Shifting Tide: Universalism and Resistance, a 1596 GSRPG IC

baboushreturns · Jan 4, 2024

Padishah Mehmed III - The Early Years (1566-1595) The Son of Safiye Sultan

Rarely was the Topkaki Palace a quiet or somber place, yet on the morning of November the 17th, 1613 sorrow filled the halls of the grand complex. After an illness of some three weeks, Mehmed III, Caliph, Padishah, and "Wali of the Whole World" lay dead in his bed. 17 years had passed since he came to the throne at age 33. His reign marked a period of expansion for the empire but not without moments of great instability and momentous cost. Despite the power he held, Mehmed's life was far from a happy one.

Born in the small Aegean coastal city of Manisa in 1566 during the reign of his great grandfather Suleiman the Lawgiver, Mehmed's future was full of uncertainty at its start. His father, the future Padishah Murad III, was the crown prince when Mehmed was born. The Ottoman succession was no event to be taken lightly. Like his father and his grandfather before him, Murad had five of his younger half-brothers strangled to death upon his accession to the throne. Statistically, this was the fate of most Osman princes during the early period of Ottoman history.

It was up to a prince's mother to ensure that her son would be the one to survive the succession. Mehmed owed his life and his reign to his mother. Safiye Sultan was born in a small village in the highlands of northern Albania. She was gifted as a slave to the Ottoman court at age 13 and from that point on, grew up in the harem. Gradually she rose through its ranks until she became the favorite concubine of Murad while he was still heir-apparent. She bore him two daughters before giving him his first son, Mehmed.

In 1574, Selim II died leaving the throne to Murad. Upon his ascension, Mehmed and Safiye moved to the Topkapi palace and began to take part in the harem politics there. Safiye found the harem dominated by Mehmed's grandmother Nurbanu Sultan. The two women gradually came to be at odds as each battled for control over Murad. For years, the Padishah kept a monogamous relationship with Safiye, yet in 1581 the conflict reached a boiling point inside the harem when one of Murad's other sons died leaving Mehmed as the only living heir to the dynasty.

Tensions escalated for two more years until, in the spring of 1583, Narbanu Sultan accused Safiye of using witchcraft to seduce her son and launched a purge of courtiers and eunuchs aligned with her. This resulted in the end of Murad's monogamous stance and the expulsion of Safiye to the Eski Saray (Old Palace) in Constantinople. Yet, instead of letting her sorrow destroy her, Safiye remained calm and worked to regain her position. She presented Murad with concubines and displayed no outward sign of ill-will towards the Padishah or his mother.

Months passed, and Safiye successfully out-waited her grizzled foe as Narbanu Sultan passed away in December 1583. Eventually, Safiye returned to the palace harem and rose to become Murad's favorite once again. Although it is said their relationship was markedly cooler then before the split Safiye became a key political fixture in the palace helping the Padishah run many affairs. During this time she came to take on a more explicitly pro-Venetian stance and with a new host of allies she managed to fill the power vacuum left by Narbanu Sultan. Eventually her clout ensured that Mehmed's claim to the throne won out when when Murad died in January 1595.

At the time of his passing, Murad left behind 26 sons, 30 daughters, and 6 pregnant concubines. Of those Mehmed had 19 of his half-brothers executed and along with all of the pregnant concubines. He would have likely shared their fate had it not been for wit and strength of Safiye Sultan.

DeMarcheese · Jan 4, 2024

@adriankowaty

To our illustrious countrymen Johann Frederick, Duke of Württemberg:

Having learned of the dreadful events that have afflicted our neighbors and bring calamitous woes upon the Empire we reach out to you with this letter. For neither the greed of men nor the madness of quarrel with our fellow countrymen afflicts your Excellency. Indeed, we have much praise for your commitment to peace and your determination to achieve prosperity for your people. Although we find disagreeable the tolerance extended to heretics and sinful protestants, we understand and respect the bottomless extent of your merciful soul which is a quality greatly praised by the Lord as one of the noblest virtues in Man. Furthermore, it is not within our rights to dictate the affairs of your subjects in matters of the divine and pray the Holy See can, in due time, show them the error of their ways as mercifully as you rule over them.

It is in the spirit of these sentiments that we offer a helping hand during these turbulent times of strife and uncertainty. To further extol and strengthen our ties as fellow Germans and overcome our differences with the bond of brotherhood.

Let it be known that therefore we offer a treaty of fellowship and harmonious friendship by which we solemnly swear to maintain a peaceful and kind existence between our lands and peoples. To benefit our subjects by the prosperity that trade across our borders brings forth. And to come to aid and firm defense should the pestilence of war is visited by force due to the machinations and ill desires of outsider entities.

May God bless upon the harmonious friendship between the peoples of Württemberg and Bavaria forevermore.

- Duke Maximilian Wittelsbach of Bavaria, by the Grace of God

adriankowaty · Jan 5, 2024

DeMarcheese said:
@adriankowaty

To our illustrious countrymen Johann Frederick, Duke of Württemberg:

Having learned of the dreadful events that have afflicted our neighbors and bring calamitous woes upon the Empire we reach out to you with this letter. For neither the greed of men nor the madness of quarrel with our fellow countrymen afflicts your Excellency. Indeed, we have much praise for your commitment to peace and your determination to achieve prosperity for your people. Although we find disagreeable the tolerance extended to heretics and sinful protestants, we understand and respect the bottomless extent of your merciful soul which is a quality greatly praised by the Lord as one of the noblest virtues in Man. Furthermore, it is not within our rights to dictate the affairs of your subjects in matters of the divine and pray the Holy See can, in due time, show them the error of their ways as mercifully as you rule over them.

It is in the spirit of these sentiments that we offer a helping hand during these turbulent times of strife and uncertainty. To further extol and strengthen our ties as fellow Germans and overcome our differences with the bond of brotherhood.

Let it be known that therefore we offer a treaty of fellowship and harmonious friendship by which we solemnly swear to maintain a peaceful and kind existence between our lands and peoples. To benefit our subjects by the prosperity that trade across our borders brings forth. And to come to aid and firm defense should the pestilence of war is visited by force due to the machinations and ill desires of outsider entities.

May God bless upon the harmonious friendship between the peoples of Württemberg and Bavaria forevermore.

- Duke Maximilian Wittelsbach of Bavaria, by the Grace of God

To His Estimeed Majesty Maximilian, Duke Bavaria,
we welcome this show of friendship with open hands. Naturally, to make a treaty formally binding, let ous propose the text of the document of friendship, as below:

Wurttembergian-Bavarian Treaty of Friendship
1. Duchy of Wurttemberg and Duchy of Bavaria agree to nonagression agreement between each other.
2. Moreover, both parties agree to cooperate in case of attack on any side.
[X] Johann Friedrich, Duke of Wurttemberg
[X] Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria

ZealousThoughts · Jan 5, 2024

@Tyrell

In the year of our Lord 1615, when the seas bore witness to the interplay of wind and sail, a momentous event transpired upon the shores of Bali—the arrival of an emissary bearing the sacred words and noble gifts from the grand dominion of King Felipe, the Planet King.

As the emissary's ship, laden with the aura of distant lands, navigated the cerulean expanses, the island of Bali, adorned in its verdant splendor, awaited in hushed anticipation. Rumors of the emissary's impending arrival, heralding tidings from realms rumoured and barely experienced by some from the island, stirred the air like whispers among the palm fronds.

The emissary, draped in regal attire befitting the stature of the sovereign he represented, disembarked upon the Bali shore. A missive, inscribed with the celestial wisdom of King Felipe, accompanied him—a parchment pregnant with the aspirations and directives of the Planet King. This sacred epistle, like a conduit between celestial realms and earthly dominions, bore the resonance of royal decree.

Yet, beyond the weighty words conveyed through ink and parchment, the emissary presented a tangible symbol of sovereign grace—a crown, wrought from the finest metals and adorned with gemstones reflecting the brilliance of Iberian craftsmanship. This coronet, a physical manifestation of regal benevolence, was a testament to the enduring bonds between Bali and the grandeur of the Planet King.

The emissary, amidst the lush tapestry of Bali's landscape, proceeded to the court of local dignitaries. The air shimmered with a blend of anticipation and reverence as he unfurled the missive, its celestial wisdom now laid bare for the esteemed assembly. The emissary, in mellifluous tones, conveyed the sacred words that echoed the radiance of the celestial ruler, fostering a connection between Bali and the distant realms overseen by King Felipe.

The crown, resplendent in its artistry, was presented as a symbol of honor, a tangible embodiment of the shared aspirations of celestial and earthly realms. As it graced the noble heads of Bali's dignitaries, it signified not just regal investiture but the intertwining of destinies—the union of Bali with the grand narrative woven by the Planet King.

In the wake of this momentous arrival, Bali stood not only as an island of earthly wonders but as a waypoint in the cosmic design overseen by King Felipe. The emissary's journey, the sacred missive, and the coronet's lustrous weight bore testament to the interconnectedness of realms—bridging the celestial and the terrestrial in a harmonious dance.

As the emissary set sail once more, leaving the shores of Bali, the island retained not just a missive and a crown, but an indelible mark—a celestial sigil etched upon its history. Below can be found a copy of the letter sent to the Gelgel of Bali and the acknowledgement therein;

To the Noble Raja of Gelgel, Sovereign of Bali and Keeper of the Celestial Balance,

By the grace of the stars and the cosmic order, let this missive bear witness to the celestial wisdom that flows from my dominion, where I, Felipe, stand astride the world as the Planet King.

In the annals of celestial lore, the scholars of India, seekers of cosmic truths, have whispered of a great mandala—a cosmic design stretching from Java into the Sunda Seas. This mandala, a celestial tapestry woven by the hands of divine architects, was said to be incomplete, lacking its southeast anchor in the earthly realm.

It is with this celestial knowledge and the cosmic resonance that guides my gaze across realms that I turn my attention to Nusantara—the jewel islands of Java and Sunda. The great constellation of palaces and lords at Os Anjos, pulsating with celestial energy, yearns for completion, and the missing piece, it is told, lies within the embrace of Nusantara.

I, Felipe, sovereign of the celestial expanse, have set forth a quest among my loyal subjects—an expedition to unravel the mysteries of the Nusantara, to seek the true heir to our celestial Mandala. This epic journey, guided by the wisdom of the heavens, has traversed distant lands, scaled towering peaks, and sailed the boundless seas.

After arduous trials and celestial revelations, the quest has found its culmination upon the sacred soil of Bali. The cosmic currents, like ethereal threads, converge upon your realm, noble Raja of Gelgel. The scholars and navigators, heralds of celestial truth, bear with them the Crown—a physical representation of my recognition of the true status of Gelgel as the Raja of Nusantara.

As this missive reaches your august court, let the Crown be presented with reverence, for it is not merely a regal adornment but a symbol of celestial acknowledgment. Gelgel, Bali, and Nusantara stand not as mere earthly dominions but as integral components in the grand design of the celestial Mandala.

May the Crown, resplendent in its cosmic aura, find a worthy place upon your noble brow, noble Raja, and may the celestial energies that bind us usher in an era of unity, harmony, and shared destiny. Let the stars bear witness to this celestial accord, as Gelgel assumes its rightful place as the southeastern anchor of the great Mandala.

In cosmic kinship,

Felipe

DeMarcheese · Jan 5, 2024

adriankowaty said:
To His Estimeed Majesty Maximilian, Duke Bavaria,
we welcome this show of friendship with open hands. Naturally, to make a treaty formally binding, let ous propose the text of the document of friendship, as below:

Wurttembergian-Bavarian Treaty of Friendship
1. Duchy of Wurttemberg and Duchy of Bavaria agree to nonagression agreement between each other.
2. Moreover, both parties agree to cooperate in case of attack on any side.
[X] Johann Friedrich, Duke of Wurttemberg
[] Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria

[X] Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria

ZealousThoughts · Jan 5, 2024

@John7755 يوحنا @Velasco

The Treaty of St James, 1614

I. The Crowns of Spain and Great Britain reaffirm all previous treaties between them not contrary to the present articles.

II. Spain hereby recognises English ownership of Bermuda and Jamaica.

III. Prince Charles Stuart, Duke of York and Albany, shall marry within the following year the Infanta Maria Catalina Mauricia of Spain. Special royal licence will permit the Infanta to practise her Roman Catholic faith privately in all territories of the British crown. The children of the union shall be raised in the Church of England.

III. The said Infanta will receive a dowry suited to her rank, and the married couple shall be granted titles of their own within the Hapsburg dominions as Duke and Duchess of Stuart a courtly title which shall come with residences in Madrid and Antwerp as well as a suitable stipend for their rank granted by the King of Spain, with the proviso that only their children adhering to the Roman Catholic rite shall inherit the title and have lands granted to them. Otherwise, the granted titles and honours will revert back to the Spanish crown once Charles and Maria are both dead.

IV. A suitable monetary dowry shall also be given for the hand of the Infanta to King James of England.

V. With respect to the territorial waters and trade ports of the respective crowns, each shall permit ships flying the other's flag safe harbour, liberty to trade and restock, and facilitate passports so merchants subject to the other may travel inland and do business.

VI. James of England and Charles of England will be extended membership of the Order of the Golden Fleece

Signed before God and Man,

Felipe, King of Castille, of Aragon, of Portugal and of Naples etc etc [ X ]

James, King of England, of Scotland etc etc [ ]

Velasco · Jan 5, 2024

ZealousThoughts said:
@John7755 يوحنا @Velasco

The Treaty of St James, 1614

I. The Crowns of Spain and Great Britain reaffirm all previous treaties between them not contrary to the present articles.

II. Spain hereby recognises English ownership of Bermuda and Jamaica.

III. Prince Charles Stuart, Duke of York and Albany, shall marry within the following year the Infanta Maria Catalina Mauricia of Spain. Special royal licence will permit the Infanta to practise her Roman Catholic faith privately in all territories of the British crown. The children of the union shall be raised in the Church of England.

III. The said Infanta will receive a dowry suited to her rank, and the married couple shall be granted titles of their own within the Hapsburg dominions as Duke and Duchess of Stuart a courtly title which shall come with residences in Madrid and Antwerp as well as a suitable stipend for their rank granted by the King of Spain, with the proviso that only their children adhering to the Roman Catholic rite shall inherit the title and have lands granted to them. Otherwise, the granted titles and honours will revert back to the Spanish crown once Charles and Maria are both dead.

IV. A suitable monetary dowry shall also be given for the hand of the Infanta to King James of England.

V. With respect to the territorial waters and trade ports of the respective crowns, each shall permit ships flying the other's flag safe harbour, liberty to trade and restock, and facilitate passports so merchants subject to the other may travel inland and do business.

VI. James of England and Charles of England will be extended membership of the Order of the Golden Fleece

Signed before God and Man,

Felipe, King of Castille, of Aragon, of Portugal and of Naples etc etc [ X ]

James, King of England, of Scotland etc etc [ ]

John7755 يوحنا · Jan 5, 2024

The Banner of the Holy Imperial Army

Pacta Aurea (1614) - Golden Agreements

Let it be known to all in the Empire that the Emperor is merciful, kind, and benevolent to all of his subjects, from the highest unto the lowest and under the aegis of Imperial Integrity, the Emperor guides without bias or favoritism. Even those who rebel and or act in dangerous ways that harm the integrity of the Empire doth likewise receive our love and mercy in all things, for the Emperor is called to imitate the loving doctrines of Christ and until absolutely necessary, he doth turn the cheek. Yet, with repeated acts of conflict, of disorder, of disastrous agreements, the Empire is made more tumultuous and the denizens are harmed. Know, the Emperor has seen all things and he may not be unaware of those matters which affect the stability of the Empire.

All pacts, alliances, leagues, and so forth once more without Imperial approval are seen as harmful and illegal to the Imperial Order. Since the auspicious year of 1356 in the reign of our exalted predecessor, the matter of leagues, alliances and unrestrained warfare was ordered and made illegal. The Princes in coordination with the Holy Roman Emperor outlined this matter for the sake of the sanctity of the Empire and the protection of all the denizens of the Empire, so that they may prosper and so that the correct hierarchy is maintained. Indeed, the formation of leagues, pacts, and alliances create an ambience of polarization that divides brothers and creates the fuels for warfare between kin, to which we all hold as bond.

Our predecessor, the honorable and adored Emperor Rudolph II upheld peace, tranquility, and mercy as his policy for all the world and the lands were kept under peace. Indeed, no wars raged in the Empire under his pious command and the foundations of Prague were widened and with it the entire world was made happy and more firm. However, less conflict emerged in his day and for the sake of mercy, he permitted many matters that according to our commission, have led to disputes and flames of conflict in the Empire. Thus, under pressure from the many denizens of the Empire who beseech support and guidance, the Emperor finally moves to make edict on the ongoing disturbances, both in Saxony and in the matter of alliances, leagues, and pacts.

The wrong doing of such alliances, leagues, and associations are in how they foster division and hatred between Imperial Princes. Polarization as caused by these movements therefore may be seen as the cause for the war in the Netherlands, as rebels band together in illegal formation, and the Saxon strike upon the Bradenburger domain, breaching the etiquette of Imperial Law. Therefore, we, in full understanding of our position issue a Golden Agreement, an edict that establishes peace and amicability between all within the Empire. The dictates of the edict are as follows:

1. The Emperor reiterates the Eternal Peace Decree of 1495 and hereby order all concurrent wars based upon feuds to immediately cease, and for the soldiers to cease activity or suffer the pain of the Imperial Ban and punishment by persecution from the Imperial Armies. Those who are engaged in a feuding war may, upon their cessation of conflict, dispatch a legal proceeding to solve their dispute.

2. The Emperor reiterates the illegality of alliances, leagues, pacts, or so forth alignments not based upon familial connections. Those that currently command or are part of an unsanctioned League, must thus dispatch word to the Imperial Court in Prague for approval.

3. The Emperor requests that all Princes reaffirm their allegiance to the Imperial Throne by accepting the provisions of Eternal Peace and refutation of rebellion, internal conflicts, and the defense of the Holy Roman Empire.

4. The Emperor reiterates the neutrality of the Holy Roman Imperial Throne towards the ongoing crisis in Poland and instead wishes that the conflict end as soon as possible so that the Turkish threat may be repulsed.

5. The Emperor requests that all the Princes of the Empire dispatch envoy condemning the Great Turk and providing a statement of willingness to defend the Imperial frontier against the Great Turk and his dastardly advances both in the Mediterranean and in Europe. May the Great Turk be forever expelled from Europe and driven from all the Holy Places!

The Emperor to commemorate the establishment of peace and the life of the previous Emperor, Rudolph II, the protector of Prague and Imperial Peace, a banquet shall be held for all Princes within the Empire. We invite all to come forth and receive acclaim, for upon the end of the banquet a obelisk in the same manner as the late Emperor Rudolph II, shall be commissioned and all those who attend shall thence be inscribed upon the obelisk and thereby honored with immense majesty.

@Vald , @Zorakov , @ZealousThoughts , @DeMarcheese , @FatLeek , @Franzj(bear) , @adriankowaty , @Muskeato , @Sleater , @Sneakyflaps , @Vitalian , @Velasco , @Mrmastro

John7755 يوحنا · Jan 5, 2024

A Locust Swarm, 1614

For several decades prosperity in agriculture and trade had existed in Eastern Africa, creating a general population growth and the consolidation of powerful domains, such as in Ethiopia, the Great Funj, and the Ajuuran Sultanate. However, just as all things go up, they too must go down and in 1613, inauspicious signs could be seen as the dry season lasted longer than usual and thus by 1614, created a response among locusts.

Locust typically are solitary grazers, living quiet lives with little interaction with humans, therefore, typically human societies do not monitor their movement or existence. What originally are solitary creatures however receive abnormal responses from the environment causing their bodies and behavior to rapidly change, creating true calamities. As a result of environmental factors, these locusts begin to suddenly enter into communal migratory hordes on land, moving rapidly, as a horde they scrounge across the ground, consuming massive amounts of plant matter. Within such large numbers, the solitary locusts become social and more importantly, begin breeding faster and therefore becoming a multiplying species beyond their typical status. Once the march becomes large enough for a period of time, the locusts thence enter into brief cocoons that when hatched develop an even greater evil. Hatching from their cocoon, the locusts emerge larger, winged, and with an insatiable hunger; continuing in their social behavior, the locusts become swarms. The swarms fly forth in massive numbers, with millions upon millions upon millions gathering and thence descending upon all plant matter in their way.

Beginning in lands of Uganda near Lake Victoria, swarms of locusts began forming and millions upon millions of pounds of plant matter would be eviscerated. Moving sharply north, plagues of locusts ascended into Ethiopia, Sudan, Ogaden, and into Somalia. The results would continue for several years as the locust swarms devastated the crops of millions in Eastern Africa, causing migration, famine, and death. In only the first sections of 1614, thousands of humans would die as the destruction of all grains in many areas would leave sedentary communities bereft of ways to feed themselves. The situation would become dire by 1615, with grain becoming increasingly a hot commodity and hundreds of thousands of people across the region placed into acute food insecurity. Furthermore, the migration of peoples would begin a process of weakening and changing the power dynamic in the region, which could be seen by the end of 1614 for when int he dry season, a collection of Oromo chiefs defeated the Ajuuran Sultanate in the Ogaden region, forcing Oromo settlement of this area and the slow conflict brew between the local Islamic inhabitants and that of the Oromo and their traditional faiths.

@Dadarian , @ZealousThoughts , @baboushreturns , @Vitalian , @Nerdorama , @Graf Tzarogy , @Korona , @Nicholas the Hun , @Canned Knight , @Redtape

Sneakyflaps · Jan 5, 2024

Charlemagne's Heir
@John7755 يوحنا

The Pacta Aurea would come charging through the courts of central and western Europe like a bull. The emperor in Prague had finally risen, ready to lay down his law across the Empire that had become ever more unruly over the last decade, the empire that he at least by law ought to command. It was one which sought to strike at the very heart at those that opposed him, and his imperial glory. From the factions fighting in the north-eastern part of the realm, to the allies of Henri IV himself along the Rhine that had so quietly grown to blossom in utter glory from the festivities that occupied the region. It was the emperor who wished to turn back the clock by the arguments of old legal rhetoric and precedents, without having the might to enforce it without laying waste to his own empire if push came to shove.

One of the most important matters regarding these aspects, was the matter that the emperor had put forth in regard to the Turks. It was no longer just a matter of legality, but the age-old question of the threatening Turkish forces on the border of Europe. A threat which, to the emperor's credit, had merit due to the events that had unfolded in Poland. It had bee an unfortunate side effect that the Turks had secured not just Ukraine, for such a loss could have been acceptable, but rather that status of a tributary of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In truth it was an utter disaster, and the biggest cessation of assistance to the house of Vasa. It had given the Habsburg support that they would otherwise have lacked, even if it had been seen as a necessity from the house of Vasa, as clearly shown by their acceptance of the pact.

Yet for all the truth and purpose there was in the Imperial message, it would be the very same arguments that the King of France would use to refute the very same purpose of the emperor. The very first and foremost being the quiet refusal of the dismissal of the leagues, friendships and pacts that had occurred. The manner in which it would be shown by the French aligned faction would not be by a grand display, or by the raising of armies. Rather it would occur through the soft quietness of a refusal to attend the emperor's banquet. A clear message as to the purpose and decree that he had issued.

The decay of the empire and the peace which had existed, would be placed at the action of the court of Prague. Writers and pro-French aligned authors would put forth that the very ill nature that occurred, had its root in ulcer that was the court of Prague. It was the prevention of Rudolf II by the courtiers of Prague, which had first so caused calamities. It was the prevention of the rightful Emperor that had caused civil unrest and strife, it was the prevention of the rightful Emperor that had sapped him of his strength, reduced his power and ultimately caused his death. That the very stories which surrounded Prague, had degraded the Imperial Majesty, the radiance which it had once projected clouded in the darkness that Prague castle had become, since the confinement of the rightful Emperor and his untimely demise.

Charlemagne, whose legacy rightfully belongs to the house of France.

The blame for the fall of the Commonwealth to the status of a tributary of the Turks, would be placed firmly on the shoulders of the Habsburgs. They had reduced Imperial Majesty, they had soiled the Crown and mandate entrusted to them, with earthly ambitions and dynastic purpose rather than the good of the Empire which should have been their foremost purpose. It was the Habsburg pact at Prague, the family pact, that had given Maximilian recognition, that had given him an army to intervene within Poland. It was that very same army that had marched against Sigismund III, sieged Warsaw and usurped the ordained Majesty of the Polish-Lithuanian king. It was their greed that had started the civil war and so greatly weakened the Commonwealth that it had been carved at, devastated by civil war and paying tribute to the Turks. It was this abuse of Imperial power, the putting forth of dynastic greed, that had brought low the whole of Eastern Europe. That the Imperial recognition of Archduke Maximilian had further weakened the East.

It was this dynastic greed that was now the primary motivator for the Court at Prague. The pro-French faction would further highlight the promises of the last diet, where the then Emperor had proclaimed the purpose of a crusade against the Turks, only to be prevented by the very courtiers in Prague that had so demeaned him and the Empire he ruled. There was no true desire for crusade with the present Emperor. Rather this new decree came about due to the threat to Archduke Maximilian, the would-be King of Poland-Lithuania. It was now that the elector of Brandenburg had been invaded, thus weakening the war effort and further prolonging the destruction of the Commonwealth and the Christian people of the East being brought into further thralldom that this Edict was brought about. It was only after the refusal of the Duke of Bavaria to relinquish control of the Catholic League to Archduke Ferdinand that this Edict was issued. This was not a restoration of Imperial order or defense of the Empire, but the imposition of the Habsburgs in their attempts at further their own private landed domains. It was the actions of the Habsburgs that had so ruined the Christian safety within Europe.

To assent to this edict was not for the restoration of Christian glory, but the acceptance of the undignified nature the Imperial Crown had become under the later Habsburgs, used for dynastic ambitions and the degradation of the crown and empire they so ruled. As such, the leagues and alliances could not merely be disbanded, as the imperial majesty had been so befuddled that it was no longer safe under the present regime and desires of dynastic ambitions of the house of Habsburg.

King Henri IV, who would seek to defend Europe.

All the while the virtues of the Pacific King would be lauded in pamphlets and the courts of the Empire. The king who had brought peace to France from it's war-torn state. The king under who both Calvinists, Protestants and Catholics prospered and cherished their sovereign and whom they stood united behind. It was under his august scepter that the land prospered. It was in his person that peace in Europe could prevail, that unity could be brought. As the last two centuries had proven, the Habsburgs had failed in this, but the house of France would manage in their place.

Only through his grace could the Turks be opposed. It would be his radiant gaze that would shine upon the land, and from which honey would flow. He was the very sun that gave life and warmth to the land. It would be through his radiant light that Turks would be blinded upon the fields of Hungary. It would be through him that the Polish would be liberated from the infidel yoke. It was because of this that the court of Paris would very publicly, and loudly to such a degree that it would be spread through the courts of Europe, have the Turkish envoys and any messengers of the king himself in Sublime Porte be dismissed. Ties would be cut.

The emperor had forced the hand of King Henri by upping the stakes, to bring about the end of the French position on the Rhine. There was little choice to the king of France but fully oppose it. Yet to oppose it in proper fashion he could not simply accuse the emperor of poor acts and ill-fated attempts. The defense of the empire, the protection of the princes remained dear to much of the empire. If the king of France would have any chance to have the world see his view, and not merely be seen as a foil to the emperor, he would not give the world an alternative solution to the dominance of the Habsburgs.

King Henri IV of France, would like his predecessor Francis I, challenge the house of Habsburg for supremacy of Europe. He would, as proclaimed by Lorraine just the year previously, position his candidacy for the Imperial Crown and the right to led Europe against it's troubles, defend it against the infidels to the east and restore the balance that the house of Habsburg, through it's greed, had so wasted. A moment that had been built towards, through the ideology of Possevino, to the papal election in which the French king first entertained the idea of protecting Christianity through the Imperial Office.

Redtape · Jan 6, 2024

Khurshid Shah and the Sikhs
Mantradictions and Realmifications

Padishah Akbar Shah e-Azam and the Sikh Guru Amar Das
(Happier Times)

In the solemn hours of the night, Padishah Khurshid - the Harmonious Lion of the Zodiac, whose radiant presence captivates the souls of those fortunate enough to witness his majesty - found no refuge from the brooding that clung to him like an insistent shadow. The hushed whispers of the court, the sycophantic praise that often accompanied his every step, were unable to salve the deep-seated unease that tugged at the seams of his regal composure. It was in this moment of uncertainty, that Khurshid turned to one of his most trusted companions.

Huma, the Roman slave whose journey from captive to confidant mirrored the arcs of loyalty and shared history, stood by Khurshid's side. The bond between them, forged in the crucible of youth and cultivated over the years, was a rare connection that transcended the rigid hierarchies of the court. Huma, elevated to the esteemed position of a close confidant, was chosen to be the emissary sent into the heart of the troubles brought about by the Sikhs.

Khurshid's choice was not arbitrary; it was a deliberate selection based on the depth of Huma's loyalty, the understanding that mirrored the bonds built during their shared youthful days when Khurshid was briefly an heir to the throne. The Harmonious Lion saw in Huma the unwavering companion he needed, someone whose very presence was a balm to the uncertainties that clouded the horizon.

This chosen envoy, appointed as the young Padishah's eyes and ears, embarked on a journey fraught with peril. Tasked with engaging in talks with the Sikh Guru, Huma bore the weight of discerning whether the Sikh movement posed a genuine threat to the Protectorate of Hindustan or if it could still be strategically wielded as a tool of influence. Moreover, he was entrusted with the critical mission of ascertaining the truthfulness of the accusations brought against the Sikh sect and the troubles of the region.

Embarking on a journey into the Punjab, Huma was accompanied by a formidable escort of Roman Guards, a testament to the importance of his mission. Alongside him were select courtiers and scholars, individuals whose knowledge and insights were to be subordinated to the Padishah's representative. The assembly represented a fusion of cultures and expertise, all converging in pursuit of understanding the nature of the Sikh movement. Acknowledging the potential for rebellion within the Sikh ranks, Khurshid did not rely solely on the envoy's diplomatic prowess. The secretive and shadowy operatives of the 'Nimbus of Burning Observation' were tasked to accompany Huma. Cloaked in intrigue, these spies were to assist in the investigation, observing not only the movements of the Sikhs but also the sentiments of the local populace.

Velasco · Jan 6, 2024

The Duke & Archduchess of York
1614

The Duke of York and Albany had been born in Dunfermline Palace, Fife, Scotland. He was the fourth of the seven children born to King James of Scots and Anne of Denmark. He was the youngest of the three who survived past of the age of two (Henry Frederick was six years older, and Elizabeth, four). Upon birth, he had been named Duke of Albany, Marquess of Ormond, Earl of Ross and Lord Ardmannoch. He became Duke of York when his father became King of England in 1604. The last Duke of York England had known had been the future Henry VIII, back in 1493.

A sickly infant, Charles Stuart had struggled to walk and talk. His departure for England had even been delayed thanks to his frailty. In time he was sent south, passing from the custody of Lord and Lady Fyvie (Scotsmen with discrete Catholic sensibilities) to Sir and Lady Carey. Lady Carey taught him to walk and talk with confidence, putting him in Spanish boots of leather and brass to help strengthen his weak ankles. Charles was a withdrawn and studious child, who laboured with determination to overcome the physical defects he had been born with. He remained shorter and weaker than his more impressive older brother, the Prince of Wales, but over time became an adept horseman, marksman and fencer. His speech development was slow, and his stammer would remain, even as he blossomed into a refined and cultured young prince. He would remain close and personally indebted to the Careys for life.

A major turning port in his development had come with the departure of the Prince of Wales for Germany (1610). Though Charles adored and attempted to emulate his older brother, the Prince of Wales outshone him in every way. Prince Henry Frederick was the shining centre of all affection, attention and ambition within the Stuart family and royal court. Charles suffered and wilted in his shadow. According to one source, "The personal letters which he wrote during these early years reveal that he was very anxious to be approved of by members of his immediate family, but that he failed to achieve a real intimacy with most of them. While his charismatic elder siblings responded politely but distantly to his frequent expressions of devotion, his father largely ignored him and only his mother paid him any real attention. For much of his boyhood, therefore, the quiet, isolated and somewhat unprepossessing prince remained in relative obscurity, devoting his time to collecting coins and medals, taking part in masques and playing elaborate war games in the gardens of his father's palaces."

The King and Queen of Great Britain with their son,
Charles Stuart, called "Baby Charles", Duke of York and Albany

The prolonged absence of the Prince of Wales had pushed the Duke of York and Albany out from the shadows. His wardship passed to the Duke and Duchess of Lennox at this time, with the Duke's nephew James Erskine (roughly the same age as the departed Prince of Wales) also joining the household and becoming something of a substitute older brother. The Lennoxes were ambitious and at the time eclipsed in favour by the King's favourite Sir Robert Carr, lately made Viscount Rochester. The Duke thus used and abused his custody of the Prince-Duke to draw closer to the King. In the Privy Council, Lennox consistently exploited fears the Prince of Wales would marry in Bavaria or Austria in order to promote his own ward and a Protestant marriage for Charles - preferably with his own daughter, Anna Stuart, namesake and goddaughter of the Queen.

King James remained focused on the marriage of his eldest son and heir, to the detriment of the marital prospects of his other children. A marriage with one of his own subjects also struck him as distasteful, a glorious continental marriage being altogether preferred.

The turn of events which saw Prince Henry Frederick of Wales espouse Maria Eleonora of Brandenburg took the Lennoxes by surprise and left them reeling. The Hohenzollern marriage was a double-edged sword: while it guaranteed a solid Protestant succesion (the Prince and Princess of Wales being dedicated Calvinists), it positioned England alongside Brandenburg-Prussia on the side of Catholic princes opposing his brothers-in-law of Denmark and Saxony (primarily in the ongoing Polish civil war). This policy was supported by the Howard party, which had come to the fore at court and council with the death of Robert Cecil, 1st Earl of Salisbury, the King's Secretary of State (1612). This party numbered in its ranks Sir Robert Carr, the King's current favourite, and the new Secretary of State, the aged war hero Charles Howard, 1st Earl of Nottingham.

The Lennoxes quickly gravitated towards an alliance with Queen Anne and the rival "Danish Party". These gentlemen were a group of Protestant nobles willing to overlook the Queen's own suspected crypto-Catholicism in order to work with her. This party included the displaced Cecil affinity and had two primary goals: end Howard ascendancy and guarantee a hardline Protestant foreign policy. The Queen's participation was regarded a necessary evil, their primary objective being the reconciliation of King James and his brother-in-law, King Christian IV of Denmark-Norway. A revived Anglo-Danish alliance would, they hoped, allow England to assume its rightful place at the head of a pan-European Protestant league. A marriage between Prince Charles and one of his cousins in either Holland, Holstein or Brunswick was soon set upon as the ideal path to realigning Stuart and Oldenburg. (An alternative suggestion, floated from Copenhagen, of a marriage between Princess Elizabeth and her uncle King Christian was also warmly received).

This Danish faction did not have much space or time to take root, however. The festive airs which surrounded the Prince of Wales' return and marriage soon came along to suffocate it. The abrupt resumption of a vibrant court life headed by a united Stuart royal family was maintained, at the King's insistence, upon the arrival of a Spanish embassy. England had not seen such dances, masques and balls since the glory-days of Harry Tudor and the Virgin Queen.

The troubles in Germany had convinced King Felipe III, el Rey Planeta (the Planet King), some new alliances could come in handy. England was a traditional ally of Spain and the Low Countries: Carlos V had become Emperor backed by English gold and Felipe II had even been King of England for a time. With care, the ill feeling which had soured relations since the Reformation could be overcome. King James had previously communicated his interested in a Spanish match, and was generally favourable to Haus Hapsburg. The Hapsburgs essentially ruled two Empires (the Holy Roman Empire and the unofficial Spanish Empire), giving a Hapsburg match an Imperial status which recommended it above all others in James' eyes. The Anglo-Scotch King had wanted an Archduchess-Infanta for his eldest son; the Spanish therefore expected him to jump at the opportunity of one for his second son, as he in fact did.

The Spanish dangled before James the prestigious continental marriage alliance he had always dreamt of. In return, Great Britain offered North Sea and Channel ports useful for the projection of Spanish power northward. King James' reign had been largely peaceful and England no longer suffered the dynastic squabbles of yesteryear. The union of the crowns meant England was no longer sandwiched inbetween the Franco-Scottish "Auld Alliance", making Great Britain a more valuable ally than England had been. In the face of German defections and divisions (even within the Domus Austriae), King James recommended himself as a generally useful ally, another additional bridge between Hapsburg and Hohenzollern and of course, the Spanish Netherland's most crucial commercial partner (and vice versa). By giving him a greater stake in the Caribbean, it was hoped English pride and competition would balance Dutch encroachment in the region, and align Anglo-Spanish interests yet further.

Still, until 1614 such a marriage alliance had seemed a nigh impossibility. The Hohenzollern match changed things. Firstly, it had drawn a line in the sand in terms of England's continental policy. The Prince of Wales and, it was assumed, his father were now attached to the Prusso-Polish resistance against Denmark, Saxony and France-sponsored Vasa aggression. Secondly, it had removed the chief native obstacle to an Anglo-Spanish marriage alliance, namely Parliamentary and popular resistance to the Prince of Wales marrying a Catholic princess. The Duke of York was not his father's heir, and was expected to be further displaced by the birth of children to the new Princess of Wales. His marriage to a Papist princess was unwelcome, but far more palatable than his brother's would have been.

The Treaty of St James (1614) was hammered out in remarkable speed. It was signed at the Palace of St James, a strategic choice of location intended to also reference the shared name of Spain's patron saint and the British King. The general premise of the deal was much in line with the initial Spanish proposal. Both sides were eager and neither wanted to inordinately delay the alliance taking form. Input from the Privy Council and Cortés necessarily influenced the final document, however, attenuating some original proposals. The conversion of either Prince or Princess was non-negotiable from the get-go. Neither side would push their child to heresy. King James rejected forthwith any suggestion his son reside abroad, and insisted all grandchildren would be raised in the Church of England. He also sought guarantee England would not serve as the launching pad for a new Armada against his Dutch allies. The Spanish, surprisingly - and alarmingly, to some Privy Councillors who suspected some unknown factors must be afoot - agreed.

On the Spanish side, the initial proposal of settling a generous appanage on the Prince was soon scaled back. The Planet King's councillors reasoned it was unacceptable for a Protestant prince to hold power over Catholic subjects, even if just nominally, lest he try to convert them and create division where there was none. If a Protestant match was a necessary sacrifice on the altar of politial expediency, every effort should be made to encourage the conversion of the Prince and his family (and limit said Prince's influence over Spanish affairs and subjects). Thus the appanage was substituted with far more palatable monetary generosity: a rich dowry for the groom's family and a combination of title, residences and stipend for the married couple. Only issue raised or returned to the communion of Rome would be permitted to inherit these titles and honours (in addition to promised titled land grants of their own), giving future York children a strong financial incentive to convert once they came of age.

The Infanta-Archduchess Maria Catalina Maurícia of Austria had been born in June 1602. She was the eldest child of King Philip III of Spain and Maria Anna of Bavaria, married the previous year. Duke Maximilian of Bavaria was her uncle, which endeared her to the Prince of Wales, a former guest of Maximilian's. She had a younger sister (Ana Maria) and two younger brothers (Carlos and Felipe Domingo), which placed her in a comfortably demoted position in the succession. The eldest daughter of Spain was tall for her age, auburn-haired and free enough of too-pronounced a lantern jaw as to reasonably be called a beauty. Her parents were only second cousins, which spared her the excesses of inbreeding seen elsewhere in her family tree. Well-educated and naturally proud, she was as excessively pious as would be expected of one born at the very epicentre of the Counter-Reformation, surrounded by Jesuits, daughter of Philip of Spain and granddaughter of William V of Bavaria, princes both known as "the Pious".

To the benefit of her new life and marriage, King Philip had come to see the Protestants as wayward, misguided children to be "reclaimed" for Rome. His view of them was therefore more paternalistic than belligerent, following the conciliatory stance of the Anconites. It was not the more Inquisitory Counter-Reformation of his father Philip II and Bloody Mary. Certainly, without a healthy dose of ecumenical hope and studied short-sightedness (for Philip and James were ecumenical and hoped for a reunited church in significantly different ways), the York-Infanta marriage would never have been possible.

It was one thing for the Kings to understand one another. It had been another to get their councillors on board. Now popular and international reaction remained to be seen. Neither side was under any misapprehensions about the involved risks. The Infanta was not expected to be popular in her new home: while both sides insisted piety and good works would recommend her to the hearts of the English in time, she faced an unfair competition with the massively popular, Calvinist, Princess of Wales. Perhaps the grant of residences in Antwerp and Madrid belied a paternal desire to assure as comfortable a future as possible for her, and secure Charles and his Infanta an escape abroad should tensions ever rise at court. Politically-speaking, Englishmen had lamented Brandenburg-Prussia's distance from England and incapacity to serve English interests closer to home. Now the Spanish alliance elucidated the risks of marrying closer to home: England henceforth stood directly implicated in Spanish politics throughout the rest of western Europe and beyond. What this would mean for relations with France, with the Dutch, with Germany, remained to be seen.

Once settled, the Prince-Duke and Archduchess-Infanta were betrothed and married by proxy in short order. In England, a notable Catholic convert, the Countess of Mar (sister of the Duke of Lennox) stood as the Infanta's proxy in the Anglican ceremony. In Spain, the notoriously crypto-Catholic Marquess of Huntly (a Lennox-in-law) gladly participated as Charles' stand-in in a Roman Catholic ceremony per procuram. These were followed by the public bedding ceremonies which represented the copula carnalis and guaranteed the dower rights of both sides should the other die before actual consummation. Separated by a bare sword, the groom (or his stand-in) sat on the bed beside the bride (or her stand-in) with a bare arm and leg (being otherwise fully dressed and armed), exchanging gifts and a chaste kiss in the presence of appointed witnesses. Such had been Hapsburg practice at least since Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy, and had been practiced in England frequently too.

A Papal dispensation was procured, safeguarding the legitimacy of the union and the conscience of the Infanta and her family in Catholic circles. In England special royal license dispensed with the reading of wedding banns and accelerated the process. By the King's special leave, the Infanta and a handpicked number of Spanish ladies and attendants were exempted from England's Recusancy laws, allowing them private observance of the Catholic rite. The name and fame of Jesuits being unacceptable to the English, the King recommended the Spanish ambassador send a Capuchin friar to serve as the Infanta's chaplain instead. Soon enough, a Spanish flotilla was sailing into harbour midst gun salutes and the Infanta and her entourage escorted into the Kingdom. A third, final wedding ceremony would now be held, accompanied by a third symbolic bedding: the marriage would remain a convenient legal fiction until the couple were of age to begin married life.

Charles Stuart, Duke of York and Albany, Marquess of Ormond,
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports & Constable of Dover Castle,
Knight of the Garter and Bath, husband of the Archduchess-Infanta

ZealousThoughts · Jan 6, 2024

Dearest Kin,

I trust this epistle finds thee in the providence of God's grace. From the heart of Barcelona, I scribe to thee with a soul vexed by the curious turns that our beloved city hath taken of late. It is with a heavy heart that I recount the curious entertainments that have seized the populace—a spectacle of sacred masquerade, transformed into a carnival of shadows and insinuations.

These recent months have witnessed a peculiar metamorphosis of our city's stage, where the sacred and the profane entwine in a dance that mirrors the unrest of the times. The realms of Philip III, he who is titled the Ever-Crusader, are ablaze with renewed zeal, and yet, this fervor manifests in a disquieting manner, veiled in the guise of piety.

A disconcerting motif courses through these performances, akin to a venomous river. An evil devil, clad in the stylings of a 'Turk,' is the phantom haunting every tale spun in our squares. The image, an unmistakable attack upon the Ottomans, seeks to weave a clear connection between the Turks and the forces that oppose the divine order. In these unsettling depictions, one cannot escape the implications of insinuation and dishonourable espionage, a shadow that works to dim the radiance of our shared faith.

Foremost among these curious spectacles is a play that has stirred both murmurs and gasps amongst the citizens. It unfolds a tale tragic and bewildering, wherein the protagonist, a humble soul named Polaco, bears upon him the very arms of his homeland—a poignant detail that lends an air of authenticity to the unfolding drama. Polaco, in extending the hand of friendship to a youth named Max, finds himself ensnared in a web of malevolence.

As the narrative weaves its tapestry, a devil, masked in the garb of a Turk, intercedes with malice. This devil, shrouded in mystery his face 'concealed' by a mask boldly painted with the arms of the Oldenburg Danes, whispers insinuations vile into the ear of Polaco concerning the character of Max. The scene is disconcerting, suggesting a sinister association between Turks and malevolent entities as well as between Turks and some of the protestant realms that oppose the divine order.

In an unexpected twist, a second devil emerges, concealed in the guise of a French specter. With a mask bearing the fluer de lys—the emblem of French heraldry—this devil, too, maligns the character of Max, casting shadows upon the virtuous image of the young man. The play escalates to a harrowing climax, climaxing in the assault of young Max by Polaco alongside these infernal entities.

It is only in the aftermath of this malevolent act that Polaco, confronted by the sinister forces he believed were allies, experiences a revelation. The Turk-devils, shedding their masks, reveal their true faces—an unsettling unmasking that exposes the deceptive nature of appearances. The play concludes, leaving the audience in a disconcerting state of reflection, grappling with the intricate interplay of truth and deception.

Dearest kin, I pen this letter beseeching thee to inquire of thy contacts in the northern realms, especially in Italy, if tales akin to these curious plays have reached thine ears. For the devils in the garb of Danish and French bear an air of intrigue that might hint at deeper machinations, is there a link between the Turk and these other two kings? I implore thee to unravel these mysteries and share thy findings, for the threads of disquiet are woven into the very fabric of our community.

May divine providence guide thy steps in thy inquiries.

Yours in kinship and shared concern,

Enrique Dandolo

In the dim-lit chamber, where shadows danced upon the map of Europe spread upon the large oaken table, King Felipe III sat with a heavy heart. Around him, his advisors stood in hushed anticipation, their faces bearing the weight of impending news.

The models of differing woods, each representing a realm, were meticulously arranged—a chessboard of power. Intricately carved statuettes stood as sentinels over the kingdoms, their presence on the map a tangible reminder of the delicate equilibrium that defined European politics.

As Felipe gazed upon the intricate web of alliances and enmities, a courtier approached, bearing a parchment sealed with the royal emblem. The monarch's fingers delicately broke the seal, and the parchment unfurled like a clandestine revelation. The waxen insignia bore the weight of authority, and the courtiers exchanged furtive glances, their collective breath held in anticipation.

The king's eyes, orbs that had witnessed the ebb and flow of courtly machinations, scanned the lines of script. A somber cloud descended upon his features, furrowing his brow and casting a shadow over his regal countenance. The words inscribed on the parchment conveyed tidings of strife and discord, of shifting alliances and ominous whispers from the European courts. It was a missive laden with the echoes of political tumult, and the weight of its contents settled heavily upon Felipe's shoulders.

A heavy sigh escaped Felipe's lips, a lament for the troubled state of the continent. His advisors, attuned to the subtle nuances of their sovereign's countenance, exchanged uneasy glances. The map before them, once a tableau of strategic balance, now bore witness to the fragility of diplomacy.

After a moment of subdued grief, Felipe reached for a small statuette that stood proudly in southern Germany on the table—a symbolic representation of a delicate balance. Crafted from fine wood, the figurine bore the insignia of alliances, a testament to the interwoven destinies of nations. With a measured yet deliberate motion, he toppled the figurine, and it clattered to the table—a muted crescendo of consequence. The once-steadfast statuette now lay askew, a silent harbinger of the turmoil that echoed through the heart of Europe.

Silence reigned in the chamber as Felipe pondered the contents of the missive. The advisors, well-versed in the language of their king's gestures, understood the gravity of the situation. The monarch's gaze remained fixed upon the map, his mind a cauldron of strategic contemplation.

The intricate dance of powers played out before him, a complex choreography that dictated the fate of nations. The advisors, poised like chess pieces on the periphery of the board, awaited their sovereign's decree. In the wake of such disquieting news, they knew that decisions of great consequence would be made to safeguard the realm.

Amidst the suspended stillness, Felipe's mind delved into the labyrinthine corridors of diplomacy. Whispers of allegiances betrayed and clandestine pacts forged echoed in his ears. The political landscape, once stable, now quivered with uncertainty, much like the delicate figurine that lay in disarray on the map.

The parchment, its contents now etched into the annals of the court, detailed the shifting sands of European politics. Felipe's thoughts, however, transcended the immediate concerns, reaching into the tapestry of history. The advisors, keenly aware of their monarch's foresight, awaited the pronouncement that would shape the destiny of their sovereign's realm.

With a resigned resolve, Felipe spoke, his voice carrying the weight of royal authority. The map before him, a canvas of intricate designs, bore witness to the unfolding drama. The advisors, entrusted with the execution of the king's will, dispersed, each assuming their designated role in the grand tableau of governance.

In the ensuing days, as couriers hastened to relay the monarch's commands, the chambers of power buzzed with activity. The delicate balance disrupted by the fallen statuette would be restored, not through whims of chance but through the calculated maneuvers of a sovereign attuned to the pulse of the realm.

The advisors, instruments of Felipe's will, navigated the intricate game of thrones, their actions guided by the sagacity of a ruler who saw beyond the immediate tumult. The map, now a canvas of strategic recalibration, bore witness to the resilience of a monarchy facing the capricious winds of change.

In the annals of the court, the event would be chronicled—a moment when a king, faced with the vicissitudes of political fortune, made decisions that resonated through the corridors of power. The fallen statuette, a silent witness to the unfolding drama, would, in time, be set upright again—a testament to the enduring equilibrium restored by Felipe's judicious hand.

In the annals of 1614, a profound transformation unfurls across the maritime dominions of Felipe III, the Ever-Crusader, marking a watershed moment in the naval history of the realms. The harbors, once languishing in neglect, now bustle with unprecedented vigor as dockyards echo with the symphony of hammers and saws, and the proud keels of mighty ships are laid upon the shores.

The resurgence is not confined to the naval domain alone; the fortresses and coastal bastions that guard the Mediterranean perimeter undergo a renaissance of renewal and expansion. Stones once weathered by the relentless passage of time now witness the masons' craft, breathing new life into the bulwarks that stand sentinel against any would-be incursion. The ramparts, touched by the hands of artisans, reclaim their formidable stature, and the coastal fortifications, gazing out over the azure waves, are endowed with a renewed sense of purpose.

The islands of Sicily, wider Christian islands and land of Naples, jewels in the Mediterranean diadem, experience a palpable augmentation in their martial vitality. Garrisons swell in size, as if drawing a deep breath after long dormancy, and rumors reverberate through the cobblestone streets. Whispers carry the weighty tidings of forthcoming levies, suggesting that new armies will soon march forth, banners unfurled under the banner of the Ever-Crusader's zeal.

The pulpit, once reserved for solemn homilies and spiritual counsel, echoes with a new resonance—a call to arms, a summons to righteous fervor. The sermons, delivered from the pulpit to the attentive congregants, weave narratives that intertwine faith and action, zeal and crusade. Congregants, inspired by the celestial mandate of the Ever-Crusader, find in these exhortations a clarion call to defend the faith and extend the dominion of Christendom.

The year 1614 thus unfolds as a tapestry of transformation, where the wooden skeletons of newly laid ships cast shadows upon the sea, and the stone bulwarks rise defiantly against the lapping waves. The scent of tar and salt mingles in the air, while the garrisons brace themselves for the surge of recruits. In the pews of churches, the faithful find a renewed purpose, a divine summons to embark upon a crusade fueled by the undying zeal of the Ever-Crusader, Felipe III.

DeMarcheese · Jan 6, 2024

@Velasco

To our niece, Archduchess Maria Catalina Maurícia:

Dearest and most beloved niece, it is with immense sadness in our hearts and regret in our hands that we write to you this letter. For it has become painfully clear to us that travel is no longer safe nor prudent outside the confines of our lands. Like an ill man, the gravity of the affliction that ails the empire grows dire by the day and therefore we will not be able to attend to your wedding. You remain forever in our thoughts as the fairest and most beautiful flower in all of God's garden. It is precisely this what inspired us to commission this token of our affection to serve as witness and testament to memory: We gift unto you and your most serene and noble husband a rose of pure silver.

Crafted in the likeness of that which was handed unto us by the Pope in blessed recognition of the goodness of our soul, let it be a reminder of the generosity of our heart for your person and the eternal friendship towards your young and sagacious husband.

May your days be full of merriment and grace under God's protection.

- Duke Maximilian Wittelsbach of Bavaria, by the Grace of God

Redtape · Jan 6, 2024

A group of riders bearing the banners of Khurshid Shah are dispatched swiftly to the Iranian intermezzo, to the territory of the Afsharid to deliver an important message to the Comander of the Shia of the faithful.

Sheikh Haydar Ali Khan, Regent of the Eternal Shah, @Nerdorama

May this missive find you enveloped in the embrace of light and regal splendor. I extend to you my heartfelt greetings and ardent respect.

The Uzbeks, with their insatiable thirst for blood both Sunni and Shia, their incursions into the sacred territories of our forefathers, have defied the very essence of our civilization. Their barbarous depredations have left scars upon the ancestral lands, and it is our duty, as the torchbearers of the vengeance owed against the Uzbek servants of Shaitan to bring them death.

I am cognizant of the challenges that beset both our efforts, but it is precisely in times of peril that the strength of our union would prove most potent. The Uzbek threat extends beyond the borders of our realms; it is an affront to the very fabric of our shared history. We offer the Afsharid and all others fighters against the chaos bringing Uzbek; Join the oaths and vows that we have sworn to bring destruction upon such a hated foe. Join us in so just a hatred, add to the skulls of those evil fighters to the piles we have begun of our dishonored enemy. By joining our oaths of vengeance we can not only preserve civilization but also honor the vengeance due upon Uzbek skulls.

The enemy is devious however, and seek anyway they can to bite and claw at our war to preserve the world against evil. We ask as the Regent of the Eternal Shah - the most preeminent of Shia voices - to end the curses spoken against our holy figures and to encourage others of your sect to do so, that we may harmonize against the defilers of cities and holy places.

With anticipation,
Padishah Khurshid Shah

DeMarcheese · Jan 6, 2024

A PROCLAIM OF FAIR AND JUST DEFENSE OF CATHOLICISM

Let it be known to all subjects of our lands and beyond:

That the Kingdom of God is besieged by enemies both within and without. That the Empire is ravaged by the pestilence of heresy and rebellion most foul. Only by the Grace of God and our undying faith in the guidance of the Holy See has Bavaria been spared the worst. Even so, many of our countrymen and indeed our own subjects, have already perished at the hands of turks and calvinists alike. These plagues have been left to fester and their rot has extended well beyond our borders, bringing ruin to once great bastions of the faithful such as the Polish Commonwealth.

The Catholic League was founded by our person in an attempt to protect not only our faithful subjects but to serve as shelter for all those pious souls under the yoke of these foul enemies. For too long they have run rampant within the Empire, unmolested and unchecked. Indeed, such a mighty bastion for those marching under the True Cross, that His Holiness has granted unto us His blessing and acquiescence with the grace and humility of He who guards the Keys of Saint Peter. As a fellow custodian, His Holiness understands that we must not only keep guard over the safety of the body but that of the soul as well. And He has seen fit to entrust us with holy duty.

It is precisely the gravity and indisputable holy nature of our duties that we question forth the call of Prague to put down the shield we have risen to safeguard our subjects and allies alike. For it is known that we have befriended our neighboring brothers and sisters of Württemberg who they have only ever preached peace and harmony between germans. Despite suffering from the illness of Protestantism, there are many Catholics among them who go about their lives undisturbed. An example for us all, that the soul of the heretic can still be rescued by preaching with patience and candor.

The Catholic League is an instrument with holy purpose created for a solemn duty, one we are not intended to discard and condemn our immortal soul to the fiery flames of hellish destination. Our earnest and honest friendship with our neighbors is the key by which we can cure the blight of heresy without the need to bring war and calamity down upon our fellow germans. Those who call into question these things, will do well to pray and supplicate to the Holy Spirit for divine guidance before further damaging the Kingdom of God on Earth and their fellow brothers and sisters.

We have resolved to remain firm and loyal to the principles and faith that dictates our path and that of those who belong to the Catholic League.

Deus lo vult.

- Duke Maximilian Wittelsbach of Bavaria, by the Grace of God

Nerdorama · Jan 6, 2024

Redtape said:
A group of riders bearing the banners of Khurshid Shah are dispatched swiftly to the Iranian intermezzo, to the territory of the Afsharid to deliver an important message to the Comander of the Shia of the faithful.

Sheikh Haydar Ali Khan, Regent of the Eternal Shah, @Nerdorama

May this missive find you enveloped in the embrace of light and regal splendor. I extend to you my heartfelt greetings and ardent respect.

The Uzbeks, with their insatiable thirst for blood both Sunni and Shia, their incursions into the sacred territories of our forefathers, have defied the very essence of our civilization. Their barbarous depredations have left scars upon the ancestral lands, and it is our duty, as the torchbearers of the vengeance owed against the Uzbek servants of Shaitan to bring them death.

I am cognizant of the challenges that beset both our efforts, but it is precisely in times of peril that the strength of our union would prove most potent. The Uzbek threat extends beyond the borders of our realms; it is an affront to the very fabric of our shared history. We offer the Afsharid and all others fighters against the chaos bringing Uzbek; Join the oaths and vows that we have sworn to bring destruction upon such a hated foe. Join us in so just a hatred, add to the skulls of those evil fighters to the piles we have begun of our dishonored enemy. By joining our oaths of vengeance we can not only preserve civilization but also honor the vengeance due upon Uzbek skulls.

The enemy is devious however, and seek anyway they can to bite and claw at our war to preserve the world against evil. We ask as the Regent of the Eternal Shah - the most preeminent of Shia voices - to end the curses spoken against our holy figures and to encourage others of your sect to do so, that we may harmonize against the defilers of cities and holy places.

With anticipation,
Padishah Khurshid Shah

To the magnanimous Emperor of the Mughals, ruler of Hindustan, Badshah-e-Ghazi, Sahib-e-Qiran

We return your words from the field of battle, in our capacity as War-Commander of the Faithful in our holy intervention against the hateful invaders so named in your missive. We recognize you as a brother in faith, as a brother in arms, and as brother in seeing our homelands ravaged by the godless despoilers of the steppe who walk in the shape of men and pretend to dignities unearned. We shall not dally on form and poetry, as much as such was a delight of correspondences in the days before the invasion of the Uzbek and fall of the Safavid capitals, and as beautiful as it is to read words from an educated speaker of the language of civilization after these past years spent amongst the screams of the barbarians. Rather, we shall state the following:

First, we wholeheartedly accept the offer of a shared oath of enmity against the Uzbek, despoilers of civilization and murderers of cities. In this we are already blood brothers, and whatever rites and skull-pillars we can contribute to, the house of Afshar will. Moreover, we will encourage our brother qizilbash who still fight alongside us to take the same oath, and instruct the brave Iranian mujahideen to consider the Uzbek invader not just an affront to Allah's (SWT) cosmic order, but enemies of life itself, divinely ordained to be slain within the borders of Iran and
beyond.

Second, we are sheikh, not imam, and the ways of worship of our people must be guided by the light of their hearts and the wisdom of their teachers, as you, we, our occulted Eternal Shah, and our people well know. However, after much dhikr and consultation with the many learned men of our ancient order, we have come to the conclusion that for at least the duration of our war of liberation against the Uzbek, placing curses upon the godless nemesis of all that is holy is a more pertinent use of our efforts than the ritual detestation of the successors of Abu Bakr. The succession of the Prophet (pbuh) belongs and will always belong to Ali, but rather than hatred for the so-called caliphs, we of the Tribe of Afshar, at least, will remember the love of and for the Ahl al-Bayt, and the bonds between the faithful that transcend sect and feud for the sake of the preservation of the world against the despoilers of all that is righteous. Indeed, Ali himself worked to maintain the order of the world even as he rejected the practices and actions of Abu Bakr and his successors, and in this, we can follow his illustrious example.

Third, to that end, and we hope not to presume as regents to a shah, but we include in this missive a proposal for bonds of betrothal between the House of Babur and the ruler of Afshar. The person of Sheikh Haydar Ali Khan is already remit with a fully appropriate number of wives, and those wives have provided him a number of beloved children of suitable age for matches to Hindustani princes and princesses, should you wish our households to be bound in yet another manner beyond our existing brotherhood in arms and oaths. This message will be accompanied by a full report of the names, ages, and details assembled by the palace household in Kerman attached to it en route, to make sure our long time on campaign has not robbed us of the latest information on our household.

Your Brother-in-Arms,
Sheikh Haydar Ali Khan

Sneakyflaps · Jan 7, 2024

Ministère de la Marine

As the first stones were laid at the fortress of Brest, as the first planks were hammered down on the new piers in what was to be the new arsenal that was to serve the navy, other matters began to expedient themselves. The arsenal would not be enough on it's own for the needs of the crown. That had become apparent following the marriage of the Duke of York and the Infanta. No longer could the building of the maritime forces of the king be taken in slower steps, it would have to be stepped once again, especially with the recent events that were unfolding within the Empire. War had drawn closer, and it was clear the English were now not just in the Spanish camp by association, but fully drawn in. The illusion of neutrality that had been hoped for by the French crown was washed away.

The navy had always been the second class of the French military. The French aristocracy found its honour, its purpose, on the field of battle. It had been that way since the days of old, and it had led to the navy being neglected in many times past. Yet it was also this neglect and in truth, lack of care or prestige, which provided his Majesty his opportunity. The nobility within the army, the rank and age old prestige that was held by the office holders who would fight in the kings name, made it a conservative force, it made reform arduous. The navy, second rate in the eyes of those in power, rather gave the king the room that was required to implement reforms. Reforms which were desperately needed if the French royal fleet was ever to have any chance of defending it's shores against the old maritime powers of Britain and Iberia.

The first step that the king would take to see this vision of his ensured, would be the suppression of the Office of Grand Admiral of France. It was one of the great offices of France, and one that in times past had been given to leading courtiers and nobles. It was a title fully associated with the navy, yet in the last five centuries, only a handful of the admirals had been seaworthy men. It was an honorary title, one which carried prestige, a position at court and revenue that would now be lost. It was an office that had been kept by the nobles of the horse, not of the sail, and it's continued existence was one which was a dismay prospect should the navy ever be a potent force upon the seas.

In the place of the Grand Admiral would rise the Ministry of the Navy, no longer the position of one man, but rather a council to advise the minister and guide the king. It was a move by the king and court to gather more oversight over the affairs of the navy than there had been in the past. A patchwork of officers would not be able to function in the defense of France, a strong centralized vision was needed to overcome the might that was arrayed against the crown. This ministry would thus be given command of the military function of a naval matter across the shores of France. The various shipyards, workers, supply depots and others that had henceforth been at a local level would be at their command.

Claude d'Annebault, one of the few Grand Admirals of France who ever saw actual combat at sea. He commanded the battle which saw Henry VIII's flagship, the Mary Rose, sink to the bottom of the Channel.

The authority of the Ministry would henceforth be in the matter of all the logistics and planning of the naval affairs of France. They would be in charge with supplying, maintaining, constructing and expanding both the activities, ships and personnel of the marine. They would furthermore be placed in charge of the administration of justice on the various French ships, and other crimes committed in association with maritime affairs. These questions of legality would no longer reside with the local judiciary. The most important matter that was tasked with this new Ministry, was the very construction of the navy itself.

The very question that arose from such a task, was what form the navy of France ought to take. The last two decades had seen a general reduction of the fleets of the great powers of Europe. The great domains of Philip III had cut down their armadas from the time of his father, while both he and the United Provinces had augmented their force greatly with the use of pirates and other corsairs. It was an effort that had proven utterly beneficial to both of the combatants and had seen them wage heavy war across much of the globe. It was a doctrine that the French would reject.

The king, while having some possessions abroad, controlled no great empire in far fletched lands. The riches of France depended not upon the far flung shores of exotic lands, where spices, gold and sugar could be obtained. The wealth of France was found within it's border. A distinction that put France apart from the other realms that it bordered, and which made the needs of the navy at the command of the king very different from others. If the shores of France were to be put at risk, it would be of a more stomached nature than those of others. It would hurt, but it would not bring the realm low as could be seen with the Dutch. Pirates would not be able to be relied upon to harass.

What the crown needed was a strong force which could be dispatched to help further the diplomatic and military aims of the army. A navy which could be put to the seas to establish control of a military region and prevent any hostile forces the freedom of actions. It was to blockade enemy fortresses, cities and likewise, while preventing the enemy from doing the same to France itself. It needed a fleet which could be put up against the forces of any other in a proper naval battle, rather than seeking a war of attrition and avoidance as trade and far-flung colonies were contested. It was to be a navy for the shores of Europe, to harass the direct shores in times of war and take the battle to them.

It was this doctrine which would be reflected as the shipyards of France were put to work, as the first ships begun their construction and the ministry of the navy would establish itself as an integral part of the French military and diplomatic aim of the king.

Vald · Jan 8, 2024

Deadly New World

The Danish arrival in Canada

Danish hopes for the establishment of a permanent settlement on Greenland were for the time being dashed when met with the reality of the islands climate, uncooperative native population, and lack profitable resources to beget the investment it would take to acquire them. The theorised Greenlandic silver mines proving to be a phantom. Christian IV and his backers in the Nordatlantiske Handelskompagni were predictably disappointed in this outcome, and many Copenhagen merchants who had bought into the venture experienced great economic loss. As for James Hall, the English explorer who had led repeated expeditions to Greenland, he was nearing bankruptcy from the expenses he had to undertake in outfitting them. In pursuit of a final rebound, Hall then staked his reputation and solvency on finding the supposed North Western Passage. Though in the event this expedition failed in its goal just as much as had the previous ones, and all Hall got for his efforts was a violent though not entirely undeserved death at the hands of an Inuit hunter whose family he had taken hostage.

At this point most of the investors in Nordatlantiske Handelskompagni had abandoned any hopes of settling the frozen far north, when the suggestion of an alternative destination was brought up. John Conningham, known in Denmark as Hans Koenig, a Scottish Captain in Danish service who had accompanied Hall on his expeditions, proposed the company should look further to the south. In his youth Conningham had served aboard ships canvassing the coast of North America, and now he asked for funding to lead an expedition which would create a settlement on that coast. This he got, and meeting with remarkably more luck than had James Hall, Cunningham's expedition successfully sailed into the Gulf of St. Lawrence and down the river until they came across an area suitable for establishing the settlement.

In spite of an inhospitable climate and particularly harsh winters, the settlement persevered through an abundance of natural resources, allowing for slow and steady growth as new settlers arrived from Europe. Fish and particularly fur to be exported to the European market was the settlement primary motivator and source of income, and indeed fur was created substantial wealth for Denmark as a whole. Through his policy towards Russia, Christian IV had sought to acquire a hold over the Russian fur market, and by his new colony Christian sought to do the same in North America. As such the settlement was, albeit a relatively minor one, a part of Christian's overarching plan to position himself as the overlord of the Northern Atlantic, which would improve Denmark's position and prestige in Europe. This did not go without notice by other European powers, particularly England, whose King James Christian had already quarrelled with over the Baltic island of Rugen. Christian was sorely offended by James' accusations, and a break in Anglo-Danish relations seemed forthcoming, in the Rigsraad there was talk of abandoning or even selling the colony to the English, but the stubborn Christian refused any idea of losing face over James' pretensions. Instead ordering the settlement be fortified and ships carrying settlers and goods be escorted to prevent potential attacks by pirates.

On the ground the few settlers, which at this point numbered only around a hundred, were blissfully unaware of the tensions their presence in the New World were causing in the Old. Theirs was an eclectic band of peoples: Danes, Norwegians, Swedes, Englishmen and Germans which made up this new community. It had been the intention of the King to settle the North American frontier with hunters and frontiersmen from among his Finnish and Lappish subjects, used as they were to near-arctic climates and thought to be distantly related to the natives. But these largely migrating groups were often hard to locate and even harder to convince to embark upon a ship and sail thousands of kilometres away to a dubious fate. Instead many of the settlers came from among those whom fate had so far been unkind to, whose lot in life was such that the risk of drowning, starving, or freezing to death which the journey posed were worth taking. It was well known that one would have to be tough, or quickly become it, to survive across the Atlantic.

Certainly life would have been even tougher in the settlement if not for cordial relations with the natives, who had met the new arrivals if not quite with open arms then at least open minds. Trade was established with the Huron people, who sold meat and fish on which the settlement sustained itself, and fur which was shipped back to Europe, which the settlers in turn sold for goods such as hats, gloves, boots, tobacco, and metal. Equally important was the exchange of information allowing the Europeans to safely navigate the forests and rivers, finding the best places to shelter and forage for food and fur. Thus the early years were largely peaceful with only a few altercations between the natives and the newcomers. Even the eventual name of the settlement came from the communication between them. On initial arrival the settlers had named their new home "Nova Dania", and the river other europeans knew under the name of St. Lawrence was renamed to be the Frederick River after King Christian's father. Though the settlers lacked the close relations with the Algonquin as they had with the Huron, they still picked up on the Algonquin name for the immediate area of their settlement. The name being derived from a word known in Algonquin to mean "Narrow Passage" or "Strait", on account of the cliff-lined gap in the river, in Danish this became "Kvebaek" which is how the settlement came to be named.

Construction of Collective Housing in the settlement of Kvebaek

In 1613, three years after the initial colonisation, the demographic makeup and dynamic of Kvebaek would change drastically. Religious tensions and the growing counter-reformation within Habsburg lands had started an exodus of Protestants from Austria, many of whom found their way north to the lands of Denmark. The vast majority of refugees were settled in Holstein, where Christian founded the new city of Gluckstadt on the Elbe River to house them. But a smaller number instead found their way across to the New World, where 400 German Protestant refugees disembarked at Kvebaek. Many preparations had already been made to house and feed these new arrivals, but a quadrupling of the settlements population carried obvious implications and difficulties: feeding them, housing them, and disease being but among a few concerns, as well as how the new arrivals would take to those, both native and European, who had been there before, and vice versa.

To manage these concerns and the continued growth of the colony, Christian IV had dispatched along with the convoy carrying settlers, Nova Dania and Kvebaek's first official governor: a Norwegian Captain and Explorer by the name of Jens Munk. Though relatively young, Munk came from a distinguished naval career, having served aboard ships since his childhood. He had been to Brazil and the Spanish American possessions, fought against the Swedes in the War of Three Crowns, and as Captain he had served on ships during the expeditions to Greenland and the North Western Passage expeditions. Though this posting was not his first choice, he had been in the running to head an expedition to a much different part of the world, he still got diligently to work, hoping to establish Kvebaek as a springboard for further expeditions to the Arctic, or further down Frederick's River into the wilderness.

With Munk and the new arrivals, Kvebaek begin the slow transition from makeshift settlement to frontier town. Collective housing was built for the new arrivals, as well as a church, a watchtower, and walls to defend the inhabitants from natives and hostile Europeans alike. The demographic was changing too, accompanying the first ships had been the pastor Rasmus Jensen, whose proselytising was successful at converting a small number of natives, who came to live with their brothers in faith behind the town walls. Likewise until 1613 the colony had been exclusively made up of adults, and almost exclusively male, but the arrival of the Germans also brought women and children to Kvebaek, turning it into a town of families. Not everyone was qualified to be out in the wilderness hunting, yet the Governor saw to it that there were no idle hands: employing carpenters, farmers, and the like in their previous professions. Slowly but surely Kvebaek was turning into a town, one facing unique dangers, never a winter away from starvation, but a town and a home nonetheless.

European arrivals to the Kingdom of Kandy

Around the same time as Jens Munk arrived at Kvebaek, Danish ships had begun exploring new seas under exotic skies on the other side of the globe. The Eastern Expedition Munk had initially sought to command, but was denied him due to Royal nepotism, arrived on the island of Ceylon midway through 1613. under the command of a young Danish noble by the name of Ove Giedde. Talented and inexperienced in equal measure, Giedde was tasked by Christian IV to establish relations with the realms of far eastern India, and there acquire an outpost for Denmark. To this end Giedde had considered picking a side in the ongoing conflict on Ceylon, sensing opportunity, but before any decision could be reached rumours reached him of what could be a greater prize. Far to the north, on the mainland, supposedly was a realm of great power with a ruler whose wealth was beyond compare: and this ruler had offered some of that wealth in exchange for the head of a certain European pirate. With an irresistible bounty in sight the Danish ships set sail, the hunt was on.

Velasco · Jan 8, 2024

From: King James Stuart, First and Sixth of His Name, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc.
To: Fyodor II Borisovich Godunov of Russia @Carol

Private.

Glorious Grand Duke of the East, we bid you greeting. Since the days of our predecessors, much commerce has passed back and forth between our lands. Our ports have grown and blossomed on the profits of such intercourse. We write to you to revive a project of your predecessor, Ivan of the Rurikids, who once sought the hand in marriage of one of my kinswomen. We have heard you yourself are as of yet unmarried, and we have a daughter born of royal rule, fit to be Queen or Empress. The Crown of Great Britain seeks to stop the installation of a French puppet in Poland and the destruction of our friends of Brandenburg-Prussia. We believe a marriage alliance between us could help stabilize the politics of the Baltic and Poland-Lithuania. We are also determined to see, yet in our lifetime, the restoration of communion between the churches of England, Rome and Russia. We feel our daughter, as your Queen, and you as our son, could prove immensely useful allies towards such a project, giving it your political support and sending your priests to debate with ours at a Great Council, once these irksome wars are over and done with.

[An English embassy is sent to Moscow to represent Great Britain's interests before the Tsar.]

Velasco · Jan 9, 2024

Three Weddings, Two Divorces, A Favourite & A Funeral
Devereuxs, Cecils & Howards, 1604-1614

Sir Robert Carr, favourite of King James Stuart

The rather obscure name of Carr came to prominence in English affairs during the second half of King James' first decade as King. A Scotsman born to a notable family of border reivers (Clan Kerr), Carr's youthful athleticism had caught the King's attention in 1607. He soon became a royal intimate, although no one was quite sure exactly what that meant. The King nursed him when he was sick and taught him Latin; courtiers begrudgingly noted James should have taught him English instead. Groanings and moanings aside, they nevertheless found themselves cow-towing to the new favourite.

Carr soon became unassailable at court. Knighted and made a Gentleman of the Bedchamber that same year (1607), he had received some landed estates of his own (1607-1610), been named Viscount Rochester and thus become the first Scotsman in the English House of Lords (1611), and finally found himself dubbed a Knight of the Garter and Lord Salisbury's replacement in the Privy Council (1612).

His sponsor at court had been one Sir Thomas Overbury. They had met in Edinburgh around 1601, when Overbury was twenty and Carr fourteen. Overbury was on holiday and Carr at work, as page to Sir George Home of Spott (an early favourite of King James', later made Earl of Dunbar). It was Overbury who took Carr south to London and Overbury who coached and supported him as he rose to power. These auspicious beginnings could scarce predict the inauspicious end they would bring.

It was not the tensions and jealousies inherent to the love triangle between Overbury, Carr and the King that would undo their bond. It was perchance an ambitious and highly flirtatious young woman who first came between them. Lady Frances Howard was a daughter of the powerful Howard family. The Howards had served - and survived - their Plantagenet and Tudor cousins. One Thomas Howard had married Princess Anne, daughter of Edward IV; his nieces Anne Boleyn and Katherine Howard had been wives of Henry VIII; his daughter Mary had wed Henry FitzRoy, Duke of Richmond and Somerset, that selfsame King's byblow. The Howards had rightly called Queen Elizabeth their close cousin, and might even have reminded King James that his grandmother, Lady Margaret Douglas, had secretly married another Thomas Howard (half-brother of the first) and later had a scandalous affair with Sir Charles Howard (nephew of the Thomases and brother of Queen Katherine). Of course, at some point his own mother, the Queen of Scots, had thought to marry the duke of Norfolk and usurp Elizabeth's crown, but that was best left unsaid.

Charles Howard, 1st Earl of Nottingham

The most powerful member of the clan when James VI/I became King (January 1604) was the old goat known as Charles Howard, 1st Earl of Nottingham. The Virgin Queen had trusted Nottingham immensely and delivered to him the ultimate military command of her forces at both land and sea. He had been her Lord High Admiral when the Spanish Armadas came. Together with Robert Devereux, he had sacked Cadiz in Spain and so "bearded the lion in his cave". The Armadas and Cadiz had made him popular as a war hero, and Elizabeth had rewarded him richly for it.

During Elizabeth's Irish Years, the Hero of Cadiz had been given the unique and unprecedented title of Lord Lieutenant General of England. He remained Lord High Admiral of England as well. His steady hand during the Queen's absence and his studied collaboration with Lord Burghley had won both lasting praise and renown. In 1600, the future Lord Salisbury (Lord Burghley's son and successor as Elizabeth's chief minister) married Nottingham's daughter and thus consolidated the Cecil-Howard family alliance.

When James was crowned, he called upon Nottingham to serve as Lord High Steward during the coronation. His influence with the new King was particularly demonstrated by the treatment James showed the Howard clan early on (1604) and the choice of Nottingham as his son-in-law Salisbury's successor as Secretary of State (1612).

The 1601 Concordat of Dublin had expelled English Recusants from the realm, giving them a year's grace to dispose of landed property or else see it annexed by the Crown (and duly compensated with equivalent land and title in Ireland). Amongst those so expelled had been several more brazenly Catholic members of the Howard family. These included the Countess of Arundel (Anne Dacre, a Howard by marriage), her young son Thomas (heir of the senior line) and brothers-in-law Thomas and William. The impoverished senior branch thus lost what few lands had not been touched by the fall and attainder of the Duke of Norfolk, the family's patriarch, and his son Philip (Arundel's husband), considered a martyr by Roman Catholics.

The situation of those who remained was not much better. The uncle who had raised them, Sir Henry Howard, was only saved from destitution by dutiful service to the Cecils Burghley and Salisbury. Through them he became known to King James, initially mere King of Scots, and won the latter's favour by eagerly encouraging and easing his succession as King of England and Ireland (1604).

King James did not hesitate to reward Sir Henry and treat Lord Nottingham kindly. In fact, he would treat the whole family generously. As in Scotland, James knew Catholic support was essential to his rule and avoiding foreign powers being invited to meddle in English affairs. The Howards were a conservative lot, ranging from brazen Catholic martyrdom and thinly-veiled crypto-Catholicism to fairly unconvincing conversions. Sir Henry Howard was the first to be rescued from penury: James named him Earl of Okehampton and placed on the Privy Council. His nephews were recalled from Ireland and restored in blood. Much of what they had lost under Elizabeth, James had returned, asking in return only the most minimal lip service to the Church of England. The Countess of Arundel received back her lands and title, and saw her son made Earl of Surrey, Baron Segrave and Mowbray, all old Howard honours, which he received with their old precedences and privileges. Thomas Howard, his uncle, was restored as Lord Howard de Walden and named 1st Earl of Bridgewater. His wife, Lady Katherine Knyvett, got back her lands. His brother Belted (or Bold) William Howard was now summoned to Parliament as Lord Howard of Greystoke. Finally, a cousin and in-law (his heir was married to a sister of Bridgewater and Greystoke), Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst, was made Earl of Dorchester at the same time.

In the shuffle of promotions and accomodations inherent to the new reign, the Howards did however miss out on one prize. Nottingham's influence over Irish affairs had been weakened by the death in battle of his son-in-law, Lord Deputy Kildare (1597). Kildare had been succeeded by a diarchy: Ludovic Stuart, Duke of Lennox, assumed command of the Anglo-Scottish fighting force as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, while Donogh O'Brien, Earl of Thomond (Kildare's brother-in-law), governed the Pale as Lord Deputy. No doubt the Howards hoped to install a viceroy of their own affinity once the Irish rebellion was done and Lennox was no longer needed to guarantee Scottish reinforcements.

The devil, Devereux!

King James instead offered the Lieutenancy of Ireland to Robert Devereux, Marquess of Dorset and Earl of Essex, who accepted. Essex's father had served in Ireland years before and received the barony of Farney in County Monaghan in Ulster. In Elizabeth's final years, Devereux had been consistently blocked from the top job by Elizabeth's preference for Howard (Kildare) and Scottish (Lennox) alternatives. Now James granted him his wish. For the next ten years, Devereux - now known as Lord Dorset - combined the dual responsibilities of Lord Lieutenant and Lord High Admiral of Ireland, ruling alternately from Dublin and a new seat called Castle Essex, which he built for himself at Carrickmacross.

Perhaps by way of recompense for her denials, the Virgin Queen had made him Admiral of Ireland and promoted the interests of his cousin Lady Lettice FitzGerald. This Lettice had been named Lady Offaly in her own right and became Countess of Kildare by marriage to the heir male (Gerald FitzGerald, 14th Earl). Devereux had thus won an important stake in Anglo-Irish politics, which he would not have had had Elizabeth preferred Lady Lettice's cousins over her.

Nevertheless, these boons had not sated his ambition. As Elizabeth's death approached, Devereux avenged himself becoming increasingly antagonistic towards the Cecils, Howards and the Jacobite succession. In London and about the court, he and his cronies began agitating for an unspecificied English successor instead of James.

When Queen Elizabeth died in January 1604, the armed forces of England and Ireland numbering some 20,000 men were then under the material command of the Duke of Lennox (in Dublin) and ultimate command of Lord Nottingham (in London). Nottingham also had charge of the national navy. The Privy Council was commanded by Lord Salisbury and the Treasury by Lord Buckhurst. All of these men were favourable to James Stuart and, beginning with Salisbury, held every chief instrument of royal power and legitimacy in their hands.

Moreover, by Elizabeth's actions, James' potential rivals had all been neutralized: Arabella Stuart had been married off in Holland, Anne Stanley had been married off to Lennox, and the Beauchamp Seymours placed under constant surveillance.

In short, the anticipated unrest and upheaval of succession had come to nothing, not even a whimper. King James ascended the throne of England peacefully and with ease. Even his newfound detractor Devereux (who had previously been a keen supporter and correspondent, partaking in the extraofficial correspondence between Elizabethan strongmen and James) recognized the succession as a fait accompli. Making his peace and finding his place in the new regime was the only way forward.

It was thus in everybody's best interests to repair the breach. The new King needed a working government and Ireland at peace. He offered a Protestant succession, peace with Scotland and internal and external stability. He predictably wished to avoid needless infighting among his courtiers. The Privy Council could do without Devereux's rabble-rousing and Devereux wanted a prestigious new place in the sun. King and Privy Council both wanted a hardened soldier commanding Ireland. Devereux needed friends in high places, having foolishly set himself up against the new King. Last but not least, the restored Howards had returned home with vested interest in Irish affairs, and still agitated over Lettice FitzGerald's preferment over their own FitzGerald cousins.

Lady Frances née Howard, Lady Essex (1606-1614), Lady Somerset (1614-?)

The bridge was to be fixed by the marriage (1606) of Lady Frances Howard and Robert Devereux, Lord Essex. She was then sixteen, and her groom, fifteen. Both were younger namesakes: Lord Essex of his famous father, Lady Frances of a cousin. This cousin was Lady Frances Cecil (née Howard, formerly FitzGerald). The elder Lady Frances was Lord Nottingham's daughter and had been high in favour with Queen Elizabeth. She had been the wife of Lord Deputy Kildare and was the mother of his daughters. She had then wed Lord Salisbury, chief minister of Queen then King. She served as a model to the younger Frances of a noblewoman who held power not just thanks to the men in her life - Kildare, Nottingham, Salisbury - but in her own right. In 1604, she even became First Lady of the Bedchamber to Queen Anne, replacing her mother who had enjoyed the honour under Queen Elizabeth. When her husband died in 1612, her intervention was said to have been decisive in convincing King and Queen to make her father the new Secretary of State.

Lady Frances Cecil was arguably the most politically relevant, non-royal woman in late Tudor and early Jacobean England. No doubt her young goddaughter and cousin was raised to take her place in due time.

The younger Lady Frances was Lord and Lady Bridgewater's child. Well educated and well connected, her dowry and standing had improved greatly under king James. The Devereuxs gladly eyed the prospect of acquiring Howard estates in Ireland and a friendly Privy Council. The Howards meanwhile guaranteed a glorious future for their daughter as Marchioness of Dorset and positioned themselves as articulators between King and Devereux.

The young couple had been married in name and oath, but were deemed too young for cohabitation. Lord Essex was thus sent out on Grand Tour across Europe (1607-1609), while Lady Frances remained at court. There she was apparently a brief early affair of the Prince of Wales. Lady Essex then became enamoured with Sir Robert Carr - or else the power he held as King's favourite. Young Essex sought to begin married life when he returned to England in December 1609, but was both continuously avoided by Lady Essex and shortly ill with smallpox. Lord Bridgewater had to compell his daughter to go live with her husband, whereupon she apparently procured drugs to make him impotent. Lady Essex made every effort to avoid her husband and soon returned to court.

Not long after Lord Essex was called abroad a second time, this time as a companion of the Prince of Wales, and remained abroad another four years.

When he returned in 1614, Lady Frances sued for divorce. This divorce was not just a divorce, but a marshalling of strengths. Howard and Devereux now faced off in the ecclesiastical courts. Each brought forth their own witnesses, friends and supporters. Lady Frances argued both desertion and the non-consummation of the union. She was submitted, and passed, an examination that attested she was still virgo intacta. For this, she was publicly mocked in verse and rhyme:

The dame was inspected but fraud interjected

A maid of more perfection

Whom the midwives did handle

While the knight held the candle
O there was a clear inspection!

Young Devereux meanwhile confessed a selective impotence. In the like of Henry VIII seeking to extricate himself from his union with Anne of Cleves, Devereux testified he had not been able to with his wife, but could and had with others. Friends of his were marched out to testify they knew it to be so, and their friend, potent.

The King intervened before the uncomfortable prospect of having the Prince of Wales testify took hold. The powerful Howards set on extricating their daughter and marrying her off elsewhere, judging they had found someone better. Though chaffing under the allegations of his son's impotence, Devereux also wanted his son back, lest the family line falter for lack of heirs. The union had proved unworkable, had never been consummated and both families wanted distance from each other. The annulment was granted. Two months later, Lady Frances married her longtime lover, the King's favourite (and own possible longtime lover), Sir Robert Carr. As a wedding gift, the King named him Earl of Somerset. Sir Thomas Overbury, Carr's old mentor (and another potential lover) soon found himself locked up in the Tower of London. Having offended Lady Frances, Overbury had been successfully manipulated by Carr into defying the King.

The King chose to soothe Devereux's wounded pride by repaying him in like kind. In less contentious and less public proceedings, the King granted the divorce of Lady Penelope Rich. This former beauty was Devereux's sister. She was believed the infamous "Dark Lady" of Shakespeare's sonnets. Since the 1590s, she had lived in open adultery with Lord Charles Mountjoy. The handsome Mountjoy was a close friend of her brother's, a celebrated courtier and general of the Irish wars. She had given him six children. With her husband's evident approval, these bastards were raised alongside her legitimate children in Lord Rich's house.

Lord Rich did not wish to break politically with her powerful brother and enjoyed the influence the Devreux connection brought him. The pair were legally separated (c. 1596), but Lady Rich nursed her husband through a sickness (c.1600) and he for his part took no measures against her or her bastards, save excluding them from the Blount family pedigree. Queen Elizabeth and then King James were content to look the other way. All three involved parties were welcome and esteemed at court, where the scenario was considered only mildly scandalous.

Dorset's distate at his son's divorce proceedings and subsequent Carr-Howard wedding encouraged King James to finally resolve this unhappy state of affairs. Lord Rich was prevailed upon to initiate divorce proceedings against his wife. Lady Penelope affirmed she had wed Lord Rich unwillingly, under constraint, and publicly admitted adultery. Lord Mountjoy likewise testified and claimed paternity of their children. The dark Lady and Mountjoy were condemned to do public penance in a white shirt for their sin. Shortly afterward, the King commuted the sentence to private scenes in ordinary clothes.

During the extended festivities which accompanied the marriage of his sons, King James liberally distributed pardons and clemency. Lord Mountjoy and Lady Penelope were promptly pardoned, rehabilitated and received at court. With the King's assent they married discretely. By royal order, their children were legitimized, though as a final salvo to Christian decency the King stipulated these scions of sin would only inherit after children of Lord Mountjoy's born in holy matrimony, be it with the new Lady Mountjoy (by now far too old to conceive) or a subsequent new wife, should he outlive her and remarry.

King James was thankfully used to madness since his early days as King of Scots

Fleshing out the first decade of King James' reign and adapting some real life events to game lore.
This is generally dynastic fluff on courtiers without major ramifications for English politics.
Tl;dr: Established the following points:

Lady Frances Howard, Dowager of Kildare, m. Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, 1600.
Howards among Recusants expelled by Elizabeth c. 1603 and treated generously post-1604 by King James.
Robert Devereux, Marquess of Dorset, named Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 1604.
Howard earldoms of Okehampton and Bridgewater, Sackville earldom of Dorchester, replacing OTL earldoms with different names.
Lady Frances Howard m. Robert Devereux the Younger, 1606.
Devereux Grand Tour 1607-1609 and Prince of Wales' Companion 1610-1614.
Devereux and Rich divorces 1614.
Lady Frances Howard (ex-Devereux) m. Robert Carr, new Earl of Somerset, 1614.
Lady Penelope Devereux (ex-Rich) m. Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, 1614.

DeMarcheese · Jan 12, 2024

BAVARIA - 1614

Bauernwehr

Peasants learning to form ranks and fire discipline at the village of Baierbrunn, near Munich - August of 1614

In less than ten years since cementing his alliance with Hapsburg Spain and the Archduke of Austria, Maximillian had seen his patience slowly evaporate. As years passed, patience gave way to restlessness as the internal situation of the Empire grew ever more complicated and tense. While firmly believing that advancing the Hapsburg agenda also served the interests of german catholics across Germany and beyond, events will soon make him question these ideas.
Despite all its alleged might, spanish armies fumbled across the globe and were humiliated by dutch rebels. Heresy was not only tolerated but grew without restraint or control until it gave birth to the monstrous calvinist dogma. Indeed, few provinces and electorates remained true to the Holy See by now. For all their denunciations against the turk, peace have been arranged and the Counter-Reformation all but abandoned. The realization that these powers only paid lip service to the ideals upon which their alliance was founded on was truly shocking. However, the last straw came on 1613 after when confronted about their inaction despite promises to the contrary, allies turned indifferent or outright hostile. To the duke of Bavaria it was clear that his support had been taken for granted all these years and that blood ties and marriages meant nothing as long as Bavaria kept being looked upon as nothing more than a bargaining chip in the imperial tapestry of the Hapsburg ambitions. None of his allies was interested in taking action against the rising protestant powers. Worse still, indifference or tacit support to protestant Brandenburg in their disastrous intervention over Poland proved that land, not God, will always be on their minds first.

The breaking of this alliance also highlighted the many weaknesses of Bavaria. For despite years of carefully tending to the aspects of governance, it was neither strong nor rich enough on its own. And enemies circled around like vultures. In the eyes of Maximillian, Austria now turned foe and sought to usurp the leadership of the Holy League for their own ends by using their crowned puppet in Prague. The Vertical Alliance also posed a most grievous threat, one existential in nature to the envisioned image of Bavaria itself, due to the number of allied states and their powerful foreign backers. Saxony, another protestant foe, had already levied and fielded a sizable army bent on achieving supremacy over the northern lands of the empire. An outrageous breach of any laws of civility and honor.
To remain isolated from the other states was not only dangerous but also meant political irrelevance on the european stage. Already diminished and with no other alternatives, bavarian envoys approached the state of Württemberg to cultivate a tense understanding. Unlike their neighbors, Württemberg offered the promise of a nominal catholic ally despite misgivings regarding clerical laws. It was also a crucial door that gave access to France and through it, the whole european market. Current treaties between France and other protestant estates complicated even further these relations. In an ironic twist, without these very same relations, the cause of the Catholic League and their papal ambitions were doomed to end in utter failure. Needless to say, news of this alliance only further deteriorated the already crumbling relations between Bavaria and its past allies, making the threat of war ever more so present.

So it was that with all these events weighing heavily inside his mind, by the early days of January 1614 Duke Maximillian resolved to take decisive action. Not only to further the cause of the League but also to prepare Bavaria for the wars already seen on the horizon.
The bavarian army was undergoing a delicate period of transformation. Since 1612 the Munich College of War had done much to prepare and educate a cadre of professional officers and commanders. Well versed in algebra, geography and other academic fields that elevated warfare to prestigious science, the alumni diligently studied the modern conflicts unfolding not far from their homes. However, these were talented men without a proper army to command.

Experimentation was good and often the only way forward towards modern times but navigating the unknown also had a price: The dismissal of the old mercenary armies was carried in good order yet left a once powerful Bavaria as a shadow of its former military power. Dedicated and professional soldiers were something of a novelty in european armies and the bavarians, though adequately trained and well equipped, lacked the experience that many of their mercenary counterparts benefited from. Until they were put to the test, their effectiveness was a dangerous enigma and their numbers severely limited by feudal rights.

In order to circumnavigate these issues, the Duke chose to follow in the steps of Christian IV and the norwegian peasant militia. By making good use of record-keeping books in churches, state officers could tour the ducal lands an easily gauge available manpower. College cadets, still preparing to graduate and acquire an officer commission, could put to the test some of their lessons by participating in the field training. Nobles who exercised their right to become an Inhaber, were granted nominal command over peasant units raised from towns and villages within their lands. However, unlike its norwegian counterpart, this militia was meant to be a state tool rather than a mere pool of cheap soldiers.

Every family was mandated to present for training from one to at least two in every three adult males. These men, ages ranging from sixteen to thirty, were meant to be in good health and without any major disabilities. Offices in Munich, Landshut, Ingolstadt and Straubing set up tribunals and registries to process orders and examine candidates. Fields were commissioned for training twice a year for a period of two weeks. Punishments raging from fines to imprisonment were coded in law to deter those seeking to evade their service. A new treasury opened to ensure each serving peasant was compensated for their time out of home with five silver thaler. Construction of barracks began in some cities destined to accommodate the temporary surplus of residents or tent camps near known fields of training...
Draped in uniforms of garish Naples Yellow acquired from swiss lead, the militia was provided armor and weapons ordered to bavarian weaponsmiths or procured through french merchants in bulk.

As the first recruits and weapons began to slowly trickle down by the summer of 1614, it soon became clear that the Bauernwehr was a long way to be even a functional military institution. But it held immense potential.

Velasco · Jan 13, 2024

A Stuart Christmas
1614

The Duke and Duchess of York had been married by proxy before they ever met. These ceremonies per procuram in England and Spain solemnized the promise of marriage and served as a guarantee and ratification of the general marriage agreement, in particular its financial dispositions. It was not unheard of for promising young princes to die before the marriage proper, or for princesses to die on their way to their new home. Thankfully, the Infanta María Catalina Maurícia of Spain, known to the English as Catherine of Austria, made it to English shores safe and sound, and Prince Charles' health did not falter in the lead-up to their third wedding.

The marriage ceremony in person was held in private, in a relatively simple and short-hand form. Care was taken to avoid offending religious sensibilities on either side. The royal chapel at Oatlands Palace (Prince Charles' private residence thus far) was chosen for the occasion. The King, Queen, and a smattering of royal relatives, councillors and courtiers attended. As the Archbishop of Canterbury was a hardline Calvinist, the Archbishop of York was invited to officiate instead. The Archbishop's son Sir Tobie Matthew, who had converted to Catholicism in Florence and recently been ordained a Catholic priest, would soon enough receive permission to return to England. A genteel reward for his father's services, no doubt.

The ceremony followed the Book of Common Prayer and thus the Anglican Rite, but for the Infanta's benefit was held in both English and French. The girl did not speak English. Her espoused husband did not speak Spanish, and only imperfect Italian. The celerity of marriage negotiations had not given either much time to learn the other's tongue. Latin being thought too reminiscent of Papistry, French emerged as the most adequate common means of communication. Thus, a bilingual ceremony.

In addition to the language of the liturgy, King James afforded the Infanta a second accomodation. Once all was said and done, it was common for the newlywed couple to take communion from the priest, in the Anglican fashion. Here, no communion was taken, sparing the Infanta from having to partake in additional Anglican sacrament, take communion in the Protestant manner and from the hands of a Protestant clergyman.

The Spanish ambassador and retinue would expend some energy in convincing the Infanta to partake all the same. Despite Papal support, the privacy of the event and King James' accomodations, the Infanta was too Spanish not to fear for her immortal soul. These were foreign and heretical rites, to be resisted with all the tenacity a proud royal princess could muster. Far away from her parents in a strange land, the Infanta's will was iron-clad. It would later be reported (or perhaps invented) that a tearful young Infanta besought her new in-laws to accept the pardon of Rome and the Holy Father's embrace, while there was still time, after which she would dutifully marry the Duke in the rites of the Holy Mother Church "and show them every obedience".

The girl was in the end cowed by King James himself, who kindly admonished her. Refusal to marry the man she had already promised before God to wed and obey would be a most heinous sin: an abandonment of her marriage vows and also a most ungrateful disobedience and betrayal of the explicit, expressed wishes of her natural and spiritual fathers in Madrid and Rome, and the new father now standing before her. All had been made very clear to her. What was expected of her now was no secret or innovation, but the simple filial obeisance every father (and the Infanta apparently boasted three!) expected of a daughter. This, at least, was the version reported officially back to the Spanish King.

According to the girl's own recollection, written years later, what swayed her were words of prophetic encouragement conveyed to her in secret. Their author was a certain Dõna Luisa de Carvajal. A self-appointed Catholic missionary to London, Carvajal had been twice imprisoned by the English authorities. She had been released not long ago and promptly fallen terribly sick. Her life had been dispaired of by the few friends she had. After a miraculous recovery, she was now decidedly ecstatic, seeing in her recovery and the marriage of the Infanta the future promise of all Roman Catholic and Spanish hopes touching the salvation of England.

The Duke and Duchess of Burgundy, Lothier, Brabant, Limburg, Luxembourg & Guelders, 1614

The private ceremony was accompanied by a Royal Entry into London, mirroring the continental tradition of Joyful Entry (Joyeuse Entrée) by new rulers or newlyweds into chief cities. The Burgundians had been particularly fond of it. The Prince of Wales and Duke of York made a joint ceremonial entry into the city of London: by the King's grace and accompanied by their adolescent brides, they renewed that city's ancient liberties, distributed largesse to the commons and generously distributed pardons. The move was perhaps calculated to appease the populace and shield the York marriage from any public disparagement. The popularity of the Waleses and royal generosity went a way toward calming tempers, the King wagered.

The Royal Entry culminated in a somewhat unconventional, non-liturgical public celebration of the union at Whitehall Palace. The couple were now well and truly married. Thrice married, in truth. King James was not looking to ruffle any religious feathers, but could not reasonably see his younger son married in discretion to the Archduchess-Infanta when such fanfare had welcomed Prince Henry's Brandenburger the previous year. The Spanish match was a victory to be celebrated and advertised. Eager to display the aflluence and culture of his court, and the culmination of a decade's work towards a glorious continental marriage alliance, King James had hastily sent envoys to his kin in the continent. Wittelsbach, Hapsburg, Lorrainer, Guise-Lorrainer, Orange-Nassau, Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel and even Oldenburg relatives and in-laws were foremost among those cordially invited.

The Archduke Albert and the Infanta-Archduchess Isabella Clara Eugenia were first and foremost among the first and foremost, no doubt standing the most notable guests of 1614's Christmastide. The pair had come gladly from Brussels. It was a short journey across the Channel. The Archduke gave away the Infanta in marriage, both at the private and public ceremonies.

Together and individually Albert and Isabella were rightfully ranked among the greatest princes of the age. Isabella Clara Eugenia had once been the great Roman Catholic hope for the French and English thrones, a thorn in Henri IV's, Elizabeth and James' side in years past. Older courtiers might still remember when her father had been King of England at Bloody Mary's side (1556-1558). (More still remembered the defeat of his Armada in 1588). Now her brother Philip III ruled the Spanish Empire in his stead (and had even attempted to add Ireland to it - another fact not readily forgotten!). Albert had been a cardinal, a governor, and a general for his house. His brother ruled an Empire too, as Holy Roman Emperor Matthias. Together, the couple ruled the Spanish Netherlands semi-autonomously - the Act of Cession had left them permamently bound to the Spanish crown and its interests, but they were more than glorified governors.

King James had ardently desired to match either one fo his sons with their only daughter, the Archduchess Maria Anna Josepha, born 1609. The hope was to secure a Stuart succession in the Spanish Netherlands, effectively making them the English Netherlands in the next generation. The Act of Cession stipulated that such a princess must either marry the Prince of Asturias or whomever the Spanish King would appoint. James had thus been constrained to pursue a pro-Spanish foreign policy, needing the approval of both Madrid and Brussels for his plans.

Yet the year after the little Archduchess was born, her father the Archduke had callously sacked the English Cautionary Town of Flushing (Vlissingen). Papal intervention - culminating in a liberal financing of repairs and English expansion efforts of its Neutral County (the Cautionary Towns) - had forestalled a prompt declaration of war. Ill feelling was inevitable, however, not least because Albert and Isabella Clara Eugenia were the face and mind of the continued Spanish war effort against England's correligionist allies, the Dutch United Provinces. At great cost of life, coin and effort on all sides, the Flemish under Albert and the Dutch under Maurice of Orange-Nassau (husband of the King's cousin-german Arabella Stuart) waged war on and on, year after year.

Though England had lately made great profit trading peacefully with both sides, it was struck onlookers as odd that now here was the Duke of York matched to the niece of Flanders, Albert and Isabella at their side, with all anyone could talk about being amity, charity and fraternal feeling.

The Hispano-Dutch war was, in truth, the main reason Albert and Isabella had come. The festivities offered a welcome break from the monotony of incessant warfare and there was some faint glimmer of hope that England's strong ties to the Dutch might come in useful. Moreover, Albert and Isabella were not the only scions of the Imperial House of Austria to show their faces. Germany not yet being all a-flame (though few expected the present "peace", if it could be called that, to last), the Emperor and the Archduke-Regnant of Austria had sent their proxies. The Flemish Archdukes was thus treated to something of a family reunion, enjoying fresh word from both El Escorial, Prague, the Hofburg and Zagreb.

The Archdukes Maximilian Ernst and Leopold V, the warrior-priest of Strasbourg, were widely suspected by the English as potential suitors to the Princess Elizabeth's hand in marriage. Though the English court largely eyed such a prospect with distaste, certainly King James was gleefully basking in the reflected glory of Haus Hapsburg and seriously considering the potential benefits to marrying his daughter into that most august family's Austrian branch. His Privy Council, meanwhile, hurriedly investigated rival possibilities - with discretion, of course, for royal marriages were a royal prerogative and to violate the King's prerogative could be considered treason.

Ulrik Johan, Duke of Södermanland & Prince-Bishop of Schwerin,
brother of King Christian IV of Denmark & Queen Anne of Great Britain

King James had dreamt of single-handedly resolving the war in the Low Countries and was thus sore grieved that the Orange-Nassau did not come. This was not to say that the Protestant side of his continental affinity was completely absent. King Christian IV did not come in person, but sent a heart retinue including his mother Sophie of Mecklenburg-Güstrow, brother Prince Ulrik of Denmark, and the latter's new bride Anna Sophia of Meckenburg-Schwerin. (The other Danish brother, Prince Hans, kept away - no doubt on account of his having lately married the Anna of Pommerania, she whose name and fame had caused the darling Prince of Wales such sorrow and the Anglo-Danish alliance such upset). Lurking right behind these personages was none other than Jacob Ulfeldt, King Christian's well-travelled chancellor, and the Brunswick-Wolfenbuttels, headed by the Dowager Duchess Elizabeth, sister to Queen Anne.

Recently widowed, this Dowager had been invited not just for the marriage, but to come stay awhile at the English court with her children. Rumour went King James sought to marry her to one of his own courtiers, and thus appease his lady wife.

The King's initial reception of his Danish in-laws was predictably cool, but his Queen and sons were glad to see them and their joy proved contagious. It was not lost on King James that Ulrik was a Prince of the Empire (Reichsfurst, for Schwerin) and had a say in the Imperial Diet. (The new Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel was also of particular interest to his uncle for the same reason). It was also not lost on the Privy Council that Ulfeldt's presence was everything but neutral: King Christian was some time widowed, and his namesake crown prince unbetrothed. Even to those Englishmen truly celebratory of the Spanish match, a marriage in Denmark was to be preferred over any Austrian archduke. And thus the Duke of Lennox saw his Danish party emboldened and fortified almost overnight, with much discussion and debate ravishing the background of each one of the festivities.

Accordingly, in the Whitehall ceremony, where the Archduke Albert gave the Infanta-Archduchess away in marriage, the Dowager of Denmark and her son were accorded pride of place at the King and Queen's side. Later, when King James inducted his two daughters-in-law as Ladies of the Garter, the Archduchess Isabella, Dowager of Wolfenbuttel and the two Sophias were the only visitors likewise honoured.

Moreover, while the Archdukes Albert, Maximilian and Leopold (and their respective masters Mathias and Ferdinand, in absentia) were cordially invited to become supernumerary members of the Order of the Garter, Prince Ulrik (already a member, as was Christian) was the only one invited to participate the following evening in the traditional rites of bathing and purification that might make him a Knight of the Bath, alongside the King's two sons and other handpicked inductees. (Thus set King James the precedent that Catholic princes might become members of the Order of the Garter, but not of the Bath). For his troubles, Ulfeldt was granted a manor house in Lincolnshire and a baronetcy, with remainder to whichever heir he so name of his name and blood.

Sir Robert Carr, the King's favourite

At the highly partial urging of the King's favourite Carr, the celebrations were marked not only with ceremonial and symbolic prizes such as the Orders of the Garter and Bath, but new titles of nobility and promotion. This was fairly customary and had ample precedent - indeed, when James had come to the throne he had dubbed his fair share of new peers, and other marriages, birthdays and celebrations had been so marked before.

The King first honoured his own children. Prince Henry Frederick was named Lord Lieutenant General of England and Scotland and given the Duchy of Lancaster for life. Prince Charles was named Lord Lieutenant General of Ireland and Walcheren, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports and Constable of Dover Castle. The style Lord Lieutenant General was derived from the unprecedented military command previously granted by Queen Elizabeth to Lord Nottingham in her final years.

No doubt the King foresaw his sons acting as his stand-ins should the need arise, though for now the offices were largely ceremonial.

The Princess Elizabeth was styled Princess Royal, in imitation of France's Madame Royale. She would hold the title until marriage. She received now the second name Virginia, in honour of her late godmother and her own chastity and virtue. Before the gathered continental potentates, James was clearly eager to advertise his yet-unwed daughter's value as a future christian Queen.

Prince Charles was likewise rebaptized: already boasting the name of an Emperor, he now received Matthias for second name, this being the name of the current Holy Roman Emperor "his most right beloved kinsman" and of course, James' own grandfather (Matthew Stewart, Earl of Lennox). By his father's imposition, Charles now adopted as his own the Emperor's personal motto: Concordia lumine maior ("Unity is stronger in the light"), a multi-layered homage to his Hapsburg marriage.

Ludovic Stuart, Duke of Lennox and Richmond

Beside his sons (as Dukes of Cornwall and York), the only duke at the English court was the King's beloved kinsman, Ludovic Stuart, Duke of Lennox. The Dukedom of Lennox was a Scottish peerage, however, and there had long been moanings and groanings about the correct order of precedence at the English court. Lennox was the King's kinsman and a duke. In the peerage of England, however, the Marquesses of Dorset and Winchester were second only to the royal dukes and potentially outranked him. The King now resolved these disputes by naming Lennox Duke of Richmond and Premier Duke in the Peerage of England. To Lennox and his heirs by his present wife James granted the right to quarter the King's arms with their own, highlighting their own elevated place in the line of succession, and effectively making them the second family in the realm, second only the King and his descendants.

It had been the King's initial project to dub several new dukes. By making the duke of Lennox and Richmond 'premier duke in England', he had become free to mint as many new dukes as he liked, without injury to his beloved Lennox's standing. Apparently the King had thought a bevy of dukes about the throne would reflect positively on the grandeur of his reign and court.

He was prevailed upon by the Prince of Wales, however, to maintain that rare honour a rarety.

James therefore created five new marquessates: Rochester, for his favourite Robert Carr; Newcastle, for Esmé Stuart, brother of Lennox; Northampton, for life only, for Lady Helena the Red (Lady Helena Gorges, née Snakenborg, formerly Parr); Surrey, for Thomas Howard and Okehampton for his bachelor uncle, Henry Howard.

Earls were also named. Lords Rich and Mountjoy, the former and present husbands of Lady Penelope née Devereux, now became Earl Rich and Earl Mountjoy respectively. William Knollys, a Devereux uncle and Howard in-law, was made Earl of Banbury. By the Queen's good favour, Robert Sidney was given his late uncle Robert Dudley's Earldom of Leicester. The great heiress and powerful landowner Lady Mary Fane (née Neville) was named Countess of Westmoreland, restoring the dignity to that ancient house. In Scotland, Thomas Erskine, Lord Fenton, became Earl of Kellie, and John Ramsay Earl of Melrose; in Ireland, Sir Richard Boyle became the first Earl of Cork.

Some of these titles had been granted in reward for dutiful service: others, it was alleged, bought at great price. Of course, to the King there was no better service than slipping fat wads of promissory bills into his pocket. The mightily wealthy brothers Henry and William Cavendish were named Earls of Matlock and Doncaster - apparently a sign of royal favour toward their niece Princess Arabella, Lady of the Dutch. Less innocent tongues whispered these grants had likely seen the transfer of a good many pounds. So too might be justified the introduction into the peerage of the wealthy widow Elizabeth Finch (née Henneage), now made Viscountess Wallingford, alongside the likes of greats such as Francis Bacon (the new Viscount Verulam) and Walter Raleigh (the new Viscount Sherborne).

The youngest of those honoured was the thirteen year old Robert Cecil, eldest of the two surviving sons born to the late Lord Salisbury and the elder Frances Howard (this most political of matches having been marred by a miscarriage in 1602 and stillbirths in 1606, 1607 and 1608, surviving only Robert b.1601 and Charles James b. 1604). His elder half-brother having followed his father as Earl of Salisbury, King James recompensed the Cecils - and Howards - by making young Robert Earl of Middlesex in his own right. The new Lord Middlesex was also honoured with a place as a page in the Prince of Wales' household, ensuring the family continued proximity to the fons honorum into the next realm.

Once the new or promoted peers had had their day, King James' heralds proceeded to announce the new baronets. The baronetcy was the only hereditary honour in England that was not a peerage. A medieval honour of secondary mention, it was created by letters patent issued by the King. The honour had recently been revived by King James as a source of additional revenue for the Crown and served primarily to give untitled landed gentry and wealthy burghers of low birth something akin to a title.

All this "bothersome business of bureaucracy and baronetage" being said and done, the feasting and dancing could finally commence. Wine flowed in the streets and slurred, drunk diplomacy, flirtation and religious polemic all through the halls of Whitehall. To the disapproval of both Pope and Protestants, it was likely more than one bastard would be conceived that night.

Even the peasantry had fun!

Prince Charles Stuart marries the Infanta Maria Catalina Mauricia in person.
The Infanta is known in England as Catherine of Austria.
The Archduke Albert "gives her away" at the marriage ceremony.
Guests included several Hapsburg archdukes, Danish royalty and nobility from Europe.
There is private discussion of a Danish marriage for Princess Elizabeth and King James thaws out in his attitude towards his in-laws.
Prince Charles is named "Charles Matthias" (a name he won't be using often) and Princess Elizabeth becomes Elizabeth Virginia.
The King's children are given new honours, primarily Elizabeth becomes the first Princess Royal.
The King makes new Knights of the Garter and Bath, a Duke, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts and Baronets in celebration.
There's drinking and partying in Whitehall and London, generally.

Carol · Jan 15, 2024

Velasco said:
From: King James Stuart, First and Sixth of His Name, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc.
To: Fyodor II Borisovich Godunov of Russia @Carol

Private.

The English envoy was received with the utmost respect at the royal court in Moscow. The rebuilt city was a living embodiment of Fyodor's power: signs of his patronage spread far and wide at great expense to his treasury. He was the sole owner of the Rus, chosen by the hand of God, and this right was secured by the bloody sword. On this basis, the Polish invaders, Tartar raiders, and false pretenders were defeated. The tsar's prestige was now so great that he seldom allowed others to meet him in the flesh. After all, he was a presence above the daily squabbles of life. But the envoy's message allowed him to enter the inner sanctum of the palace. It had implications that touched Europe as a whole. After a brief conversation, Fyodor gave his consent to the marriage. He had looked favorably on the connection with London. His kingdom was largely secured by English loans. One step further to cement the line only helped him.

Vald · Jan 18, 2024

Unequal children and an unequal marriage

Christian IV wearing the black clothes of a widower - and the pink charm of a mistress

Having shown little regard for hiding his promiscuous adventures while his wife was still alive, the King of Denmark saw no reason to change his behaviour after her death. Queen Dorothea had given him three sons, healthy and hale, heirs to one day inherit his Kingdom, but been entirely unable to connect emotionally with nor erotically satisfy the virile and, towards her, oftentimes callous young King. Intensely bored by peacetime, and unsatisfied with his wife, Christian IV sought satisfaction elsewhere. Royal mistresses were nothing new at the Danish Court, many of Christian's predecessors had entertained multiple, but mostly out of sight and out of mind, the mistresses and any offspring both. This Christian cared little for, his dalliances at court were many and largely public, and he did something none of his predecessors had done before: recognised his illegitimate children.

The first (known) of these was born in 1612, only a day after Queen Dorothea gave birth to her and Christian's last child. Within a single day Christian could proudly look upon two healthy newborn boys: the first, Ulrik, a Prince of Denmark born by a lady of prestigious Hohenzollern blood; the second, Ulrik-Christian, even if he carried the name of Kings, was only the son of the Queen's chambermaid. Thus, though the babes shared a Royal father, the difference in status between their mothers would prove the deciding factor in how the world perceived them. But King Christian, who shared an equal and genuine love for all his children no matter their legitimacy, declared that his illegitimate namesake would be brought up at court and recognised as his son, bestowing on the babe the surname of "Gyldenløve" (Goldenlion). A name to be given to all of his future illegitimate children, so that even if they would never enjoy the legal nor social status of his trueborn sons and heirs, they would still be recognised as his children and have a place at his court.

Between the years 1610-1613 Christian Gyldenløve's mother, Kirsten Madsdatter, would be King Christian's mistress. As the daughter of Copenhagen's mayor she was of definite common stock, with no noble blood to speak of, but still of a respectable-enough social status for her to have become Queen Dorothea's chambermaid. From there Kirsten would be seduced by her Lady's husband, and when the Queen, who was quite aware of their affair, died in 1612 Kirsten became Christian's companion, for a time. Little more than a year later, while doing her hair in front of the mirror, Kirsten Madsdatter fell over dead, with not a spot to indicate foul play nor a cough to indicate disease. Though certainly shook by losing both his Queen and his Mistress in such a short timespan, Christian wasted as little time in replacing Kirsten as Kirsten in turn had replaced the Queen. In the summer of 1612 Christian had met and fallen in love with another woman, Karen Andersdatter, who, though she had been bethroded to a priest, swiftly became pregnant as a result of her relationship with the King. And in the early months of 1613 Karen was brought to Frederiksborg Palace where she gave birth to a son, whom the King named Hans Ulrik Gyldenløve.

Christian's mother and his two elder sisters - From left to right:
Dowager Queen Sophie of Denmark, Dowager Duchess Elisabeth of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, and Queen-Consort Anne of Great Britain

Christian's break with tradition and public flaunting of his affairs did not go unnoticed, at home nor abroad. True, King's live by different rules than other men, which is why the King could recognise his illegitimate children where others would be executed or imprisoned for adultery. A common punishment having previously been to send male adulterers to fight against the Turks. But these open affairs were contrasting with and began to damage Christian's image as a great and pious Christian King. Though the authorities tried to suppress and punish any rumours of them, the King's affairs became a topic of discussion at foreign courts and by commoners within the Kingdom. With one merchant from Lubeck being beheaded for having called the King a "whoremonger" in public. With such episodes in mind the Danish Court and Royal Council were slowly but surely coming around to the idea that their King had been a widower for far too long. And that a suitable wife ought be found for him and a match arranged before he did further damage to his own reputation.

Major proponents of this line of thought was the King's strict Chancellor: Christian Friis of Borreby, and the King's own mother: Dowager Queen Sophie. Slowly they would try to present the idea to the King, who was anything but amiable to it. Seemingly frustrated in their attempts, the Dowager Queen invited Christian to stay at one of her estates, where coincidentally the King's two older sisters: Queen-Consort Anne of Great Britain, and Dowager Duchess Elisabeth of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel were also staying. It having been years since Christian had seen either of the two, he could scarcely refuse. But what the King had thought to be a cosy family retreat in truth turned out to be a matchmaking ambush. Gradually Christian's mother and sisters would go from jokingly to politely but sternly suggesting he marry again, his mother Sophie and sister Elisabeth suggesting a number of German matches, while Queen Anne hoped to advance the cause of her own daughter (who Christian was more interested in for his son: the Prince-elect). Finally, when it became clear he would not let up, they collectively started scolding him for his lecherous behaviour. How could he, a man in his prime only 38-years of age, who had so recently married off his brothers for influence, refuse to do the same in the name of his dynasty and Kingdom, when every eligible German Princess could dream of no finer groom than him?

But Christian's resolve was strong and his mind clear on the matter. His marriage to Dorothea of Hohenzollern had been miserable, for both parties, and he would not subject himself to another marriage no matter how much benefit it brought his Kingdom, unless it was a match he wholeheartedly agreed to. Already he had three sons, the succession was secure, another Royal marriage would mean more princes and princesses requiring titles, lands, and dowries, expenses and foreign obligations forced on his Kingdom which it could ill-afford. This refusal did little in way of endearing him to his mother and sisters, though tensions would slightly ease over a few weeks at his mothers estate. These weeks gave Christian time to think, his family's words having evidently found some root. It was true that his courtly escapades could not go on, and even if he continued to refuse a political marriage, he did not disagree to the overall idea of marriage for other reasons. If he was to marry again it would be for love, to a woman who could satisfy his want for a spiritual as well as a physical companion, not for duty.

Kirsten Munk, a Lady of the lower Danish nobility

If it was love Christian was looking for he did not have to look for long. At one of those countryside balls so often held during the summer to entertain the Danish nobility, the King laid eyes on a Lady of electrifying beauty. Her name was Kirsten Munk, and King Christian was immediately infatuated with her, making him forget all his political headaches, he would spend the entire evening begging her for but one more dance and one more bout of conversation. But for the young Kirsten, 20 years Christians junior, the King's attention was imposing, and entirely unwanted, his reputation as a womaniser being well known to her, indeed she found him quite distasteful. Yet still the evening would usher in the beginning of a correspondence between the two, though reluctantly on Kirsten's part, she did not genuinely return the King's affections. Christian himself was lovestruck as he had never been before, described by his courtiers as being in an almost embarrassing and comical daze, spending all day writing letters and dreaming of Kirsten, a state entirely unworthy of a man of his stature.

Whereas Kirsten would forego entirely the King's attention if she could, Kirsten's mother, the widowed Ellen Marsvin, was almost appalled at the opportunity her daughter was seemingly willing to let slip through her hands. It was at her mothers insistence that Kirsten continued corresponding with the King, Ellen reading through every letter her daughter sent and received, before arranging for herself and Kirsten to travel to court. Ellen likewise knew of Christian's escapades, and of the gifts he bestowed on his lovers. But as she saw how truly lovesick Christian was, Ellen's ambitions on her daughters behalf grew enormously. Though her pedigree was humble among Danish nobility, Ellen had amassed a number of estates and a great fortune from the pension her husband left her, it would not do she said for a Lady of wealth and noble birth, such as her daughter, to be held in same regard as the common mistresses the King had entertained until now. If Christian truly wanted Kirsten he would afford her the courtesy of marriage.

With the state he was in there was little Christian could do to resist Kirsten's intriguing mother. First he dismissed his previous mistresses from court, making sure to reward them with gold and estates, and then he consulted with his perplexed Bishops and Council. Though Kirsten and her mother were of the Danish nobility they had not a drop of Royal blood, and as such there could be no talk of a full marriage, which would make Kirsten equal to the deceased Dorothea of Brandenburg. Instead Christian and Kirsten would be wed morganatically, in a "left-handed marriage", and they would not be wed in a church. By virtue of this Kirsten could never become Queen of Denmark, she would not have an official position at court, and any children born of the match would have no claim to the Danish throne. Kirsten and her children would have to be provided for entirely out of the King's own pocket, by the Bishop and the Council the match was seen as highly irregular and an entirely private affair, one which ought have no effect on matters of state.

This was sufficient for Christian and for Ellen. Christian seemingly got the affectionate connection he sought as an alternative to a political alliance. Ellen, on the other hand, was now in a position to exert influence over the King and Court. As for the court—comprising the King's family, advisors, and attendants—they could only observe as the King solemnly pledged marital vows to his unexpected spouse. They shook their heads at the unforeseen outcome of their schemes: the King was indeed married, yet not in the manner anyone had anticipated. And it was a union that Kirsten had never desired. While Christian had seemingly found his love match, he was he was so blinded by it he could not see his feelings for Kirsten was in no way returned.

Ellen Marsvin - Kirsten Munk's mother

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