shattered by defections, and many aspects likely now work for the AFP rather than against it. Reclamation would require effort to win over the now fervently pro-AFP rural population, and finding replacements for the traitorous former Democrats who have allowed Long to fortify his position so quickly and thoroughly. Even with this it is likely to be a difficult struggle against AFP-aligned paramilitaries like the Redeemed KKK (made all the more ironic considering the reliance on the "True" KKK to support our southern positions in the East Coast.) On the other hand, Texas is a valuable enough prize that it cannot be ignored.

Florida (David Sholtz)
Aside from Virginia, Florida is the only state in the south that we can reliably consider loyal. Three factors prop up Florida's loyalty and lack of AFP dominance: US Navy investment, the True KKK, and Governor David Sholtz.

Following the Weltkrieg, the Second Dreadnought Race brought with it great investment into Florida by the US Navy, with new facilities built and the crews of its ships helping shore up the state's flagging tourist industry. This money has in turn been used by Governor Sholtz to fund increased government services, worker compensation, and education reform, all of which has greatly endeared him to the people of Florida. Meanwhile, the threat of the Minutemen, a constant one to any loyalist in the South, has been kept at least somewhat in check through the efforts of the True KKK, working alongside US military personnel and other pro-Federal militias to root out anti-government violence. While the Longist thread is far from vanquished in Florida, the state is generally considered under Federal control far more than it is Long's.

Provided Florida can be kept loyal, it will play a key role in any armed conflict against the AFP in the event of a rebellion. As it stands, it represents a dagger in Long's back that he cannot ignore, lest an army landed there march into the AFP heartland unopposed. Combined with effort to wrest control of the Carolinas from Long, Florida could become part of a second major loyalist stronghold stretching from Miami to Baltimore, a scenario that would greatly improve the chances of holding onto the capital in the event of civil war.

Addendum
A perceptive reader should note that, with the exception of Quentin Roosevelt, none of the Federal Affiliates are from the Republican Party. As stated earlier, the territory associated with these Affiliates is not truly supportive of the Federal Government, but instead have faith in their local governors and leadership figures, who are in turn against the radical SPA and AFP. Their populations hope for a Democrat (or in the case of Minnesota, a Progressive/Farmer-Labor) entrance into the government who would do far better than the Republican administration, which is generally seen as at fault for the country's woes.

While it would do the Republican chances of reelection few favors, a coalition ticket with the Democrats, perhaps even ceding leadership to them, may ultimately increase the chance that the government can avoid collapse by the radicals, or at least be placed in a far better position to weather the storm.

While a tragedy for those involved and a gruesome bloodbath, the New York Rising was a not-insignificant benefit for us in the larger scheme of things. Events across the Rising occurred in a manner where public sympathy lies heavily with the SPA, and reactionary organizations and militias are held at fault for starting the bloodshed. With that in mind, it is likely that movements against other reactionary groups in SPA-dominated cities and territory could be commenced with far less risk of backlash than normal, and even a degree of general public support, provided it is framed correctly.

With that in mind, it would be best to review some of the largest or most vulnerable reactionary organizations and paramilitaries that continue to persist in SPA-dominated territory, or otherwise ones where Red Guard attacks could be excused in public as simple retaliation rather than unwarranted aggression.

Black Legion
The last major remnant of the Ku Klux Klan in the Red Belt, the Black Legion was once the effective militant arm of the Klan's Steel Belt presence. Defeats during the Free State of Indiana Crisis left many of their foot-soldiers killed, captured, or driven out, while the subsequent scandals eviscerated their popular support. Ever since then, the legislatures of the Red Belt have been able to squeeze the Legion tighter and tighter with every passing month. Their once-major presence in Detroit has been effectively eradicated, leaving the only remaining area of major activity for the organization in the southernmost parts of Indiana and Ohio, and even there they are a mere shadow of what they once were.

Given the events of this month in the Battle of Harrison County, it is clear that despite their weakened state, the Black Legion will continue their acts of reactionary terrorism until destroyed, and still maintain enough strength to remain a threat. Thankfully, this recent attack, even with how thoroughly it was crushed, gives a perfect excuse to aggressively remove what remnants still exist in SPA territory, and the overall unpopularity of the Legion should ensure that the public reaction should be muted at worst, and may even approve of the destruction of another splinter of the KKK.

German Anti-Syndicalism Association
The German Anti-Syndicalism Association(GASA) is a de-facto extension of the German Kaiser's arm into America. As the name suggests, they have devoted themselves as a pro-German Empire, anti-Syndicalist movement in the USA, making them firm opponents of the SPA and CSA. Their status as effective foreign puppets has led to them being occasionally condemned by both pro-Federal and pro-AFP figures and newsletters, though neither is actually willing to attack with more than hot air so long as GASA limits itself to opposing Socialism.

Though smaller operations have occurred in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and New Jersey, the primary focus and area of operations for the GASA appears to be New York, both within the city and upstate. Most famously among the Red Guards was the battle over the New Yorker Staats-Zeiting, where New York Red Guards fought GASA stormtroopers who hoped to coerce the German language newspaper into printing exclusively pro-German Empire and anti-Syndicalist articles. The Red Guard victory ensured that the newspaper would instead allow SPA outreach into the German immigrant community of NYC, which helped contribute to the marginalization of the GASA within the city until their total eviction during the Rising.

The loss of their New York City presence was a major blow for the GASA, which has already suffered heavily under anti-reactionary militia laws. While an organization directly supported by the German Empire may never be entirely eradicated until the success of the Revolution in full, a large-scale movement against them in SPA dominated territory (which, with a handful of exceptions, is the territory of the German-American recruitment base) should remove their ability to inhibit our activities on any significant scale. Furthermore, the fact that they are publicly known as an arm of the German Empire helps shield our actions against them from significant backlash, as the majority of even the bourgeoisie have little fondness for the Kaiser.

Retired Policemen's Club
Some unfortunate miscalculations by the Coordination Planning Committee during the laying off of reactionary police officers allowed these former policemen to re-organize themselves into social groups that often act as unofficial paramilitaries. Strictly speaking, there is no single Retired Policemen's Club, but the event of reactionary policemen that have been removed from their jobs banding together into militias and anti-Syndicalist clubs in their cities is a consistent enough pattern to be worth mentioning.

Before the New York Rising, these ex-policeman clubs were considered among the more "respectable" of reactionary organizations, as they generally proclaimed their laying off as unjust overreach by Syndicalists in the state apparatus. However, the fact that it was specifically a man in a police uniform that struck what appeared to be an upper class white woman in the prelude to the Rising has led to significant backlash against them (helped in no small part by our Comrades working the newspapers), and their general association with the federal government is another blow against their reputation in the current political environment. If there is ever a time when moves against them can be made without popular opposition, it is now, and doing so would go a long way to reducing the ability of reactionaries to even hope to contest the worker's cause in the Red Belt.

Farmer's Protection Front
The newest reactionary group to appear in SPA territory has been the displaced farmers from the Dust Bowl, and though many have gained proper class consciousness from SPA and CSA activities, others have joined together to form the reactionary (or at least anti-Socialist) Farmer's Protection Front (FPF). Like with the Retired Policemen's Club, there is no single FPF, but rather an equivalent that has a similar role and origin in most major SPA-dominated cites where migrant farmers have moved into in large numbers.

Viewing the Syndicalist rhetoric in the SPA-dominated cities as alarming, and the Unions as actively fighting to prevent displaced farmers from acquiring new jobs, the Farmer's Protection Front, unlike institutions such as the Black Legion and GASA, is more misguided than malevolent in its origins. The efforts of the street brigades, soup kitchens, and SPA-directed outreach in recruitment and support for the victims of the Dust Bowl has drawn away many from the FPF and to, if not fully realizing class consciousness, then at least not outright hostile to the CSA, and legislation in the heart of SPA territory has severely reduced the ability of the FPF's rank and file to act as scabs. Unfortunately, this leaves the core of the FPF growing more radicalized to the right and arming themselves.

Regrettable as it may seem to some, the FPF must be dismantled before they can mislead the constant influx of displaced yeomen, sharecroppers, and farmworkers that pours into the cities to turn against their class.

Strikebreaker Groups
The strikes that followed both the New York Rising and Curtis's incapacitation were frequently met by well-armed and ruthless Strikebreakers, particularly in areas where SPA and CSA control is not dominant, most infamously Montana. There are reports of whole families of miners: men, women and children alike being led away in chains. As one may expect, this has led to strong outrage against these so-called "Exterminators", most notably from the AFL-CIO, which is atypically leading the call for violent retaliation; No doubt these events bring back harsh memories of the Mingo War for the older members.

Regardless of the reasons why, some form of open retaliation against the Montana exterminators is strongly advised. The coal miners of the state have braved the wrath of strikebreakers numerous times over the past year, at no small cost to themselves, and often with little assistance from the larger movement. Direct action to avenge the fallen would at least serve as a sign that they have not been forgotten, and with Federal popular support flagging across the country, it is unlikely that a better time to fight back without risking major public backlash will emerge.

Americans in Mexico, Part 2: The Northern Conflict

"Anglos might one day be friends with Mexico? Never, senor, not until I draw my last breath. I have seen what you have done with the 'Cristeros' and for a hundred years we have groaned beneath your boot."--Militia Captain involved in the 'Northern Conflict' as it's somewhat euphemistically called.

"In Mexico today millions of Catholics are being oppressed and impoverished by the brutal syndicalism of Emiliano Zapata. Your donation will help protect Catholicism in North America, and ease the suffering of the most vulnerable."--Knights of Columbus Pamphlet.

"Ideology? No, no no. I'm a Protestant, but it's the rebels that are taking all the best loot. Ain't got no regrets."--An American ''Catholic' Rebel' awaiting trial for murder, rape, and rebellion.

Emiliniano Zapata had come into a Mexico with a strong base but without the necessary reforms to recover. In the span of the last year or two, much of South and Central Mexico would now die for him, and Mexico is on a road of recovery that might take years but seems almost inevitable compared to the turmoil and malaise of the previous few years. But in the north, where there are fewer indigenous people and the church is still stronger, things have been troubled.

Most of it is locals, but Americans have become a key part of the landscape of rebellion. They fought to restore Church control of education and Catholicism as the official state religion. They also fight against Zapata's continuing land reforms, which by now have begun to move towards voluntary collectivization in the south… but in the north, there are far fewer volunteers.

Americans who have spilled over the borders as seasonal laborers are one of the several strands of recruitment for the rebels. While recent operations by the militia have significantly weakened the rebels, it is likely that as long as the United States is such a tinderbox, there will continue to be bandits and raiders and refugees streaming south.

Some of these have become close allies of Zapata, but nowadays far fewer Syndicalists flee than might once have. The SPA seems too close to victory, though if civil war ensues and the SPA is broken there will probably be a huge stream of exiles.

But a larger problem than all the migrant American workers combined--who are looked down on by many of the locals and in some cases are well on their way to becoming the kind of hated underclass that they've made others into in America--are the Knights of Columbus.

Between 1932-1934, they have sent over a million dollars in food, arms and supplies to the rebels. Moreover, hundreds of Knights of Columbus have crossed the border entirely. They are sometimes known as 'Coughlin Brigades' in some Knights of Columbus papers. The Knights do not actually engage universally in militia behavior: while there's some violence, they're far more of a fraternal and political organization than a militia. This has begun to change at least in part because veterans from the 'Northern Conflict' have returned to America with tales of terror about 'Syndicalism.' But even so they're still primarily a (comparatively) peaceful organization by the standards of 1934s America. This isn't saying much.

On top of the million dollars and the volunteers, they have also raised millions for Mexican exiles and to spend on propaganda campaigns, so that they are also one of the key sources in souring American Federalist and Longist opinions on Mexico even further than Zapata's semi-alignment with the Third International has.

In recent months there have been a number of setbacks for the rebels in the north, and Zapata's militia have even begun beating the guerillas at guerilla warfare... but it seems all but certain that the conflict will drag into '35. This is one of the several dark sides of American involvement and immigration into Mexican conflicts. It has been speculated already that without the donations of the Knights of Columbus and their support, Zapata would have already won the conflict.

It has been a constant refrain from some in the Texas SPA and the hispanics in the SPA that something needs to be done against the Knights of Columbus, not militarily but economically and politically to cut off the flow of money and goods and force them to heel. Thus far the SPA and CSA have been far too busy not only for this, but for much outreach at all to Hispanics. But the drumbeat is growing louder by the month, and it seems inevitable that the Knights of Columbus and SPA will be pulled into closer and more dangerous conflict, in which Mexico is just one of the many sources of hatred.

In Mexico it has become a political football, with Calles denouncing Zapata's tolerance of Americans and 'soft hand' in putting down the Northern Rebels with the right amount of force and hatred for religion and clergy that would surely crush decisively the power of religion in Mexico entirely. Thus far Zapata's solutions to the issue have been far more popular, but those who watch Mexican politics cannot ignore the American elephant in the room and its influence on how the Northern Conflict is viewed.

In the eyes of some of the militia Zapata sends, it's not only a war against rich clergy and their dupes, but against the American Empire and its agents. The divisions between the AFP and the Federals are not invisible to Mexicans, but they take on far less significance south of the border. 'Reaction is Reaction' as the famous saying goes.

Association with these rebels troubles even Americans in central and south Mexico. This encourages them to try to blend in more culturally, and for those who are Red to emphasize it whenever they can. Red flags can be found flying from even the houses of Social Liberals in Mexico City, the better to distinguish themselves from the American volunteers and bandits. For while the Knights of Columbus have shied away from open atrocities, some of the American runaway criminals have led the Northern Rebels into orgies of rape, murder, and atrocities. Indeed it is far easier to blame the Americans than to think that your 'own people' could have a starring role in it, and so even atrocities that were entirely homegrown on the part of the Cristeros are called 'Americanisms' in the slang lingo of the soldier.

Only Zapata's insistence on the potential for the revolution to spread has protected the Americans in Mexico city, creating a bizarre paternalistic relationship which no doubt discomforts both the Americans and Zapata.

******

A/N: And today have a reward of an omake that only makes things worse for the Syndicalists... mostly. Part 3 will probably cover diplomatic relations and American businessmen dealing with Zapata's brave new world.

Reed: +10, +10, +0, +10, +10, +0, +0, +10, +15, +5, +10, +0

CC: +15

SLC: -15, -20

Norman Thomas: +10, +10, +0

Smedley Butler: +20, +11

Charles Schenk: +0, +0, +10

Ben Stevens: +30, +0

SPA Cadres: +0, +0, +10, +10

You look out your window and sigh, for the scars of the Rising still mar New York City. Two of the houses you can see played host to reactionary militias, and so those houses were fought over, bullets and bombs ripping their way through wood and plaster before the Red Guards managed to take them, before being driven out as fresh militias used fire to drive them out.

The people of the city paid a bloody price, and there will be more costs before everything is settled. Major newspapers have long since stopped reporting the tit-for-tat murders and street battles that dominate the country, but you know they are still happening. Dozens are dying every day.

And that's ignoring the larger, deadlier clashes. Those might be rare, but everyone hears of them when they happen. Bombings of Longist marches. Attacks on Red Guards headquarters. Ambushes on deploying National Guards. Firefights that rip holes through entire communities.

Everyone is being affected, not just those who fight. People are terrified. Even Hannah, for all that you try to shelter her, knows that there's fighting. It's been giving her nightmares.

Silently, you vow that those dreams will be the closest she ever comes to war.

But for that to happen, changes need to be made. Changes to the Red Guards, and changes to the reactionary bastards. You'll see one set through. And the men you trust to battle for the syndicalist cause...they'll handle the other.


A Democratic Chain of Command?!: 2 semi-Temporary Influence, 94+63+10=167

The Red Guards are not a centralized organization, and they are unlikely to become one without either something massive and unpredictable like a sudden civil war or sustained pressure from the top. That is the first obstacle any attempt at reforming them will face. But according to Butler and some of the more...esoteric military theoreticians he knows, that might also be a strength.

Regardless, if a better, more democratic chain of command is to be created, the first thing that needs to be discussed is what the expected pattern of the army is. Are they a professional volunteer source? A levee en masse in the French style? A citizen's self-defense militia? All of the above? Whatever choice you make will have severe and unpredictable repercussions...

[] Red Guards units are to be highly-professionalized forces, in the general style of the U. S. Military with alterations for increased democracy and functionality going from there.

[] Red Guards units are to be local militias, drawn from individual unions and organizations, consisting of civilian structures transferred to the battlefield, with alterations for increased functionality going from there.

[] Red Guards units are to be large, levied forces of conscripts and volunteers buoyed by revolutionary fervor, with alterations for increased functionality and democracy going from there.

[] Red Guards units are to choose which form they desire.

[] Red Guards units are to choose which form they desire in conjunction with a central body to evaluate their capabilities and the needs of the Revolution.

Anti-Adventurist Measures: 1 Influence, 60+10=70

The vast distances of the country would make maintaining central control over the Red Guards difficult enough, to say nothing of their independent nature and the frequent difficulties of communication. This has resulted in many units taking instructions from the rest of the SPA as polite requests, left some ideologically adrift, and led to many counterproductive actions by various militias who overestimated their support or simply sought to aggrandize themselves.

So once more you find yourself sitting around a table with leaders of the SPA. Butler is at your side of course, but so is Lawson, and Lippmann and Gitlow have both taken interest in this debate. The argument rages back and forth, separate but connected to other debates about the Red Guards. Proposals are made and discarded, and in the end a few possibilities are the only ones being discussed. Whatever choice you make will have severe and unpredictable repercussions...

(Choose as many as you like, vote using plan format)

[] Send some written advice and encouragement to the Red Guards in the hopes that they will listen.

[] Expand the Commissar program to give more guidance and advice to Red Guards units.

[] Use the promise of support and better weaponry to encourage compliance.

[] Create elected regional officers to oversee the various units

[] Appoint advisors to regions distant from the SPA centers of power to help rein them in.

[] Write-in subject to veto


With the changes you are making, you are confident the Red Guards will only become more effective. But sometimes, you think, the Fosterites are right. The best army in the world means nothing if it isn't used. From California to New York, from Maine to Florida, the innocent and oppressed have been slain and slaughtered, sometimes without even being given the chance to fight back. Sometimes after they had surrendered.

That will not be allowed to happen any longer. The Red Guards will not be waiting for the reactionaries to attack them, not anymore.


Retaliatory Measures: 1 Influence, 63+10=73

Throughout the country, instructions and requests were passed down. By radio, by telegraph, by phone call, by letter, by messenger, word went out. Be ready. Battle was coming. If you can handle it, do it. If you can't, ask for help.

And one fine April morning, nearly twenty states were wracked by violence. Homes were burned, businesses were bombed, militias were mobbed. In some places, the scattered attacks were beaten off. In others, they found success, catching their targets off-guard and cutting a bloody swathe through them. And in still others, the outmatched Red Guards found assistance coming...

The Blair Brigade marched into Anaconda, Montana, and the people of the city threw flowers at them. They marched in a ragged half-formation, wearing no uniform but for green jackets with red armbands. But though the men might look dirty and angry, the weapons had been polished and cared for with attention that spoke of great familiarity and determination to make them function as well as possible.

Samson marched with them, uneasy. This wasn't going to be his first time going after strikebreakers, but it was his first time doing so with the Blair Brigade. And it was going to be a hell of a fight, if the scuttlebutt he had heard was anything remotely accurate.

He nervously glanced to his left and right. Within the cheering crowds, he could see people who didn't look so happy to see him, although by and large they faded away before he got a good look at them. As they turned a corner he leaned over and whispered to Sergeant Jones, "Comrade, I think they are going to know we are here."

Jones nodded. "Keep your eyes forward, and trust the commander. You voted for him, same as I did."

Samson scowled but turned his head back. When they had the chance, he was going to run for sergeant himself. The way Jones acted just didn't sit right.

They were guided down street after street and then were led into a large hotel. They packed in, four to a room, and watches were drawn up. With their duties for the day done, the men of the Blair Brigade sprawled throughout the hotel. Some made their way down to the restaurant, others to the bar. Still others flirted with the housekeepers.
Samson found his way to the roof and sat there. He slid out his father's knife and sharpened it, the rasp of the metal soothing his nerves.

At least until he heard footsteps. Instantly he spun around, flipping the knife over in his hand and readying himself to rush the...young black man wearing a red armband who was approaching. "Woah, comrade...I didn't mean to startle you," the man said, taking two steps back and lifting his hands up.

Cheeks turning pink, Samson slid the knife back into his sheathe. "It's not your fault," he replied, a little more brusque than he had intended.

"I'm Samson. How about you?"

"Ted. We were all real excited when we heard you lot were coming to help us. The Exterminators are tough bastards. They give you one chance to surrender, and if you don't take it...I've seen the bodies a time or two."

Ted fished around in his pockets, pulling out a cigarette. "So I hope you and us, I hope we make them understand they don't get to have it all their own way."

He dropped down next to Samson, who found himself swallowing his own fear. He had heard the same things about the Exterminators, and he was just as scared. But in front of this young man he refused to show that.

"They'll learn. Trust me, the Brigade have taught that lesson to meaner gangs."

Ted lit his cigarette, and Samson took out his own, igniting it from his new comrade's.

The two of them smoked in companionable silence until there was nothing left, and then departed.

Samson woke early. The sergeant was up before him of course, having come from a meeting with their captain. He checked each man's weapons, told them the plan, and led them in prayer. Sam folded his hands and hung his head, saying nothing.

He was a syndicalist, and as far as he was concerned that meant he was an atheist. Not that he was going to ruffle any feathers by making a fuss.

And then without another word they rose and left the room. They knew what they were doing, they knew why they were there. They knew that they'd win in the end, even if not all of them made it out alive.

The sun was a pale sliver over the horizon as they filed down, joining the rest of the Brigade and their local guides.

They moved like a fog, some rolling forth over the road, others slipping through the bushes and trees along the side.

Ted was the one leading Samson's unit. The two of them exchanged glances, then Ted collapsed. The crack of gunfire echoed through his ears an instant later, and he threw himself down as bullets stitched through the air.

"Contact, Lenin Kronstadt Squadron!" Samson shouted, bringing his own rifle up.

He heard more gunfire, more cries of "Contact" but ignored it all. He squeezed off one shot, then another, firing wildly as he tried to make his enemies duck down. Branches quivered and shook as bullets whizzed back and forth. Behind him, his comrades slid around to his left and right and pushed forward.

There was a sharp exchange of fire and then four bodies fell to the ground.

And without a glance back Samson and the rest of his squad rushed forward.

The bark of gunfire and the boom of grenades kept moving forwards, keeping pace with them as they rushed through the woods, bent double and then moved onto the road.

There were Exterminators there too, falling back slowly as they tried to avoid being surrounded. A pair of strange vehicles with machine guns anchored them as soldiers took turns firing and fleeing behind while the machine guns sent forth a deadly hail that kept the Blair Brigade from closing. Men fell with every step, but more closed behind as the syndicalist soldiers doggedly pursued their foes.

And then Samson threw a grenade.

One machine gun came to a stop as its operators went down thrashing. The other began to turn towards him when the gunner's head exploded.

The Blair Brigade rushed forward in a wild melee as bullets and bayonets cut down man after man until none were left.

And then they kept pushing.

There were two more firefights before they reached their goal, brief things that saw only a few men killed or wounded. They were tired and filthy, gnawing on premade food bars and swigging warm, gritty water, and their units were a disorganized mess - he hadn't seen tJones since that first ambush - but they knew the plan and they weren't going to quit.

And at noon the target came into view. An "abandoned" National Guard base that had been taken over by the Exterminators, it's men stoody at the ready. A tall fence of barbed wire blocked their path. Sandbags gave cover to their foes. Rifles, machine guns, even artillery made it a lethal target to attack, and it was filled with determined enemies.

The Blair Brigade slowed and came to a stop at the sight of that fearsome fortress...and then mortar shells began to rain down on the men inside it. Shrapnel scythed through them, killing and wounding and spreading panic. The Exterminators fired back with cool determination, but they couldn't reach the mortars and suppressive fire from the Brigade forced them down. The artillery were decrewed, holes were blown in their fences, and from every direction but one death came.

With a position growing less defensible by the second, some began to withdraw, then retreat, then rout. They dashed across the bloodied grounds and fled south, opposite of where their attackers had come from.

And then they ran into the rest of the Brigade, dug into the forest and wreaking havoc among their fleeing foe.

Some remained within the base, hiding in shelters or dugouts or within the sturdy walls of the masonry buildings.

So the fire slackened and stopped, and calls to surrender went out. Even with his blood up, Samson shouted as loud as the rest. He had fought in buildings, digging out determined enemies before. He had no desire to do so again.

That night, Kronstadt Squadron celebrated grimly in the hotel bar. They had won in the end, but they had bled for it. Ted had died, Sergeant Jones had taken a piece of shrapnel to his gut and no one knew if he would survive it, and all of them were wearied. They had won in the end. Samson wondered if it was worth it, then he raised his glass.

"To our absent comrades. And to the cause we fight for," he said softly.

They echoed his toast, and all downed their glasses as one.

And three days later they left Anaconda for Butte, to destroy another nest of Exterminators.


And throughout the country, militias were hunted. Pinkertons were dragged out of their beds, put on trial, and shot. Police in a dozen cities were shot down in the street, the perpetrators sometimes not even bothering to flee. And with every attack, a message was delivered.

If you attacked the workers, they would attack back. And the consequences of that to you and yours would be for you to bear.


Report from Smedley Butler: 1 Influence on Establish Training Camps, 41+20=61+15 = 76, 1 Influence on Purchase Arms, 41+11=52

The camps form a network throughout the country. Experienced soldiers and persuasive ideologues staff them, putting volunteers from the Red Guards through a merciless regime. They are taught to shoot, to move, to fight. They are given experience with every weapon you can reliably access, from rifles to machine guns to mortars. They are encouraged to develop skills in leadership and tactics and a dozen other fields Butler deemed worthy of including, from military history to public speaking to driving.

And day and night they are taught to think, exposed to the works of Marx and other great socialist thinkers, made to develop their own ideas and synthesize them with others. The force you are building is a political thing, and it's future leaders must be skilled in politics.

And Butler might not like it, but you insist. The camps are not segregated at all. Black men and white men train and fight side by side, and are given no favoritism (Butler approves of this, albeit gruffly, and he questions the feasibility of avoiding that favoritism without damaging discipline). More controversially, men and women share the same camps, the same mess halls, the same barracks.

There are conflicts and failures, and many people wash out. But more stay in, and soon you will have the beginnings of something better than ragged paramilitaries...
And they will be better equipped too. Armories are beginning to form in major cities as they produce rifles and bullets, with Butler pushing (fairly successfully, given the chaotic situation) for the adoption of a standard set of firearms. Red Guards units find themselves with rifles and pistols for everyone, and older weapons are gradually retired.

Some of the seized arms factories even manage to produce more than a few machine guns, while the improvised workshops that supplied your forces with heavier weapons are expanded and refined, producing more reliable grenades and safer mortars.

It's not enough, it's nowhere near enough. You will need to be able to match the full might of the US Army, you will need to equip untold millions with rifles and bullets and uniforms and a thousand other things.

But it's a start.


As the month ends, you think over the thirty long days...

It's been a difficult and stressful time in some ways, full of frustrations even amongst your successes. But the party is growing, your forces are getting stronger. And the reactionaries have just been dealt a series of sharp blows.

You turn from the window and tiptoe to your daughter's room, the guard stepping aside to let you pass. She sleeps soundly, undisturbed by bad dreams for once. You kneel down by her bed and smile.

Perhaps she will grow up and never know war.

You will do all you can to make it so.