Prime Minister Attlee (left) beside Minister Bevan, architect of Labour's "Revolution"
[] Plan: Bevanite Sweep
-[] Rationing: Reintroduce price controls for basic necessities, ensuring every family may have egg, poultry and fish on the dinner table every day. Enforce harsh anti-price gouging laws alongside increasing food subsidies. As a bone to the right, turn a blind eye to labor law malpractice in the colonies.
-[] Healthcare: No payments, no prescription fees. Abolish means-testing for the NHS. Nationalize the entire healthcare sector and introduce national standards for treatment to streamline the entire process.
-[] Nationalization: Go further and nationalize the defense, educational and water sectors as well. Legalize and recognize all unions, radically expand labor laws, including but not limited to right to strike, negotiate and anti-scab legislations. Agree to Radical Party demands, creating wholly French subsidiaries in French territories.
-[] Education: Introduce a new national standards board, emphasizing student freedom and subject qualities, and get rid of the silly patriotic education classes. Focus government funding on poorer schools, expand benefits for students from poorer households.
-[] Housing: Implement Bevan's housing plans in full, building houses for comfort rather than the lowest cost. Raise land value tax on private landowners and enforce rent-control in the FBU core territories.
-[] National Service and the Overseas Territories: Move to abolish mandatory National Service for French and British citizens, while extending it to the new citizens of the overseas territories. British and French volunteers will be fast-tracked to leadership over the new citizens of the FBU.
-[] Veteran Benefits: Government-sponsored higher education for all veterans, increased healthcare benefits, pensions as well as low-interest loans for business ventures.
-[] Welfare: Post-War Consensus all the way, further offload costs to the wealthy and the colonies. Expand all civil servant benefits.
-[] Voting Reform: Implement proportional voting, abolish the House of Lords.
-[] Measurements: Fully standardize to the metric system.
-[] Turing: Decriminalize homosexuality.
=== 1952 to 1957 - Attlee's Labour "Revolution" - Domestic Result
===
Attlee's government intended to hit the ground running. There would be a clean break from previous policies with sweeping reforms long desired by the British electorate and promised by the Labour Party, promises which Attlee had every intention of fulfilling. Having won a super majority of seats during the election, there was only one conceivable obstacle capable of blocking parliament: the House of Lords. The veritable ancient house of men of good breeding, strong moral character, pious devotion to the office, and other such easily falsifiable claims that existed to stiffen the democratic will of the country. The upper house was filled with men of the aristocracy and church who were granted their seat by birthright and political favours. If anyone had the power to halt Labour's platform it was them. Attlee's cabinet was well aware of the obstacles they'd present to any reform pushed through parliament. That was the main purpose of the House of Lords after all. It was meant to block reform that threatened its membership's political and economic power.
Labour's coalition partners, the Radical Party, understood this quite well. There was no love for the distinctly British institution. The idea of promoting the appointment of French men to it to "balance" it out wasn't even on the table for the government. Pleven was behind Attlee in tackling the upper house head on, correctly believing that it'd remain hostile to French interests in the union no matter what and opposing it on ideological grounds. The French parties had no love for the British institution. They stood to gain from it, especially when the full slate of Labour-Radical reforms included electoral reform. It wouldn't suddenly give them more sway in British ridings, but would weaken the power of the Tories and Labour, potentially opening up more seats to smaller parties. Smaller parties that would need the support of French parties to govern.
The only question was how to handle them? There were proposals to limit the stalling and legislative powers of the House of Lords but allow them to exist in a more ceremonial role. These ideas were shouted down by more radical members of the government. It was Bevan that pushed for the complete abolishment of the upper house. If Labour-Radicals wanted to see any of their reforms pass, much less survive past their government, then the House of Lords had to go. It was a radical proposal, an escalation in policy, but it was reasonable in light of the fact that the Lords would fight tooth and nail against even the mildest of reforms, like they had done against the Parliament Act of 1911. By the first session of parliament it was announced that the House of Lords would go. The Tory outrage was immediate, but they lacked the votes or support to stop it. As expected, the House of Lords would do everything in their power to stall their abolishment. They called on every favour, every old boys network, riled up the civil servants and clergy, and generally raised all sorts of hell. If Labour's margins had been thinner and the people weren't so supportive of Labour's policies, then perhaps they could have successfully forced Attlee to water down his government's proposals. Unfortunately for them that was not the case.
As the House of Lords used all their power to stall their inevitable demise, the government pushed forward with the rest of its agenda. They prevented any bills from passing, hoping to stall long enough for the government to fail, but fail it did not. Labour was quick to seize on the hostility of the HoL as further justification for their decision to abolish the house. They were sure that the voters knew the reason little had happened was because of obstructionists. Behind the scenes the Lords and Tories were desperately negotiating with Labour to convince them to drop outright abolishment and a few other policies. When these pleas fell on deaf ears the Tories called upon their old boy networks within the civil service to grind all functions of government to a halt. If Labour could not be reasoned with them Labour should not govern. Tories even called upon the Queen to dissolve parliament in the hopes that they could win another election, and a few even plotted a coup against Labour, however the groundwork for such a thing to succeed was not there.
From 1952 to 1954, Labour was nearly unable to govern. One of the things they could do was cease the use of conscripts in Bengal. They wound down army actions in favour of focusing on policing India and bombing Bengal. The House of Lord's refusal to let the government abolish it was not well received. Resentment grew among the populace, though it was directed towards the House of Lords. The decision to act like petulant children was not well received by many, even Tory voters though it was a little ridiculous, though they did not support the abolishment of the house. Calls went up requesting reform or replacement rather than removal, but Labour and Radicals held firm. The French parties threw their support behind the initiative. It proved without a shadow of a doubt that if the union was to function the Lords had to be removed. In 1954 the timer ran out, their ability to stall had run its course, and in petulant disbelief, the ignoble House of Lords ceased to exist. The Franco-British Union was therefore ruled by Parliament, the House of Commons only. In anticipation of the momentous success a whole slate of bills passed quickly in a single session. The sweeping changes so long promised would finally come to light, much to the ire of the Tories. Keynesianism became the policy of the day to afford all of Labour-Radical's policies, much to the horror of many economists. It'd run the economy hot but start the painful process of kicking it back into gear. Cries of "Bukharinism in Britain" were ignored by London. Soon after the civil service mostly fell in line, especially with the expansion of their domains and increased benefits thrown their way.
===
The nationalizations came immediately. The list of industries was long, including railways, coal, steel, electricity, natural gas, canals, cable and radio providers, weapon manufacturers, water utilities, and even education. That in particular was extremely contentious, nearly failing as the Tories network continued their informal strike against the government. These public companies were not placed under union control, however they immediately saw benefits come their way. The Trade Union Congress received official recognition as a negotiating body for unions within the FBU, granting it further legitimacy as an organization. Sweeping anti-scab laws and uptick in hires meant full protection for union workers, while drastically cutting down on unemployment. There were concerns by French MPs that the government would unban SFIO, potentially allowing socialism to re-enter Algeria through unions. Such concerns were put to rest with terse negotiations between English and French labour organizations mediated by Algiers that stressed the ban was still upheld. Unions associated with small businesses, state workers, and the Conservative Bloc came out ahead as the leading voice of French labour.
In agreement with the Radicals, all companies nationalized in French territory were placed under the control of a separate French body that was equal to the British bodies. The Radicals refused to allow French state companies to be subsidized by their British counterparts. In an effort to undermine leftism and prevent comparison to mainland parties, the French state companies also remained under the government's control rather than turning it over to unions. It was stressed that the economy was not socialized, but indeed worked for the benefit of the French people. The surge of government money pouring into Algeria and Corsica was well received. Refugees and settlers alike found gainful employment in short order. The push for afforded public housing was well received by the French too. It meant millions poured into their economy to settle its engorged European population faster than previously expected. Algeria saw its coastal cities grow at the cost of the Algerian Arabs and Berbers that had once lived there. Poor neighbourhoods were bulldozed to make way for sensible well built apartments, block houses, and low rises. Their native populations pushed out into slums or relocated to villages and working camps in the countryside.
The Franco-British Union began to face full employment as the government's policies went into effect. The millions left without work or between jobs no longer languished in employment. It was a costly endeavor bemoaned and questioned by many "sensible" economists, but Labour-Radicals forged ahead with the efforts. In fact it began to face shortages in several sectors to keep up with demand and government spending as the FBU hit full employment. Immigrants from across the Empire were ushered into Britain as temporary workers, many from the West Indies Federation, while Algeria continued employing displaced Arab Algerians and West Africans as conscripted workers. In a scheme similar to the horrid corvee system, Indian princes, businesses, and landlords bullied their tenants, subjects, and servants into signing contracts with British companies where the worker received a meager pay, but their handler got a cut. Effectively renting out another person's labour. In desperate need of more manpower at home and across the Empire, this practice was overlooked by the government. It provided money to the Indian ruling class, a trinkle of money in the form of remittances to Indian families, and labour to Labour. The unequal exchange that benefited everyone, save for the subjects' whose suffering was expected by their overlord.
The NHS was centralized, giving it the authority over local providers and hospitals. The costs of glasses, dentures, dentistry, and medication was cut entirely. People no longer had to pay for the right to see or keep their teeth. More funding was put towards education and training to expand the number of nurses and doctors in the country. Bilingualism crept its way into the program, even if it had not been made a priority of the government. The policy saw increased health across the board, even as some doctors griped and informally protested the decision, especially smaller practices. In spite of Tory fuming, the decision was generally well received by many Britons who saw it as Labour improving existing policies. The uptick in clinics increased access to healthcare as well. The pay raises and veteran benefits helped move a number of former military medical staff into the civilian sector in short order. It was an attractive field to work in for those with the stomach for it. The Overseas Territories and Colonies saw no benefits from these measures of course.
The decision to restructure National Service was regarded as a widely popular move, save by those in Overseas Territories and Colonies to which it still applied to. They were not exempt from it, continuing to provide the government with a steady supply of conscripted labour at a cheap price. After all, the decision to leave much of the Overseas Territories in legal limbo granted London many creative ways to apply and interpret laws anyway it so desired. For Britons it meant a real return towards civilian life. The decision to introduce price controls on food staples eased the burden of fluctuating food costs for working class families, though for the middle class it seemed like a return of rationing. The decision to not implement limits on purchases put some of those concerns to rest. London increased its imports of food from the Commonwealth to help keep prices low and supply high. Subsidies and protection for the Franco-British market protected French and British farmers, however similar protections on the Commonwealth limited Britain's ability to treat its allies as dumping grounds for its products. The development of the Mediterranean Economic Community would help in this regard, and its colonies as always remained captive markets for London.
Education in Britain had always been a byzantine mess of public schools that were actually private, grammar schools, comprehensive schools, vocation schools, church schools, nursery schools, and homeschooling. Any number of which had their own curriculum without any central body governing them. The Tories had implemented "standards" but left the document blank as to what that actually entailed, besides the derided "patriotic" courses that were quickly discontinued by Labour-Radicals. The education system laid at the heart of the French and British Empires. It shaped the youth into acceptable citizens before funneling them into whichever life had been determined for them by accident of their birth. The network of old boys clubs and award winning public schools produced generation after generation of cruel shortsighted bastards that ruled one quarter of the globe with an iron fist. The French system fared little better in comparison, preferring its imperialist education be handled by the state rather than private bodies. Bullying was an endemic issue in both institutions, but particularly the British one. It was actively encouraged by teachers, if not outright done by them as corporal punishment within the classroom was still legal.
It was the body that resisted the most loudly and fought the hardest against its nationalization. The public schools would not have their honoured status or control removed by Labour. The Tories, House of Lords, and even the Anglican Church fought London on the issue. The push to nationalize the whole lot was by and large one of the most contentious made by Attlee's government. Perhaps exceptions would have been carved out for them with more compromises made to water down Labour policy, had Bevan's more radical proposals not been picked up by the Labour-Radical coalition. The Conservative Bloc even threw its support behind the decision, once again eager to dismantle another institution vital to maintaining British conservatism and monarchism. The French half of the union had been given full control over French schools by Labour, so there was little concern about private schools being nationalized.
So the decision went through, immediately saddling the government with a great number of very angry schools. Within a few weeks large numbers of staff at public schools retired to protest the government's decision. A number of schools formally dissolved themselves before the government could nationalize themselves, turning themselves into social clubs or museums to avoid falling under the ministry's discretion. Their assets turned over to private hands, namely the former education boards that already ran them. As clubs like the Boy Scouts fell outside the government's purview, a number of former schools kept their doors open to members even if they couldn't continue to formally act as a school. Its members would continue to be immersed in the rancid culture cultivated by generations of abusers to instill proper British values into its pupils, among them suffering, misery, pettiness, and networking; intent on ensuring the next generation produced by the ruling class were has maladapted and cruel as their predecessors.
The greatly expanded state run public schools were hammered into something resembling a cohesive whole. There were efforts to move towards creating better standards across the board. Bilingualism unfortunately did not make the docket, having been quietly dropped. Labour-Radicals took a neutral stance on it, allowing ministries to offer French or English classes to civil servants if they so desired it, but otherwise not increasing funding or making it mandatory. A small but key part of the process was the introduction of the metric system into education. The government had decided to bite the bullet, beginning a painful and lengthy period of transition of all its measurements. The decision was derided by many in and out of the FBU, especially American observers. It would appease no one, but London maintained that the decision harmonized the two halves of the union and brought Britain more into the modern age. It was also used by nearly every country, but Britain, America, and the Commonwealth. To no one's surprise the Tories took up the imperial system as yet another point to rally behind and rail against Labour for changing. It was added to their party platform immediately, promising to bring it back.
The homosexuality debate raged for many years within London. The decision to decriminalize it was very contentious, as even those in favour of it still spoke out against gay people and culture. They simply felt that the government had no business interfering with the private lives of adults as a matter of principle, rather than any acceptance. In the end though, Turing was officially pardoned by London. Sodomy laws were lifted, but no further steps were taken on the matter. No other people arrested under them were pardoned or released, and the government preferred to drop the whole thing. The Radicals added it as another feather in their cap as a victory against British overreach. Turing himself remained in Algiers for the time being, preferring to continue laying low to avoid further public scrutiny. His career was over, but he could at least maintain a private life.
The nationalization of arms production brought a number of new model guns and other equipment into government hands. Companies had been performing tests on their test runs, which the military continued for their own purposes. It was generally agreed that Britain's aging equipment had to be updated with newer, modern equipment for the expeditionary forces, while older models would be reserved for the home guard. However, military modernization was not a major priority for the government. There were tests, innovations, and production runs on a few newer pieces, and slow update of older equipment in existing vehicles, like replacing aging radios in tanks and trucks, but that was limited in scale and scope. There were also no moves towards harmonizing the two halves of the union's armed forces. French soldiers were led by French officers separate from British soldiers. They used a mix of British and French gear, as the loss of France meant a loss of French arms factories.
==
One of the more startling developments in Franco-British politics was the assassination of Charles de Gualle by an Orleanist, gunned down outside his home in 1953. He was dead on the spot. The assassin believed De Gaulle was planning on putting the Bonapartist claimant on the throne, and took matters into his own hands to prevent that from coming to pass. Opposition to Darlan's control of the Conservative Bloc swiftly collapsed. The merger and rapprochement between Vichy collaborators and Free France within French politics happened in favour of the former. The blending of such vile strains of political thought, tempered by 'liberal conservatism' accelerated the already widespread whitewashing of the regime. It was Darlan that had saved Algeria from communism by surrendering to the British, thus preserving a piece of France. It also meant that much of the French military and bureaucracy fell under the influence of Darlan's clique, solidifying the Conservative Bloc's position in French half of FBU politics. The Radicals' many wins were recognized by French citizens, but they soon found themselves being eaten away at the edges by the CB.
While in Britain the full ramifications of electoral and parliamentary reform had yet to be felt. Labour's popularity waned as Attlee's time in office went on. While its welfare programs were fairly popular, a growing number of Britons felt concerned by "government overreach" and "socialist influence" under Labour. The high taxes, intrusion into social and public life, and high government spending worried many, even if they benefited from the programs. Tory associated media made sure to crank out a never ending stream of hit pieces, propaganda, and bold face lies to smear the government. The reforms, dubbed the post war consensus because of their popularity, had been accepted as good governance by much of the populace, though it was difficult to say if Labour could maintain its grip on government. The polls projected a loss of seats but a solid potential to remain in government, provided it played its cards right during the election. It'd have to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory to lose.
Finally, Tubed Alloys reached completion. The assembly of an atomic bomb had been a difficult, costly task. The government considered cutting its funding several times to spend the project's bloated budget elsewhere. The project was slimmed down, slowing the process but forcing the team to remain focused on a single design rather than test multiple ideas at once. The bomb was ready to test in 1956. It's a shame then that the Soviets beat the Franco-British Union to the punch by two years…
Algeria saw its coastal cities grow at the cost of the Algerian Arabs and Berbers that had once lived there. Poor neighbourhoods were bulldozed to make way for sensible well built apartments, block houses, and low rises.
London increased its imports of food from the Commonwealth to help keep prices low and supply high. Subsidies and protection for the Franco-British market protected French and British farmers, however similar protections on the Commonwealth limited Britain's ability to treat its allies as dumping grounds for its products. The development of the Mediterranean Economic Community would help in this regard, and its colonies as always remained captive markets for London.
In a scheme similar to the horrid corvee system, Indian princes, businesses, and landlords bullied their tenants, subjects, and servants into signing contracts with British companies where the worker received a meager pay, but their handler got a cut. Effectively renting out another person's labour.
The NHS was centralized, giving it the authority over local providers and hospitals.
*snip*
The Overseas Territories and Colonies saw no benefits from these measures of course.
A number of schools formally dissolved themselves before the government could nationalize themselves, turning themselves into social clubs or museums to avoid falling under the ministry's discretion. Their assets turned over to private hands, namely the former education boards that already ran them. As clubs like the Boy Scouts fell outside the government's purview, a number of former schools kept their doors open to members even if they couldn't continue to formally act as a school.
Opposition to Darlan's control of the Conservative Bloc swiftly collapsed. The merger and rapprochement between Vichy collaborators and Free France within French politics happened in favour of the former.
It's okay, they're contractors. The inspiration is obviously the historical corvee system, but also the use of Indian workers in Gulf States except more coercive.
No, it already existed. It's British society. The class structure is ingrained even to this day.
Churches are also protesting the decision to nationalize their schools. They want them back. The complete removal of religious and private schools as an option has ruffled the middle class's feathers. It's an infringe on the parent's rights to not offer it. Britain might be secular but it's wrong to deny people the opportunity to receive a religious education. Now they're spending their weekends studying at church in addition to their regular schooling. That's some of the arguments in favour of rolling back the policies.
The person I've spoken to about Darlan's possible policies if he had lived concluded he'd pretty similar to De Gaulle, except a former collaborator rather than a resistance leader. In this it was mostly butting personalities that caused the tension within the bloc. The inclusion of collaborators, cryptofascists, nationalists, militarists, conservatives, and right labour isn't far off from De Gaulle's own government, at least until some tried to depose him. It's just more sicko here.
The person I've spoken to about Darlan's possible policies if he had lived concluded he'd pretty similar to De Gaulle, except a former collaborator rather than a resistance leader. In this it was mostly butting personalities that caused the tension within the bloc. The inclusion of collaborators, cryptofascists, nationalists, militarists, conservatives, and right labour isn't far off from De Gaulle's own government, at least until some tried to depose him. It's just more sicko here.
Yeah, fair enough, the Paris police and their massacres definitely agree with that idea. It's almost absurd how easy it was for them to incorporate that sort of rot into their government by filling it with Nazi collaborators IRL.
Modernising our military and intelligence agencies is a must, we need to carve more land out of other powers to loot, in the name of democratic socialism with Imperialistic characteristics.
Not just that, we should abolish the Commons and have the Lords be the only chamber! This is the only way to protect British democracy from crypto-Bukharinism!
The people I consulted with as advisors for the decision said it boiled down to having the political will and power to actually follow through on it. The follow up domestic plan didn't touch on the House of Lords and Labour won an overwhelming majority, so it felt reasonable enough for it to carry forward rather than for it to be watered down.
The people I consulted with as advisors for the decision said it boiled down to having the political will and power to actually follow through on it. The follow up domestic plan didn't touch on the House of Lords and Labour won an overwhelming majority, so it felt reasonable enough for it to carry forward rather than for it to be watered down.
President Henry Cabot Lodge Jr (left), proof that every VP is one heartbeat away from the Oval Office.
Colonel Nasser (right) waving to cheering crowds during the Egyptian Revolution.
[] Plan: Riding the Bull Revised
-[][IRQ] Agree, FBU joins the Baghdad Pact
-[][APOC] Perhaps London can begrudgingly renegotiate contracts: 70-30 in favour of the FBU/APOC
-[][LAEU] Push for the creation of an economic union and military alliance between Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece. The FBU will be an observer member with special access given to Algeria and Corsica
-[][EGY] Arrange discrete negotiations between King Farouk I, Prime Minister Mostafa Nahas, and General Naguib. In exchange for generous bribes and a lifetime stipend from London, the king will agree to reduced powers and make General Naguib prime minister
-[][IRA] Involve CAN to create a multinational task force effort to crack down on the IRA. Ireland joins Five Eyes to help coordinate the effort.
-[] Use the Irish intervention to refine counter-insurgency techniques and inter-agency cooperation between commonwealth members.
-[] Co-opt the corporatist social policies put forward by the political wings of the IRA to try and align the local churches in our favour.
-[] Move forward to recognize previously unrecognised countries in Asia in exchange for a reduction in war debts.
-[] Create the Imperial Monetary Fund (IMF) to provide loans towards countries who would provide favourable policies, these strings are less present towards Commonwealth members.
-[] Push to give some teeth to the Imperial Conference with the ability to enact legally binding Resolutions passed by unanimous votes.
-[] Hold yearly military exercises between CAN members to further cooperation and as means to project strength.
-[] Establish contact with separatist groups within Indonesia and give funding, training, and arms to whoever seems promising.
-[] Introduction the Imperial Development Commission. An institution that will coordinate Imperial infrastructure across the Dominions and the colonies between local government, corporations and select productive unions that have been approved by the government.
-[] Make use of our contacts in Moscow to see if they can't cool tensions on their side of the Med while we set about trying to reign in the rightful Italian and Greek governments.
-[] Covertly begin the creation of the Old World Lobby, utilising MI6 provide influential European emigres in both America and the Dominions resources and directives to push their respective parliaments in a more pro-imperial direction.
-[] Reach out to developing states in Latin America with the intent of developing greater economic ties and providing aid to 'reasonable' and 'democratic' governments.
=== 1952 to 1957 - Attlee's Labour "Revolution" - Foreign Results
===
"Tragedy has struck the nation today. President Taft passed away earlier due to health complications. Vice President Henry Cabot Lodge Jr has been sworn into office."
- NBC Broadcast
The Labour-Radical's foreign policy was drafted with President Taft's semi-isolationist policies in mind. The Franco-British Union could not depend too much on America's aid for the next four years. It had taken the entire Republican Party twisting his arm behind his back to force him to join the League of Nations in the first place or affirm America's commitment to the Allies. Expecting anything more out of the administration would be foolhardy. Attlee would continue building closer ties with the FBU's allies and keeping them afloat while mostly avoiding any shooting wars with either the Soviets or Japanese sphere. The Labour-Radicals wanted to focus more on domestic affairs than risk their necks in a pointless war like the Tories had done.
The calculation shifted drastically however when America threw the world another curveball. Robert Taft won the election on narrow margins. The Democrats and Patriots continued to gain ground in state governments and senate, but the Republicans maintained a slim majority. The New Deal was slowly gaining support, even the Progressive Republicans were broadly in favour of watered down versions of the Democrat's proposals. Taft would hear none of it, pushing back against his own party. That likely would have been the trend for the rest of his second term, however he did a very unexpected and unrecommended action in office: he died.
His vice president Henry Cabot Lodge Jr took the oval office in early 1953, practically given the four years on a silver platter. Lodge hailed from the Progressive Atlantic wing of the Republican Party, having been forced upon Taft by the party. He was in favour of more social welfare and firmer commitments to America's allies. In communications between Washington and London, his Secretary of State Dulles informed the prime minister that America would back them to the hilt, provided they did the same for them. It was a tick for tack understanding of foreign policy. Each power had their sphere of influence, their own backyard as it were, in which they operated in, and as allies it was prudent to support each other in maintaining these spheres.
Almost immediately America slowly ramped up support for CAN. More money was poured in military modernization and harmonization between CAN forces. Washington took Five Eyes more seriously than it had before. It increased the size of naval and air force bases across the world, while keeping troop count low. It wasn't the full throated support London had dreamt about, but a candid understanding predicated on mutual support. That was better than anything Taft had offered. The League of Nations certainly enjoyed increased American support. Its legitimacy on the world stage continued to rise year by year, even if it did have to compete with several other international organizations for the title of leading world forum.
In the hopes of cultivating closer relations with its allies, London approved the creation of outreach groups in various countries. European immigrants, people with dual citizenship, and international businesses are contacted to create a network of lobby groups in the Commonwealth. The Franco-British Union no longer directly controls Canadian or Australian policy, much to its chagrin. Therefore in order to better bring its wayward daughters back into alignment lobby groups will be created to push for London's interests abroad. The effectiveness of the policy was questionable.
By 1957 it remained to be seen if the groups had much of an impact on Commonwealth policies. The dominions had built much of their identity on defining their differences from Britain, even if they maintained close relationships. They may like London, but their politicians refuse to sacrifice national sovereignty or interests for London's sake. It didn't hurt the FBU's standing among its allies, if nothing else. While America stubbornly maintained its cold calculating distance. It wanted its money. It'd get its money. London interests mattered insofar as they furthered Wall Street's interests. The bi-yearly Imperial Conferences continued without significant changes. Attempts to create binding resolutions between members often didn't go anywhere, besides platitudes affirming a commitment to "human rights, democracy, and freedom."
=== Europe
===
The Franco-British Union under Attlee reaffirmed its links to its European allies. The lack of control over mainland France hampered many politicians' vision for a coherent Western European defense and economy. The FBU's weak European allies was seen as a minor plus given it made them entirely dependent on London for their survival. That however did not mean committing more forces to either Norway or Spain. That effort was pushed onto CAN to pick up the slack, shuffling soldiers from the colonies and dominions out of Asia and into Europe once India and Azad Hind signed a ceasefire. The establishment of military exercises was seen as a mollifying gesture and symbol of increased unity among the massive military bloc. America's renewed commitment to the military alliance helped make up for the FBU's shortfalls in funding, troop, and equipment contributions.
They were relatively limited in number but acted as a tripwire of sorts. American soldiers in Barcelona and Oslo were a not so subtle statement that any war in Europe between the FBU and Soviets would involve America. The increased amount of armoured vehicles, aircraft, and ships aiding CAN in patrols was a bigger contribution than the amount of men themselves. American support in putting down Soviet backed Catalonian insurgents was greatly appreciated by Caudillo/Prime Minister Franco. The embers of the Spanish Civil War had yet to be fully extinguished in Spain, requiring continuous support from CAN in keeping a lid on things. Franco-British veterans with counter insurgency experience were sent to advise and train the Spanish military to more effectively hone their blade, Many served in Ireland, Algeria, Kenya, and even in the SS Charlemagne or Blackshirts.
It was a grim irony that the main drivers of European unity among FBU's allies were neo-fascists and christian democrats. The ones that had previously torn it apart and the ones that had enabled them. Disgraced former Labour member turned fascist Oswald Mosley expressed these views in his work Europe a Nation. A work notworth touching upon, save that increased anti-communist sentiment and alliances with rancid foreign powers did little to revitalize his horrid career. It would gain more influence outside of Britain in European far right circles, though the notion of European unity to maintain African colonies was not a niche idea. The wretched man that was Mosley was far from the only voice calling for European unity, and critiqued from the right, center, and left by many. Norway remained perhaps the least problematic of the FBU's allies in Europe, compared to its motley collection of dictatorships. Its relatively isolated position meant it also received the least amount of attention from London. Its requests for a larger garrison and border forts were ignored by London.
Dublin enjoyed the ramped up CAN presence, and its integration into Five Eyes. American soldiers alongside international troops were sold to the public as neutral peacekeepers, compared to the previously Anlgo-Irish forces propping up the dominion government. The Irish themselves weren't overly enthused having to host hundreds of soldiers and spies in their country. Their primary task was keeping the peace, mainly by fighting the IRA and abducting and torturing suspected members supporting the organization. The effectiveness was questionable, especially when in 1955 it was discovered several American soldiers had been feeding the IRA intel to help them avoid capture. Initially, the twenty one soldiers involved were charged with serious crimes which potentially carried the death penalty. However, outrage back home by Irish-Americans and those sympathetic to the blight of Ireland forced Washington to lean on the military to hand out a more lenient sentence. Afterwards America was much stricter about who it stationed in Europe.
Unionists in Northern Ireland disliked the relatively free borders between it and Ireland too. As a member of the Imperial Customs Union and Commonwealth, Irish citizens had free passage to and from the Franco-British Union. Unionists in Belfast insisted that the freedom of travel was inflaming tensions by allowing IRA sympathizers to cross the border to cause havoc in the North. The agitation of Christian Democrats from Algeria in the North annoyed Belfast to no end too. There were several brawls outside of party offices between Unionists and French Catholics. Algiers and London discouraged the Christian Democrats from organizing in Northern Ireland to keep the peace. While vocal, tensions in Ireland remained low. The influx of American and Franco-British money into the dominion kept its economy afloat, granting Dublin legitimacy for the time being. The IRA remained a nuisance, but helped serve as valuable counter insurgency practice for Five Eyes.
The suggestion to undercut the IRA by implementing social democratic and corporatist policies in Ireland faced serious opposition in Dublin. Ireland faced serious financial hardships. A significant portion of its state was run by the Catholic church, which provided education, healthcare, and welfare on the government's behalf. The notion that it could spend its way out of its slump was not appealing to the socially and fiscally conservative government in Dublin. The offer of a loan from the Imperial Monetary Fund and aid from the Imperial Development Commission was a tough sale. The names were off putting to Dublin. Imperial was a dirty word, especially when it was the British saying it. It took American offers of matching Franco-British contributions to convince Dublin to take the deal. President Lodge was more open to investing into the IMF than his predecessor might have been, giving the international organization more bite than it would have had without American support.
Ireland once again became a testbed for British imperialism with the IMF and IDC taking a leading role drafting the government's budget for the foreseeable future. Its new focus was on reducing remaining trade barriers, increasing exports, floating its currency, tightening union controls, increasing social funding, and mild developmentalism. Dublin maintained its close relationship with the Catholic church by continuing to offload many social programs onto it. It'd take years for the benefits of the program to be seen. There was an immediate uptick in employment and the beginning growth of Ireland's urban centers, though wages remained lower than they were in the FBU. Keynesian Economics dictated that Ireland would only enjoy some of the benefits of social democracy, and it would do so at London's sufferance. The Irish needed money to buy British goods after all.
===
Rename Imperial Institutions
It has been suggested by some that perhaps using the word imperial in several international organizations was a bad call. It wasn't the 1910s anymore. It was a dirty word, seen as oppressive, bad, and generally polled poorly with the people and other nations. The empire needed softer, more consensual sounding words to make it a better sell during a new era of diplomacy. It took American prodding and loans to convince Ireland to join the IMF and IDC, and even then it was a tough sell to Dublin. Even the dominions are iffy on throwing the word around. Canadian Prime Minister St. Laurent and Australia Prime Minister Menzies struggled to sell their respective parties on joining the Imperial Customs Unions because of the perceived risk of diminishing national sovereignty. President Lodge and Secretary of State Dulles are quite clear that Congress will never consider joining any org with the word imperial in its name.
So a simple name change for several orgs has been proposed. Many of them are still young enough that crossing out the word imperial won't be a big issue. It'd also signal to the world that Attlee's FBU is set on moving away from its colonial past, without having to make good on that promise. If the renaming goes through these are the list of things that will be ranged:
Imperial Monetary Fund will become the International Monetary Fund
Imperial Development Commission will become the International Development Commission
The Imperial Customs Union will become the Entente-Commonwealth Customs Union
The Imperial Conference will become the Commonwealth Conference
The Imperial Bureau for Refugees will become the International Bureau for Refugees
Imperial will be dropped from the name of colonial federations
[ ][IMP] Go forward with the renaming
[ ][IMP] Never! Imperial will be a glorious word again!
===
The proposal for lowered trade barriers between Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece with the FBU as an observer was regarded as sound economic policy. All four economies were small, underdeveloped, and in the latter's case still recovering from the war. Italy and Greece's limited population and resources meant they were dependent on their benefactors for survival, especially in the latter's case. Nearly everything had to be imported, including food. The small economic zone created by the Treaty of Madrid birthed the Mediterranean Economic Community (MEC). The FBU received special privileges within it in addition to observer status, essentially keeping one foot in it and its own trade bloc with the Commonwealth. It remained alive solely off Franco-British investments, that was until oil was discovered in Libya in 1956. Soon afterwards Italy flaunted its petro wealth to bring its lesser allies into its economic orbit.
The Republic of Italy was a noxious state governed by an unhappy marriage of right resistance movements, pre-war Christian democrat political parties, and neo-fascists, including many members of the Blackshirts that fled Italy during the Soviet offensive into the peninsula. It officially denounced Mussolini's regime, holding its worst criminals accountable for violating international law, while letting off the rank and file with a slap on the wrist. The Pope evacuated to Sicily, and the Vatican turned into a historical site, boosting the religiosity of many within the republic. Monarchists found themselves on the fringe in Sicily, having suffered numerous losses during the collapse of the Kingdom of Italy. There were few that wanted a king back. Corruption was endemic, seen as a necessary cost of doing business, and organized crime played an integral role in nearly any aspect of life. The mafia found new life, bouncing back from Mussolini's crackdowns thanks to Allied support during the war. It soon found itself flexing its muscles alongside former paramilitaries and police as enforcers of the regime, landlords, and settlers. The sudden influx of oil money from 1956 onwards propelled corruption to new heights, while providing the struggling state enough capital to stand on its own two feet. By 1957, Enrico Mattei had become one of the richest and most famous Italian in the world, with ENI breaking into new markets and drilling new wells almost daily.
While some voices in London had called for an escalation with Rome and Athens overfishing rights, calmer heads prevailed. It was hoped that Moscow could be reasoned with to keep their puppet regimes in line while London did the same, so that they could reach an understanding. Their hopes were shattered very quickly however, as Moscow did not control Rome's foreign policy as tightly as London had assumed they did. The real Italy, not the Sicilian mafia petro-state, laid out their demands quite clearly. Athens followed suit, presenting a united front with their fellow socialist republic in negotiating directly with London, rather than letting Moscow do it on their behalf.
===
Mediterranean Waterways
Italy and Greece's demands are quite clear. They want clearly defined borders between their waterways and the waterways of the exiled governments in Sicily and Crete. They want the attacks on their fishing vessels and civilian ships to stop. They want the exiled governments to stop fishing in their waters. Greece wants its rights to move civilian and military ships through the Sea of Crete into the Mediterranean recognized. Italy wants unrestricted access through the Messina Strait between Sicily and Naples.
The exiled governments have deliberately harassed any and all ships trying to move through their waters, attempting to limit the movements of the Soviet's allies in the Mediterranean. Sicily was even considering mining the entire strait out of spite. Sicily and Crete are quite clear that they refuse all demands on principle… However, national posturing aside, they will begrudgingly accept some sort of agreement if push comes to shove. FBU ships have been nominally neutral in their affairs, maintaining patrols nearby to keep the Soviets and Italians from outright attacking but not harassing ships themselves. patrolling nearby to scare the Soviets and Italians. If a deal can't be reached, Sicily and Crete hope that London would step up its commitments to keep the fishing wars going longer.
Any agreement would also mean recognizing the Italian and Greek governments on some level. That's required to draft a binding agreement with them. Given that the former Regia Marina survived the war and has been modernized and rebuilt by Rome, it has some serious weight to throw around in the region. Skirmishes between fishermen and sailors had started to become a daily occurrence by 1953.
[ ][MED] Refuse to negotiate with Italy and Greece, don't join in on harassing their ships
[ ][MED] Refuse to negotiate with Italy and Greece, join in on harassing their ships
[ ][MED] Negotiate with Italy and Greece, attempt to talk them into dropping a demand or two (Pick at least 1, can pick all of them)
-[ ] Refuse Messina Straits access
-[ ] Refuse Sea of Crete access
-[ ] Better water access and fishing rights for Sicily and Crete
-[ ] Demand financial compensation from Italy and Greece to Sicily and Crete
[ ][MED] Accept their demands in full, but only after a blusterous display of pretending London won't
=== Middle East
===
The core of Attlee's Middle East diplomacy was keeping its few allies in the region happy. The Soviets had to be contained at all costs and revolutionaries suppressed or cooped into the system. London wanted to maintain its grip over a significant portion of the world's oil supply. The region continued to grow in importance with new deposits being discovered every year. It was understood that a delicate balance had to be struck in the region. In practice that meant shedding colonies as fast as possible to let London's allies handle them.
The LoN Arab Mandates finally ended under Attlee, who swiftly moved to grant Transjordan's request for independence. In a conference in Baghdad in 1954, the transfer of territory from the FBU to Iraq was negotiated, alongside the merger of the two Hashemite kingdoms. It was compared to the infamous Sykes–Picot Agreement, except it was Arab kingdoms carving up the Middle East. The union between Iraq and Transjordan was dubbed the Hashemite Arab Federation. Syria was placed under its care, sans the Golan Heights. Baghdad took out a loan from the IMF and IDC to help cover the rebuilding of the war torn territory. Iraq quickly established itself as the leading partner in the federation. It was larger in size, population, economy, military, and resources. The move catapulted it to be one of the leading powers in the Arab world. It was hoped that it'd mollify Arab nationalists and undercut more radical strains of Pan-Arabism.
Iraq went from win to win when shortly afterwards London signed onto the Baghdad Pact. The new security organization centered on the Arab Federation brought increased prestige and military support to the regime. Franco-British arms flooded the two countries, outfitting their militaries with outdated but plentiful gear. Closer cooperation with Iran ensured Turkish and Soviet forces remained on their side of the border. Security in Kurdish territories was increased to suppress potential independence movements, aided by planes supplied by London. Baghdad wanted them assimilated, and began laying the seeds of building an Iraqi lead Arab identity. Syrian independence groups found themselves hit hard by the Iraqi army, which worked to secure its new territory. By secure of course means massacres, mass arrests, and general abuses by authority. Baghdad had no interest in letting a Third Syrian Republic get its time in the sun.
Levant meanwhile joined the Baghdad Pact as an observer and as a signatory in the division of the Arab Mandates. It received Lebanon, an extremely ethnically diverse region. It began a series of minor population exchanges with the Arab Federation, transferring Shiite populations from Tyre to Syria in return for Syriac Christians and Mizrahi Jews. Tel Aviv wanted an "ethnically reliably corridor" between it and Beirut, so it made the "peaceful" removal and assimilation of Muslims a priority. The Arab Federation meanwhile was happy to remove potentially "problematic" citizens from its borders. The operation was compared to the population exchanges between Greece and Turkey after WW1, and thus hailed by London as a humane resolution to ethnic tensions. The humanitarian cost was swept under the rug by everyone involved.
It was far slower and less blood than groups like Irgun and Lehi would have preferred. Between 1952 to 1957, under Labour Zionists, Levant maintained a steady campaign of assimilation, disenfranchisement, and gentrification towards its Palestinian citizens. Arabs never lost their rights on paper nor did Tel Aviv sweep aside entire villages overnight. Instead it pursued a far more insidious course, a slow strangulation of any potential Palestinian, and then Lebanese, state, taking cues from America's treatment of black citizens in the north. Banks generally refused Arabs loans, Arab majority districts received less funding overall, schools sought to assimilate Arabs and other ethnicities into a new national identity, Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews found themselves similarly placed low on the racial totem pole, etc. The government even turned a blind eye to attacks committed by Irgun and Lehi against "troublesome" villages.
Exceptions were granted to community leaders and businesses willingly to play along with the state, granting them authority over increasingly impoverished communities. Farmland was not seized by militias but by banks and real estate agents, money exchanging hands between Jewish settlers and Arab Muslim or Christian landlords, while the peasants found themselves relocated to slums. Lebanon wasn't spared, suffering a similar albeit slower process. All the while enough handouts and concessions were given to Palestinians and Arabs to give them some buy in to continue collaborating with the government. It allowed Levant to maintain diplomatic relations with its Arab neighbours with only 'minor' tensions, which was what the FBU and America preferred. President Lodge made a show of visiting Tel Aviv and Jerusalem in 1955 for a trade agreement to shore up support among Jewish voters in the East Coast.
Egypt happily accepted the return of Sudan, sans the southern parts. The King was reluctant to agree to Franco-British demands regarding the government. It seemed like an unacceptable loss of power and prestige for the crown, and his prime minister was even more reluctant. They were thankfully both horribly corrupt and easily bribed with a laundry list of expensive imports, properties in several countries, and a stipend to last them the rest of their decadent lives. General Naguib himself was open to the proposal to become prime minister, readily agreeing to the role in 1952. The Free Officers were less than enthused by the offer, rightfully viewing it with extreme suspicion. There was no way that the crown would roll over and fulfill all of their demands.
The first strike against Naguib was when he formed a unity government out of all parties. He requested that the Free Officers work with Wafd and the Muslim Brotherhood. His cabinet was a mix of ministers from numerous parties, putting the Free Offices at a plurality of posts. The Free Officers protested this, which he ignored.
The second strike was the refusal to follow through on land reform. Naguib refused to pursue the situation swiftly and thoroughly as the party demanded. The issue was slowly addressed by a royal commission, which delayed the process with fact finding missions for the fact finding missions, and unclear proposals that ultimately suggested land reform was probably unnecessary. Only the most modest of land reform was implemented, offering the largest estates financial compensation for their land. IMF loans were taken out for the government to pay for purchases, which then recouped the losses by selling the land back to foreign nations rather than giving them to the tenant farmers. The Free Officers took action by directly fighting landlords and their supports in farms and in the streets. Naguid didn't order the army to restore order, knowing there was a chance the order would be disobeyed. Fights between competing paramilitaries and soldiers became commonplace.
The third strike was when Naguid moved to disarm Free Officers in the military, reshuffling soldiers and officers around away from the capital. The general feared a potential coup against him by his more radical underlings. The clear attempt to weaken the Free Officers was clear as day for everyone to see.
February 25, 1953, Colonel Nasser of the Free Officers launches a coup against Prime Minister Naguib. A significant portion of the army falls under Nasser's command, quickly seizing control of Cairo. King Farouk I failed to flee the city and was placed under arrest by the Free Officers. Naguib managed to flee to Alexandria, where he was wounded in a failed assassination by the Muslim Brotherhood. Before the King was captured however he sent out an official request for Franco-British support in putting down the coup.
London had misunderstood the dynamic of the Free Officers. It was assumed that Naguid held all the cards. He was the older, more respected officer, surely he would be able to guide and lead his "underlings" into accepting a moderate compromise with the crown. That was not the case. Naguib wasn't the leader, he was the front man meant to make the actual leaders look more respectable to the establishment. In the grand scheme of things, he was always replaceable. Thus when he failed to fulfill the party's demands, the party dropped him.
===
Egyptian Revolution
London faced a difficult decision during the Egyptian Revolution: what do? An emergency meeting is called in London to determine how to respond to the coup. The government had fallen and nearly been captured. The King had the bad manners to put in an official call for military aid, invoking the terms of CAN to call down the military alliance on Nasser's head. Given Farouk I's reduced powers, it's questionable if he even had the authority to do so in the first place. Naguib has not requested aid and it's believed that he may surrender to the Free Officers. The Muslim Brotherhood is making a play for power, but finding itself losing to the military, making them a non-factor at the moment.
There were numerous proposals put forward to Attlee to decide. None of them were entirely appealing and all had serious risks involved. Military intervention was on the table as far as the general staff were concerned.
A Franco-British fleet with a division of marines could be in Alexandria within a day, securing it for the government. Forces in the Suez Canal would hold out until further reinforcements arrive, while colonial forces from Africa will move back into the Sudan to seize control of it before the revolution can spread south. There was the serious fear though that during so would radicalize the Free Officers, forcing them into the Soviet or Japanese sphere. It'd also mean dealing with a major insurgency, as even illiterate rural Egyptians that never left their village their entire lives knew enough about the British to hate them. It was suggested that a negotiated transfer of power could slow the revolution, while at the same time garrisons in the Suez increase to maintain control over it. Arms would be smuggled into the country to supply the Muslim Brotherhood so it could potentially overthrow the Free Officers. Plots to assassinate Nasser were also considered, believing the revolution would likely fall into infighting if the actual leader was killed.
That's when Attlee got the call from Washington, President Lodge made it clear that no matter what, America would back the Franco-British Union to the hilt. If London went in on Egypt, American marines would put boots on the ground and planes in the air to make it happen. If London negotiated with Nasser then America would go along with it.
[ ][EGY] London did nothing, allowing Nasser to easily overthrow the monarchy
[ ][EGY] London retook Sudan before the Free Officers could, but didn't invade Egypt. Levant takes the Sinai Peninsula. Nasser easily overthrows the monarchy
[ ][EGY] London launched a plot to assassinate Nasser while supplying arms to the Muslim Brotherhood, hoping the chaos would defeat the revolution
[ ][EGY] London launched a full blown invasion with the support of CAN, intent on putting down the Egyptian Revolution no matter the cost.
===
The negotiations with Iran went over poorly. The existing ownership of the APOC and its profits was 80-20 in favour of London. The offer of increasing it to 70-30 was quite frankly seen as a slap in the face. While it was better than the existing arrangement, it was only a marginal increase in percentage and still gave London the majority of the profits. Prime Minister Mosaddegh's negotiating team requested it be split 50-50, much like agreements between America and Saudi Arabia. It was likely leading nowhere given the government was unlikely to budge from their position. It was their oil after all, they deserved at least half of the income. They were the ones working the oil fields too. The company refused to increase wages while boasting about record profits, despite previously signing multiple agreements that it'd improve wages and reinvest its profits back into Iranian communities.
The Iranian delegation felt they were being extremely fair, which they absolutely were. Time and time again the APOC and London have proven themselves to be unreliable negotiations whose word was worthless in every sense of the word, crooks and scoundrels running the world's largest extortion racket. In response to negotiations beginning to stall, some in London were reconsidering the coup option, rather than give a country a fair deal. The Shah and military could be bought off, but the people less so. The Shah had even tried to dismiss Prime Minister Mosaddegh, but to no avail.
===
Iranian Oil
Negotiations are breaking down. It's very likely that Iran will move to nationalize its oil if a deal isn't struck by the end of 1952. There's a few desperate propositions put onto the table that the government previously refused to consider. There's also been proposals from Sicily and Japan to help prevent a breakdown in negotiations. Both countries are keenly interested in breaking up the FBU's oil monopoly in Iran, but the deals put forward aren't entirely bad ones. It would mean however cracking open the empire a bit to allow foreign companies to mess around in its backyard.
Enrico Mattei has put forward the proposal that the APOC rescind its oil monopoly, allowing ENI to survey and drill new wells in Iran. APOC and Iran will accept the 70-30 split, while profits between ENI and Iran will be split 50-50. ENI will pay all costs to use APOC's oil refinery in Abadan. In effect APOC maintains everything, but will have ENI eating away at its edges. Nobody in the company quite liked the idea, even if ENI paid fees in full.
Hisato Ichimada, governor of the Bank of Japan, proposed that the bank would be willing to lend Iran the money necessary to compensate APOC to facilitate the sale of its assets to Iran and for it to accept a 50-50 split in profit sharing. The yen was stronger than the pound, so the Japanese banker didn't blink when he heard the price demanded by the company and government negotiations. APOC would be fairly compensated for all costs and continued to enjoy its legal monopoly over Iranian oil, while the government would be free to do what it'd want with its newfound income. APOC and London both loathed the idea of giving Japan an inch in Iran, even if the money was good.
There was always the coup… America advised against it and recommended biting the bullet like they'd done with the Sauds, but British pride and arrogance prevented that from being on the table. If the FBU did go ahead with it though America would be more than happy to help overthrow a democratically elected government.
[ ][IRA] 70-30, take it or leave it
[ ][IRA] 60-40, final offer
[ ][IRA] ENI investments
[ ][IRA] Bank of Japan investments
[ ][IRA] ENI and Bank of Japan investments. Iran receives a 50-50 split, APOC loses its monopoly, but receives compensation from in full for the sale of assets and use of its facilities.
[ ][IRA] Launch that coup. APOC was itching to murder and brutalize foreigners for their natural resources
=== Asia
===
"The history of democracy will no longer be written in Europe or America. It is Asia that has become the center of liberalism, and Japan is its champion."
- Prime Minister Tanzan Ishibashi, 1957
Japan continued to go from strength to strength. Its economy grew year after year as its control over East and Southeast Asia solidified. It held the respect of countries all across the world as it continued to undermine and compete with the Anglo-American financial system. It offered fairer deals and better rates to countries that no bank in America or the Franco-British Union would ever want to match. It was the champion against imperialism, the liberal power that actually walked the walk. The Chinese territory it directly and indirectly held never seemed to enter those conversations. Hypocrisy was necessary for any good liberal empire.
China's own star is rising. While the Soviets denounced the invasion of Tibet, other countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America praised Nanjing for flexing its muscles on the world stage. It even proposed a Decolonization Bill in the LoN, which called to recognize the suffering of colonized peoples as injustice, recognize all peoples right to self-determination, and call for an end of colonialism in all its forms. It was stuck in limbo when the FBU tried to veto it, only for the Soviets to veto them, leaving at the bottom of the docket. The gesture still won it further acclaim. The party-state held a unique place within the Co-Prosperity Sphere as the largest member and supposedly equal partner that was under Japan's guidance. The tensions between the two governments were glossed over with generous investments into China's ever growing comprador class by Japanese businesses and banks. There was a seat at the table and a slice of pie for China, even if Japan's piece was far bigger.
Azad Hind and China grew closer over the war, even if they operated in completely separate theaters. London and Delhi accepted a ceasefire in 1953, having failed to snuff out the Indian Revolution. Prime Minister Bose's stardom in Pan-Asian affairs rose dramatically following the conclusion of hostilities. The new, truly free India had survived, securing its legitimacy without question and place among the CPS as a serious member. India continued suffering unrest and a famine well into 1954. Sporadic fighting with insurgents continued for years to come. Delhi began building a series of canals to bypass river deltas that flowed through Azad Hind, refusing to negotiate river access with the "rogue state."
In an effort to penetrate the seemingly invulnerable sphere that Japan had created, London began a program of arms smuggling into Indonesia. The ethnically and religiously diverse country was a hotbed of tensions. President Sukarno oversaw an increasingly diverse and disruptive parliament, reducing the government's ability to govern. Japanese bankers invested to help develop its rich natural resources further. The income from oil and rubber sales certainly helped the government remain afloat, despite its problems. The government hoped that well funded social programs and modernization would smooth over any issues long enough for stability to be assured. It probably would have worked too, to some extent.
Well, had Franco-British and Australian special forces not helped train militias and directly contributed to several massacres across numerous islands. Thousands of Lee-Enfields and Sten guns were smuggled into Indonesia by airplane, submarine, and civilian liners. Australia wanted to hit Japan hard, so it was on board with the program to destabilize Indonesia. The program reaped its bloody toll across many islands close to Australia. While it did not create violence, it certainly encouraged and armed it. The efforts over the years helped to destabilize the Indonesian government, though Sukarno continued to hold onto power even as parliament fell into further infighting. In that regard the program achieved its objective, hurt Indonesia. The training and arming of terrorists would continue for years to come, ensuring the thorn in Jakarta's side would turn infectious. London gave no thought to the tens of thousands of innocents murdered in these attacks it funded. Its hands were stained by blood that all it noticed was the freshness.
Not that Japan was much cleaner. It was conducting anti-communist campaigns in Indonesia by surveilling, harassing, and arresting communist leaders and activists. Islamists were also on Tokyo's list, alongside a host of other potentially destabilizing political groups. The only difference was that Japan was more focused on police work than mass death, prefering to shuffle casualties around rather than wipe out an entire village.
Indonesia still stood as a proud member of the CPS. In 1954, Jakarta hosted the Afro-Asian Conference, seeking to build closer ties with African states and independence movements. Ethiopia, Liberia, Iran, the Arab Federation, Haiti, Algerian FLN, and South African ANC were among the big name visitors. London watched the proceedings with a nervous gaze. The FBU knew it was only a matter of time until it had serious competition in Africa, and Japan's credentials as an anti-imperialist power were as good as the Soviets.
There were thousands of islands in Indonesia, and its navy was ill equipped to patrol all of it. Japanese ships picked up patrols between Indonesia and Australian waters, increasing tensions between Australia and Japan. Australia retaliated by having its own ships shadow the much larger and more modern Japanese ships, while encouraging its sailors to fish in Indonesia and Japanese waters. It was informally known as the Coral Sea War, even though no official fighting took place. Japanese ships had to begin protecting fishing and whaling vessels from being attacked by Australian civilian vessels. Australians often painted slurs and racial caricatures onto the sides of their ships to mock the Japanese. Similar skirmishes took place in BC between Canadian and Japanese vessels. America made a show of force by joining Australia and Canadian naval patrols close to Japanese waters.
These tensions continued for many years. Adding to the dimension was the fact that America, Australia, and Canada all refused to end the internment of Japanese citizens and descendents, keeping them in concentration camps well after the end of the year. There was serious consideration to deport them to Japanese territory against their wills, even though many of them were full blown citizens. This was not ignored by Tokyo, which railed against it several times as inhumane collective punishment of innocent people. It did violate several articles in the League of Nations, which the three countries had signed.
In 1957, Tanzan Ishibashi became prime minister of Japan. A more reformist minded liberal than the previous pragmatist PM Yoshida, Ishibashi was concerned with maintaining the new postwar order and bettering relations with the other great powers, rather than continuing to match CAN sabre-rattling. He hoped to ease tensions in the region, partially because the Soviets are deemed a greater threat to the CPS than CAN. Moscow can directly threaten Manchuko, while London can not.
===
Japan's Application
Japan has applied to join the League of Nations. Tokyo considers it a vital first step in normalizing relations between the CPS and CAN. The Soviets have given the organization enough legitimacy for it to be worth joining. Furthermore, they want the League to adopt the Racial Equality Proposal Japan proposed during the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. The one that several countries agreed to, but was vetoed by Wilson, and quietly dropped by everyone afterwards. The one that denounced racial inequality and declared all members of the League of Nations equal no matter their race.
If approved it does not require the member states to enact racial equality domestically, Tokyo understands that is an impossible request. Nonetheless, a country approving of the notion of racial equality between countries, rather than the explicitly racist notion of civilized and savage countries, raised questions regarding its own laws. In the hopes of avoiding the request directly, London sought Moscow's consul on the matter and much to London's chagrin Moscow refused to veto Japan's request.
Which meant the ball was in the FBU's court.
[ ][APP] No Japan can't join, and no the LoN refuses to recognize equality between the races. Racism is unofficially officially LoN's foreign policy.
[ ][APP] No Japan can't join, but the LoN will adopt the proposal to look good
[ ][APP] Yes Japan can join, but no the LoN refuses to recognize equality between the races.
[ ][APP] Yes Japan can join, and the LoN will adopt the proposal
=== Latin America
===
Many countries in Latin America suffered the loss of access to the European market. The continued trade with CAN didn't make up the shortfalls experienced. That's where Japan stepped in. It continued expanding into Central and South America with trade deals and cheap low interest loans, filling the hole in many country's budgets and trade deficits. The yen was competing with the pound and dollar as the currency of choice, and winning out. Japanese banks offered better deals at fairer rates than Wall Street or London ever did, and they had no problem collaborating with local businesses, rather than demanding the country bend the knee to foreign companies. It was a pretty good deal all things considered.
Brazil continued its modernization reforms under President Kubitschek. The president hoped to undercut American influence in the military by building closer ties with Japan. The funds and technical expertise offered to Brazil certainly helped. He was far from the only one to do so. Colombian President Rojas took out loans to fund modernization programs. He was inspired by the Argentine president Peron, seeking to model himself after the man and his style of ruling. It happily worked out for the Japanese, who found new markets to export to and new sources of raw materials. The infamous dictator Generalissimo Trujillo of the Dominican Republic maintained close relations with America, while taking out loans from Japan and building ties with Argentina and Spain. He even pushed for observer status in the MEC.
Franco-British efforts to build stronger ties in Latin America were met with mixed success. It was and to some extent remained an Anglo-American playground. London practically owned and ran several countries across Central and South America, even up until the 30s, while Washington had done its fair share of interventions to prop up banana republics. The continent had suffered greatly at both their hands. That however didn't mean their dominance would last forever. How much beef did Britain need from Argentina when it got it cheaper fromAustralia? How much grain and wood did Algeria need from Brazil when it got it cheaper from Canada? All of the states involved knew that if they wanted London to buy more of their goods it'd mean selling away more of their sovereignty.
While the comprador class carefully cultivated in many countries might have been happy with such an arrangement, their fellow countrymen were not. Argentina under President Peron had long since solidified himself as a leading voice in Latin American politics, arguing for solidarity and charting its own course in international politics. The president maintained a populist approach to politics, granting major windfalls to private businesses while recognizing unions and expanding social programs. It was all wrapped in an extremely personalist style, building a soft cult of personality like a celebrity actor turned politician might. In 1955, Peron laid the groundwork for a Latin America trade bloc that would be aligned with Japan. The news was extremely concerning for Washington and London.
However, Washington has informed London that despite his popularity with the people, the military is moving to remove him from power in a coup. America intends on providing its full support to make sure that happens. It wants the FBU's involvement in supporting the coup. It's considered of the utmost importance, especially if the Japanese intervene to support Peron. While the FBU has already provided America with basing rights on the Falkland Island, President Lodge considered it poor taste to launch a war from an ally's porch without their knowledge or permission.
===
Argentina Coup
It's a simple intervention to support the military in overthrowing the president. He was halfway to being a dictator anyway, what's the harm in removing him? None is Dulles's answer. CAN will primarily support the military with equipment, advisors, sea, and air support, while leaving much of the fighting up to the military. Of course if the FBU refuses to support America… Well, they've still got a carrier and escort fleet in the Falklands, and by God are they going to use it.
[ ][ARG] Well of course, launch the bombers now! The FBU supports the coup against Peron
[ ][ARG] Politely refuse, then look away when America launches its bombers
[ ][ARG] No, and revoke America's basing rights in the Falklands for good measure
=== The Atomic Bomb Situation
===
"The destructive potential of the atomic bomb is so great that no foreign power would threaten the Soviet Union with war. The security of the revolution will never again be in doubt!"
- Premier Nikolai Bukharin
In February 1954, surveyors in India detected a noticeable but minor spike in seismic activity. APOC drilling operation in Iran also detected the activity at roughly the same time. The information found its way working back to the government through various scientific committees tasked with monitoring earthquakes in the region, who triangulated the origin of the activity to Western Kazakhstan in the Soviet Union. All those involved initially assumed it to be a minor earthquake, a few even hoped that the Soviets had accidentally blown up an oil refinery. Three other subsequent spikes in seismic activity were noted over the following three months. Those in the know would quickly come to the realization that the Soviets had done it: they'd built the bomb.
As if confirming the Franco-British Union's unspoken suspicions, in June 1954, the Soviet Union triumphantly announced the successful detonation of an atomic bomb. The destructive power of the weapon was poorly understood by the general populace, but those that understood the full ramifications were very concerned. It was a weapon of unprecedented devastation, which Premier Bukharin stressed that the weapon's primary purpose was deterrence and for the defense of the Soviet Union. The FBU condemned the Soviet Union's posturing in the League of Nations, while many members themselves applauded the technical and military achievement of the Soviet Union. Never again would the revolution be threatened by conventional arms, and if any power was desperate enough to attack the Soviets as the Hitlerites once had then it would face the full fury of the Soviet's arsenal.
London was furious, Tubed Alloys Committee found the government breathing down its neck for faster results. These results could not be rushed, no matter how many tables the generals banged on and technicians they chewed out. The production of the FBU's own atomic bomb was well on its way. There was nothing that could be rushed. FBU Chief of the General Staff General Montgomery reopened plans for the invasion of Soviet Europe on the oft chance that London wished to go to war before the Soviets could ramp up production to build a stockpile of nuclear weapons. Operation Unthinkable had been initially prepared at the end of WW2 by Prime Minister Churchill, however material realities forced the government to shelve the flights of fancy concocted by wishful thinkers. Indeed, the same issue that faced the military planners nearly ten years ago remained in place. The government also refused to entertain the notion, given the larger conventional forces possessed by the Soviets.
Fruitful responses to the Soviet announcement did not come from London, but instead Washington. Secretary of State Dulles reached out to Prime Minister Attlee to discuss the terms of a joint nuclear program. America's own research on the feasibility of an atomic bomb was nonexistent. Dewey and Kennedy had both refused to fund research into it before and during the war, and Taft continued the proud tradition by considering it a waste of money, especially post war. Lodge was different. He understood the utility of a superweapon, one which would annihilate entire fleets or fortified positions in an instant. One that could potentially be used against the Japanese, if, or rather when, the need arose.
===
Joint Anglo-American Bomb Program
America wants the bomb. It suspects the Franco-British Union is working on one. It wants in on the program. It's unlikely that they'll complete a bomb by the end of the decade without Franco-British help. There is a concern that if America develops the bomb that they might do something extremely reckless, like start a war with Japan and drag the FBU into it. That shouldn't happen, so long as the American electorate remain level headed and dovish.
[ ][ATOM] Let America join the Tube Alloys Project. They'll receive access to all information and facilities, and jump start their program.
[ ][ATOM] Share notes and designs, help them start their own program, but keep them away from Tubed Alloys.
[ ][ATOM] Politely refuse to share information with them. It's sensitive stuff, can't risk America letting it fall into enemy hands. The most they'll get is cryptic advice pointing them vaguely in the right direction
[ ][ATOM] Feign complete ignorance, deny any Franco-British atomic program. Bomb? What bomb? Will be extremely awkward when the FBU publicly announces its own bomb.
===
Other Global News
1953 - Soviets form the Weimar Pact
1954 - Saudi Arabia purchases American weapons to put down a Yemeni revolt
1954 - Wrestling in Japan takes off as a popular sport. Koreans flock to it as a socially acceptable way to fight the Japanese.
1955 - Shanghai is dubbed the New York of the East. The city has since recovered from its minor damage from the war and continues to live as if the Roaring 20s never ended.
1956 - The Summer Olympics is hosted in Melbourne, Australia. Japan and Indonesia boycott the games.
1957 - Soviets put the first satellite into orbit, named Sputnik 1
[X] Plan Compassionate Imperialism
-[X][IMP] Go forward with the renaming
-[X][EGY] London did nothing, allowing Nasser to easily overthrow the monarchy
-[X][IRA] Bank of Japan investments
-[X][APP] Yes Japan can join, and the LoN will adopt the proposal
-[X][ARG] Well of course, launch the bombers now! The FBU supports the coup against Peron
-[X][ATOM] Let America join the Tube Alloys Project. They'll receive access to all information and facilities, and jump start their program.
Overall, a general blueprint for better relations with Nasser's Egypt in the Middle East (given that it is unlikely we'll be able to install our old buddy Farouk into power again) and detente with Washington and Tokyo. Undecided on the Atom question but I figured it'd be better to have Washington onside for any future nuke lobbing that might occur.
[] Plan Anti-Japan Diplomacy
-[ ][IMP] Go forward with the renaming
-[ ][MED] Negotiate with Italy and Greece, attempt to talk them into dropping a demand or two (Pick at least 1, can pick all of them)
--[ ] Better water access and fishing rights for Sicily and Crete
--[ ] Demand financial compensation from Italy and Greece to Sicily and Crete
-[ ][EGY] London did nothing, allowing Nasser to easily overthrow the monarchy
-[ ][IRA] ENI investments
-[ ][APP] No Japan can't join, but the LoN will adopt the proposal to look good
-[ ][ARG] Politely refuse, then look away when America launches its bombers
-[ ][ATOM] Let America join the Tube Alloys Project. They'll receive access to all information and facilities, and jump start their program.
[X] Plan: Maintain Control While Making Money
-[X][IMP] Go forward with the renaming
-[X][MED] Negotiate with Italy and Greece, attempt to talk them into dropping a demand or two (Pick at least 1, can pick all of them)
--[X] Demand financial compensation from Italy and Greece to Sicily and Crete
-[X][EGY] London retook Sudan before the Free Officers could, but didn't invade Egypt. Levant takes the Sinai Peninsula. Nasser easily overthrows the monarchy
-[X][IRA] ENI and Bank of Japan investments. Iran receives a 50-50 split, APOC loses its monopoly, but receives compensation from in full for the sale of assets and use of its facilities.
-[X][APP] Yes Japan can join, but no the LoN refuses to recognize equality between the races.
-[X][ARG] Well of course, launch the bombers now! The FBU supports the coup against Peron
-[X][ATOM] Politely refuse to share information with them. It's sensitive stuff, can't risk America letting it fall into enemy hands. The most they'll get is cryptic advice pointing them vaguely in the right direction
The more we can pay off our debts the better off we'll be. But that's no reason to let our rivals just walk all over us. Let Japan into Iran and the LoN, but support the USA's coup of Peron and shoot down Japan's proposal. Let ENI into Iran as well to balance them out, and get Sicily financial compensation while resolving the fishing war, but don't negotiate for better sea access/fishing rights in the process. Support USA' coup of Peron and shoot down the racial equality measure in the LoN, but don't let the USA have any of our Nuclear Research.
[] Plan Improvise, Adapt, Overcome
-[ ][IMP] Go forward with the renaming
-[ ][MED] Negotiate with Italy and Greece, attempt to talk them into dropping a demand or two (Pick at least 1, can pick all of them)
--[ ] Better water access and fishing rights for Sicily and Crete
--[ ] Demand financial compensation from Italy and Greece to Sicily and Crete
-[ ][EGY] London did nothing, allowing Nasser to easily overthrow the monarchy
-[ ][IRA] ENI and Bank of Japan investments. Iran receives a 50-50 split, APOC loses its monopoly, but receives compensation from in full for the sale of assets and use of its facilities.
-[ ][APP] Yes Japan can join, and the LoN will adopt the proposal
-[ ][ARG] Politely refuse, then look away when America launches its bombers
-[ ][ATOM] Share notes and designs, help them start their own program, but keep them away from Tubed Alloys.
For Egypt, we can always negotiate with the new government.
For Iran, better to keep them happy rather than potentially lose them altogether
For Japan, we aren't going to be friends any time soon, but good relations are better than none, plus it makes us look morally in the right and ahead of the times
For Argentina, it is a powederkeg, better to not intervene at all if not for the fact that America is taking part might as well give some level of plausible deniability to ourselves
For the bomb portion, better to help our allies, but nevertheless we can't just give all our secrets away
For Japan, we aren't going to be friends any time soon, but good relations are better than none, plus it makes us look morally in the right and ahead of the times
It's behind the times, technically. Japan proposed it in 1919. It received majority approval by the delegates, but Wilson vetoed it so it was dropped. It wouldn't be adopted until 1945 by the UN after WW2. Adopting it in 1957 puts the LoN well behind the real life UN.
It's behind the times, technically. Japan proposed it in 1919. It received majority approval by the delegates, but Wilson vetoed it so it was dropped. It wouldn't be adopted until 1945 by the UN after WW2. Adopting it in 1957 puts the LoN well behind the real life UN.
] Tory (British)
