Class War Never Changes: How to write a Chinese Fallout setting

While we're on the topic of Fallout interpretation discourse, I think it's amusing how much the idea of Fallout seems to change with every iteration. This video points that out, though by its own admission, it may lean a bit too much towards being an anti-Bethesda purist. The latter tendency is interesting, since I've definitely been a 'New Vegas above all' sorta person. I still largely am, although I can recognize that both it and the classic games are not as unimpeachable as they're made out to be.

That's part of why I'm bringing up 76, since it fixes a lot of the issues mentioned in that video by setting it only thirty years or so after the war. Plus, its depiction of the pre-war world may be the most interesting out of any game, the old ones included. It's quickly become my favorite out of the Bethesda entries at least, something I would not have believed five years ago. How's your experience been?
 
1, 2, and new vegas all have the same feeling for me, post-post-apocalypse. Fallout 4 succeeds in some areas (pre-war insights) and falls flat in others (post-apocalypse not post-post). 3 is boring and off-puting, 76 is just a cash grab that shouldn't have been made into multiplayer for no reason. I don't play multiplayer so I never played it, never will don't tell me to.
 
1, 2, and new vegas all have the same feeling for me, post-post-apocalypse. Fallout 4 succeeds in some areas (pre-war insights) and falls flat in others (post-apocalypse not post-post). 3 is boring and off-puting, 76 is just a cash grab that shouldn't have been made into multiplayer for no reason. I don't play multiplayer so I never played it, never will don't tell me to.
I'm with you on preferring the post-post-apocalyptic, and while I think you might enjoy 76 even more than 4 (it keeps the good parts, but without the weird 200 year gap of nothing), I will refrain from outright recommending it.
 
That's part of why I'm bringing up 76, since it fixes a lot of the issues mentioned in that video by setting it only thirty years or so after the war. Plus, its depiction of the pre-war world may be the most interesting out of any game, the old ones included. It's quickly become my favorite out of the Bethesda entries at least, something I would not have believed five years ago. How's your experience been?
I really like the idea of setting it 30 years after the war as it does fix my main issue with a lot of Bethesda's fallout games, namely that everything feels way too destroyed for how much time passed, but I ended up not getting F76 because I was turned off by the always online aspect and the revelation that initially they didn't have any non-hostile NPC's, leaving other players and a few robot stores as basically the other entities you could interact with. I know they fixed that later with the Wastelander update but by then my interest had been drawn elsewhere.
 
I really like the idea of setting it 30 years after the war as it does fix my main issue with a lot of Bethesda's fallout games, namely that everything feels way too destroyed for how much time passed, but I ended up not getting F76 because I was turned off by the always online aspect and the revelation that initially they didn't have any non-hostile NPC's, leaving other players and a few robot stores as basically the other entities you could interact with. I know they fixed that later with the Wastelander update but by then my interest had been drawn elsewhere.
I think the early parts of the game still suffer a bit from that sense of emptiness, but it gets really good around the time you hit the Whitesprings Resort. That place is also more clean than many areas in the entire franchise. Plus, they have a character make active references to the benefits of mutual aid, which should surely strike my fellow leftists in here as a positive.
 
And yet, in the backstory to Fallout's own apocalypse, that role goes to that other bastion of communist perfidy, even if the difference seems little more than aesthetic in practice.
I actually think there's a little bit more to this, given the whole 'long-1950s' thing Fallout has.
In Cold War thrillers in the 1950s and 1960s, China was often portrayed as more of a 'rogue state' -- for instance, the Bond movies use 'Red China' as a backer of their villains on multiple occasions (implicit in Dr. No and Goldfinger, explicit in You Only Live Twice), even as late as The Man with the Golden Gun, whereas the USSR tended to be portrayed as merely a rival superpower. You find this from time to time in Eurospy movies, too, and in the 1960s, "The Man From U.N.C.L.E." outright has American and Soviet agents on the same side. Outside the cinema, well... the US didn't diplomatically recognize the PRC until 1972, and the accusation that America had 'lost' China fueled the Red Scare in a major way.
Obviously, I wouldn't suggest borrowing from those depictions, though -- if this is meant to be a Chinese Fallout setting, it should be closer to a Chinese perspective, not a Western one -- and certainly not that of the West's fears of China. This is more just to suggest why Fallout may have went the way it did.

As for the larger project, I like the notion of looking at the popular and even radical side of Maoism. I'm hesitant about an American presence in China proper, though -- just as the notion of China invading Alaska seems strange and difficult to sustain to me, so does the reverse. The Pacific is vast, and the logistics of supplying a force that could actually actively invade China on a scale above raiding would not be easy to surmount, even without the resource crunches that led to the war.

I'll admit, I've never played any Fallout games, but narratively, I think I'd rather see a Chinese Fallout focused on, well, China.
 
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I can see an invasion being launched just prior to the war, but I definitely agree with avoiding a large-scale American presence in the wasteland after the nukes fly. Maybe something like a reverse version of the Shi Empire from Fallout 2 (basically the crew of a Chinese nuclear submarine that established their own little city state on the coast), but upon further thought I definitely wouldn't have the invasion force remnants be a major faction like in the original writeup.

Not just because I have very strong doubts about such an invasion being both willing and able to actually survive as a cohesive unit instead of splintering and fading away or just leaving China entirely to go someplace where the populace doesn't see them as satan incarnate, but because tbh I feel like it kind of doesn't match up with the themes of Fallout. Given how much emphasis is placed on the self-destructive politics of the old world, I think that the main villains of the story (or the Caesar's legion-esque joinable evil faction) should be something that arose out of the worst elements of Chinese politics/science or the circumstances of the post-apocalyptic environment rather then foreign forces. Imagine if the bad guys in Fallout 2 were a Chinese army instead of the Enclave for example, it would not be nearly as compelling.
 
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Imagine if the bad guys in Fallout 2 were a Chinese army instead of the Enclave for example, it would not be nearly as compelling.
What you forget is that the cultural impression of a foreign invader is entirely different in China and the US. In the US, it plays into the most rabid forms of jingoism, and the fear of it is often used to justify the invasion of others. In China, such invasions are a historical fact, and the semi-colonial "Century of Humiliation" was a big part of why the PRC came to be in the first place. You also shouldn't forget that a few decades in, most of the Yankee Nation would be assimilated Chinese people, playing right into that fear of being colonized once again. Finally, the whole point of the quest will be to avoid factions like the Yankees arising in the first place, so you'll hopefully be rid of them soon. Then, you'll just be left with the other Caesar's Legion analogue in the form of the Qin State, and its enigmatic First Emperor.
 
What you forget is that the cultural impression of a foreign invader is entirely different in China and the US. In the US, it plays into the most rabid forms of jingoism, and the fear of it is often used to justify the invasion of others. In China, such invasions are a historical fact, and the semi-colonial "Century of Humiliation" was a big part of why the PRC came to be in the first place. You also shouldn't forget that a few decades in, most of the Yankee Nation would be assimilated Chinese people, playing right into that fear of being colonized once again. Finally, the whole point of the quest will be to avoid factions like the Yankees arising in the first place, so you'll hopefully be rid of them soon. Then, you'll just be left with the other Caesar's Legion analogue in the form of the Qin State, and its enigmatic First Emperor.
I was talking more from the perspective of having such a faction be present in a mod/game set in this setting (I won't be joining the quest so please don't take this as me saying how you should run it, I apologize if it came off that way), which presumably would have its plot occur some years after the apocalypse. I can see your point but I still think that a story would work better and be more interesting if all the major factions were Chinese in origin, with foreign factions being perhaps present but more side stories whose ultimate fate you can decide via their own questlines or as part of the main story (Basically less Caesar's Legion and more Boomers or Fiends to use a New Vegas analogy).
 
Honestly I have to say I just don't understand the 'Century of Humiliation' thing, and it has always come off as... self-indulgent, to me? Like sure, you got 'humiliated', other folks got genocides. Is there something I'm missing that makes it more meaningful than 'we were forced to admit we weren't top Empire anymore'?
 
Honestly I have to say I just don't understand the 'Century of Humiliation' thing, and it has always come off as... self-indulgent, to me? Like sure, you got 'humiliated', other folks got genocides. Is there something I'm missing that makes it more meaningful than 'we were forced to admit we weren't top Empire anymore'?
How about a century of civil war and colonial appropriation, with the Great Powers stripping the country of its resources and backing various warlord factions? Not to mention enduring both the Taiping Rebellion and the Japanese invasion, which killed around 20 million people each. Is that enough misery for you, or should the Chinese just be lucky that they were only 'semi'-colonized? I'm sorry, but this does come off as rather ignorant.

Edit: Like, the most charitable reading I can give your question is that 'humiliation' focuses too much on national pride, but I don't think that sort of rhetoric is exclusive to China, nor does it take away the blatant imperialism that produced modern Chinese nationalism. If you want to call it China's Century of Suffering, that's fine.
 
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Honestly I have to say I just don't understand the 'Century of Humiliation' thing, and it has always come off as... self-indulgent, to me? Like sure, you got 'humiliated', other folks got genocides. Is there something I'm missing that makes it more meaningful than 'we were forced to admit we weren't top Empire anymore'?
China very much was at the mercy of foreign powers for generations during this era, including having to give parts of the country up to direct foreign control (Hong Kong and Macau being the most famous and long-lasting examples but far from the only ones in that era), and the brutality done to it by Japan during WW2 matches and sometimes exceeds the brutality shown by Germany during its occupation of the USSR, and lasting twice as long. Telling a Chinese person witnessing these events that at least they don't have it as bad as some other people probably wouldn't get a very positive response.
 
China very much was at the mercy of foreign powers for generations during this era, including having to give parts of the country up to direct foreign control (Hong Kong and Macau being the most famous and long-lasting examples but far from the only ones in that era), and the brutality done to it by Japan during WW2 matches and sometimes exceeds the brutality shown by Germany during its occupation of the USSR, and lasting twice as long. Telling a Chinese person witnessing these events that at least they don't have it as bad as some other people probably wouldn't get a very positive response.
Not to mention the more nebulous crime that is underdeveloping the country to the benefit of the imperialists. Like, I'm not about to excuse the Great Leap Forward, but the reason it happened in the first place was because the CCP thought it had to rush through the process of primitive accumulation by modernizing agriculture and driving people into the cities, same as the Soviets had done a generation earlier. It's the kind of stupid maneuver you come up with when you're surrounded by hostile powers, and have hundreds of millions of peasants waiting for their ticket to socialist prosperity. Honestly, it's hard to understand the Maoist period without understanding the circumstances which brought it about. 'Humiliation' might as well be an understatement.
 
How about a century of civil war and colonial appropriation, with the Great Powers stripping the country of its resources and backing various warlord factions? Not to mention enduring both the Taiping Rebellion and the Japanese invasion, which killed around 20 million people each. Is that enough misery for you, or should the Chinese just be lucky that they were only 'semi'-colonized? I'm sorry, but this does come off as rather ignorant.

Edit: Like, the most charitable reading I can give your question is that 'humiliation' focuses too much on national pride, but I don't think that sort of rhetoric is exclusive to China, nor does it take away the blatant imperialism that produced modern Chinese nationalism. If you want to call it China's Century of Suffering, that's fine.
If it includes everything involving Japan's various atrocities yeah that I understand 100%, but terming the 'Great Power' stuff of Europe's imperialism a 'Humiliation' seems, with what I know of the actions of various Chinese dynasties across the millennia to the various people of Asia to be a case of 'we're meant to be on top, how dare this be done to us instead of by us'. I do not seek to diminish or invalidate the suffering of the Chinese peoples during this time, only understand what I'm missing, because this doesn't seem like 'national pride', it reads like 'temporarily embarassed imperialist'. The rhetoric it is accompanied by often sounds like proto-fascist 'our rightful place on top denied to us by lesser nations etc etc'. Negative nationalism, instead of the 'positive' nationalism of resistance. Am I missing something in translation? Is there some nuance to the word 'humiliation' as read/spoken in Chinese that is missing in English?
 
If it includes everything involving Japan's various atrocities yeah that I understand 100%, but terming the 'Great Power' stuff of Europe's imperialism a 'Humiliation' seems, with what I know of the actions of various Chinese dynasties across the millennia to the various people of Asia to be a case of 'we're meant to be on top, how dare this be done to us instead of by us'. I do not seek to diminish or invalidate the suffering of the Chinese peoples during this time, only understand what I'm missing, because this doesn't seem like 'national pride', it reads like 'temporarily embarassed imperialist'. The rhetoric it is accompanied by often sounds like proto-fascist 'our rightful place on top denied to us by lesser nations etc etc'. Negative nationalism, instead of the 'positive' nationalism of resistance. Am I missing something in translation? Is there some nuance to the word 'humiliation' as read/spoken in Chinese that is missing in English?
What you miss is the entire context of 20th century Chinese nationalism, which arose under similar circumstances as that of India, to name just one example. From the late 19th century onwards, anti-imperialism was coupled to an opposition to the Qing Empire, and initial anti-Manchu sentiment gave way to a more inclusive conception of Chinese nationhood (embodied initially by the concept of "Five Races Under One Union", and then carried forwards by the early PRC's policies of affirmative action). Hell, I would argue that the Chinese nationalists were often a bit too eager to throw out the Old in favor of the New, since I think there's a lot of cool political philosophy that was thrown out with the Confucian bathwater. Now, you would be right to say that a trend towards more a 'negative' Chinese nationalism is apparent in the China of today, but the same goes for India, hence why it's a useful comparison. Long story short, I would not fixate on one term at the expense of actual history.
 
What you miss is the entire context of 20th century Chinese nationalism, which arose under similar circumstances as that of India, to name just one example. From the late 19th century onwards, anti-imperialism was coupled to an opposition to the Qing Empire, and initial anti-Manchu sentiment gave way to a more inclusive conception of Chinese nationhood (embodied initially by the concept of "Five Races Under One Union", and then carried forwards by the early PRC's policies of affirmative action). Hell, I would argue that the Chinese nationalists were often a bit too eager to throw out the Old in favor of the New, since I think there's a lot of cool political philosophy that was thrown out with the Confucian bathwater. Now, you would be right to say that a trend towards more a 'negative' Chinese nationalism is apparent in the China of today, but the same goes for India, hence why it's a useful comparison. Long story short, I would not fixate on one term at the expense of actual history.
Ah, my understanding of the 'racial/ethnic/cultural' policies of the PRC was less 'inclusive' and more 'assimilationist', where basically everyone got told 'you're just a different variant of Han Chinese', which seems less validating and more erasing. Also nonsensical, given the sheer amount of distance and difference between some groups.

EDIT: Sorry, I don't mean 'erasing' in the malevolent sense of 'I am superior', more a... 'of course you are, what else would you be' sort of way? My brain isn't doing the words well tonight, sorry.
 
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Ah, my understanding of the 'racial/ethnic/cultural' policies of the PRC was less 'inclusive' and more 'assimilationist', where basically everyone got told 'you're just a different variant of Han Chinese', which seems less validating and more erasing. Also nonsensical, given the sheer amount of distance and difference between some groups.

EDIT: Sorry, I don't mean 'erasing' in the malevolent sense of 'I am superior', more a... 'of course you are, what else would you be' sort of way? My brain isn't doing the words well tonight, sorry.
There is obviously some overlap between Chinese nationalism and Han chauvinism, but they are not the same. It's similar to the difference between Soviet nationalism and Russian nationalism, in that the extent to which one or the other predominates depends on the period and the region. I'm not about to defend PRC policies in Tibet or Xinjiang, but even there, the repression has varied in intensity.

Edit: Honestly, if you're really interested in the nuances here, you're best off looking into the concept of zhonghua minzu ('the Chinese nation') and its attendant ambiguities. At its best, it reflects the kind of inclusive 20th century nationalism that you'd expect from an anti-colonial movement. At worst, it's a cover for Han chauvinism. Interestingly, from what I can tell, the Mao era PRC actually distanced itself from the concept in favor of emphasizing China's multi-national nature. It's a slight difference, but it's there.
 
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what I know of the actions of various Chinese dynasties across the millennia to the various people of Asia to be a case of 'we're meant to be on top, how dare this be done to us instead of by us'.
There is a very vast gulf between "formerly most powerful country is upset it is now the third most powerful" and what China went through during this era.
 
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New idea for what happens to the remnants of the US military in the region: After the bombs drop, they decide to regroup somewhere that was both not hit too hard, and was previously hostile to China on the basis that such a place would be more willing to take them in. The closest place that matches this criteria turns out to be Vietnam, and over time, the soldiers end up assimilating, their descendants becoming firm supporters of the country and proud defenders of Ho-Chi-Mihn thought from northern gangs of revisionists (regional slang for raiders).
 
Have they been trying to bring some of that back? Because i've seen this image floating around and have always wondered what is going on.

There has been some of that in recent decades, yes. Now that Maoism is not as easy to appeal to, China's "5000 years of civilization" have become all the rage. Since it's mostly driven by the more 'right-wing' elements of the Chinese cultural apparatus, I'm not too fond of it, although I prefer it to a total iconoclasm. There's also a popular element to all this, which is what's behind the boom in wuxia/xianxia and the like, but that's also too diffuse to have a clear political intent behind it.
 
List of Projects Draft

Construction

Supply Depots: If there is any certainty to an atomic exchange, it's the fact that people will be in dire need of all kinds of resources. By establishing a system of supply depots, filled to the brim with all necessary nutritional and medical goods, we can keep whoever survives this onslaught alive for just a little longer.

Deep Archives: In the blaze of nuclear hellfire, it is all too easy for the sources of human knowledge and culture to be lost. Thankfully, an underground library is light on maintenance, and can be placed anywhere you're willing to dig. As long as we remember where we put the books and microfiches, our descendants should be happy to receive them.

Missile Defense Installations: The simplest way of fighting nuclear missiles is to deploy even more missiles in defense. If we surround our urban and strategic centers with batteries of anti-air weapons, we can keep the enemy rockets at bay. A handful of them, at least.

Hydroelectric Hardening: China's geography is uniquely suited to the development of hydroelectric power, and the state has made good use of this fact for the past century. Unfortunately, these massive constructions also tend to be a potent target for the enemy's nuclear arsenal. To mitigate such a catastrophe, we should reinforce our existing dams, and set some exacting construction standards for the next generation of hydroelectric infrastructure.

Refurbish Urban Emergency Services: Our great cities face many perils on a day to day basis, but a nuclear event would dwarf them all. To manage the immediate crisis of such a calamity, we should outfit our brave first responders with the best equipment available. That way, they can save a few more souls before they die of acute radiation poisoning.

Nuclear Intensification: Compared to the reactionary camp, the nation of China is somewhat lacking in the field of nuclear power. Since coal is growing ever scarcer, and Siberian gas won't last forever, we had best transition to a fuel that is slightly more sustainable: uranium. While fusion power would be altogether preferable, this will have to wait until the relevant research pans out.

Simplified Water Treatment: Water, the giver of life. One of the five elements! Indispensable to any kind of civilization. By making our water treatment plants sufficiently 'low tech', we can ensure their operation after much of the supply system has fallen apart. This might come at the cost of some short-term efficiencies, but that's the price of survival.

Expand Urban Shelters: This episode of atomic terror is hardly the first, and so we've already established a network of fallout shelters throughout many of our major cities. In recent years, however, many of these have been neglected, or requisitioned towards other ends. Let us renovate these underground palaces of the people, and make sure that as many as possible can survive the initial wave of destruction.

Hermetic Metro Systems: The superiority of socialist urbanism is proven by our robust public transport systems, which facilitate the movement of the masses without the wasteful, polluting methods of the car-addled Americans. How great it would be if these systems could also prove our salvation in times of nuclear crisis! This is exactly the case with our urban metro network, which are already sufficiently buried to make for good shelters. And if we can seal them against the poisonous post-nuclear environment, they would be even better.

Model Communes: If there is one thing that should survive a war with the imperialists, it is the People's Way of Life. In order to preserve that, we should endeavor to establish ideal, self-sufficient villages across the nation, expressing both their cultural peculiarities and the universal appeal of socialism. These model towns would require model workers to inhabit them, but those shouldn't be too hard to find.

Research

Institute for Radiation Medicine: One of the most pressing research needs is a deeper understanding of what radiation does to the human body. If its toxic influence can be managed, even cured, then surviving the Century of Annihilation becomes a lot easier. And by dedicating an entire research institute to this mission, we can accelerate the pace at which results come our way.

Institute for Radiation Biology: Even if the human being can learn to secure itself against radiation, the natural environment won't be so lucky. The nation's various ecosystems are sure to be overwhelmed by the mutagenic effects of nuclear fallout, and there is no telling what the results of such a process might be. To control for such manifest uncertainties, we should establish a specialized research institute, where pioneering biologists can try and bolster our precious plants and animals against the radioactive horizon.

Ministry University: Most major ministries are affiliated with one university or another, and even the party has its own schools. In order to raise the next generation of preparedness officials (if there is to be one), we would do well to get an academy of our own. This would also become a center for our larger research effort, making the latter a lot easier.

Shelter Longevity Research: No shelter can last forever, and our current designs don't last long at all. If any part of the Chinese people is to survive, then we need to make some important strides in the fields of hermetic sealing, atmospheric filtration, and water recycling. With the proper degree of innovation, we can turn our existing installations into true Bunkers of the People.

Ultra-Preservatives: In time, everything rots, including the food in our shelters. The longer we can make it last, though, the longer its inhabitants can survive. Ironically, radiation might be a good candidate for enhancing the longevity of foodstuffs, but we'll still need to experiment with it to see if there are any negative side effects.

Auxiliary Robotics Applications: As part of backing us on the State Council Commission, Minister Zhang Lifeng wants us to work on his pet robotics project. Although Minister Ren hates the idea, the deployment of android assistants could lessen the burden on our personnel, to say nothing of the economy as a whole. Let's start by iterating on the established designs, and see how they might be specialized.

Mobilization

Designate Safe Zones: The immediate aftermath of an atomic exchange is sure to involve a great deal of movement, as those who can't shelter locally head for areas that are perceived to be safer. Often, such areas are not safe at all. By incorporating the ones which are into our official wartime evacuation plans, we can make sure that a lot more people survive the first few weeks of fallout.

Shock Labor Battalions: Despite our adherence to a policy of full employment, there are always at least a few million 'inactive' workers among our ranks. They can be graduates who have yet to be assigned, farmers who aren't sowing or reaping, or industrial workers whose enterprise has been liquidated for underperformance. Whoever they are, their labor can and should be utilized. By deploying them towards a construction project affiliated with our ministry, we can make its completion go that much faster.

Move Industry to the Interior: As in the original Third Front Campaign, the best way to keep our industrial base from being bombed is to move it. While physical distance from our enemy makes less of a difference than it used to back then, it will still be harder to bomb our factories if they are sufficiently spread out.

Recycling Campaign: The capitalist mode of production relies on the chronic overproduction of consumer commodities, leaving masses of junk in its wake. As a socialist nation in crisis, we cannot afford to be so wasteful. Instead, we should encourage the people to be as frugal as possible, and to find creative new uses for the refuse they produce. This will also prepare them for the hardship to come.

Every Park A Farm: Feeding the urban population will get harder as the present energy crisis deepens. To make up for it, we should encourage the proletariat to take to the local soil, and turn every bit of empty urban space into a food garden. Since many of them have a peasant background, and seeds can be made available from the reserves, this should be an easy campaign.

Politics

Request More Funding: If the budgeted resources prove insufficient, we can always ask for more. Any disruption to the existing plan would be bothersome, but with a bit of political wrangling, some discretionary funds could be made available.

Transfer Resources between Departments: The current departments are quite specialized, meaning that any transfer of resources between them could prove difficult and inefficient. Still, if there is a pressing need for such funds in one particular area, we may have to attempt it nevertheless.

Influence the Next Five Year Plan: The organizing of the Twenty-Third Five Year Plan is in full swing now, and our ministry will be an important part of its major adjustments. This gives us a unique opportunity to acquire more rights and/or responsibilities. We better not miss it.

Industrial Decentralization Policy: Our efforts will inevitably involve a lot of industrial relocation. To make this work a little easier, we could be proactive in preventing the further concentration of our strategic industries. While it would take a lot of influence to shift the policy of the State Planning Commission, this change must be instituted sooner rather than later.

Requisition the Grain and Materials Reserve: The State Planning Commission has long held onto the nation's reserves of grain and strategic materials. Since our ministry would be the perfect organization to administer these resources instead, we had best make the appropriate requests to the State Council. Minister Ren's personal connections will surely come in handy in this endeavor.

Requisition Construction Factories: The more factories at our disposal, the more projects we'll be able to complete. The other ministries might not enjoy our appropriations, but then again, they are not working towards the Survival of Socialism For All Time. With the right maneuvers, all they'll be able to do is grumble about it.

Requisition Laboratories: Our academicians are a strategic resource all their own, and are constantly competed over by the nation's various research institutes. If we want to acquire more of them ourselves, then we need the requisite laboratories to house them. Luckily, through the use of our political influence, we can appropriate these from the other ministries. Our research is more important, after all.

Expand Our Coordinating Capacity: Our partnerships with the other ministries and party organizations are vital to pursuing our projects, both in the resources they afford us and in the research they give us access. It may therefore be worth it to expand the amount of joint projects we are committed to, even if this will require us to expand our bureaucratic throughput as well.

Set a Ministerial Labor Standard: As a government ministry, it is our prerogative to oversee the labor relations within our departments and workplaces. While we still need to abide by the center's own edicts, there is a degree of leeway in how we distribute bonuses and direct the cadres. Much of this policy setting is admittedly a question of norms rather than laws, but if the trunk of the tree sets a good example, then surely the branches will follow.
 
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