- Location
- Minnesota
[X] Focus on subduing the Western Confederacy.
This Mighty Scourge of War: A Reconstruction-Era Quest
- Thread starter Kirook
- Start date
- Alt. History
neutronium95
Mad Rocketeer
- Location
- The launch pad
[X] Focus on subduing the Eastern Confederacy
- Location
- USA
[X] Focus on subduing the Eastern Confederacy
- Location
- Not the asylum anymore
- Pronouns
- She/Her
[X] Focus on subduing the Eastern Confederacy
- Location
- an unseen void
- Pronouns
- Any
excited for the incoming timeline where booth conquers california
Theaxofwar
Definitely not a Bunny Cat in disguise.
- Location
- Standing right behind you
[X] Focus on subduing the Western Confederacy.
I want Booth
I want Booth
Endorfinator
Awkwardly Social
- Location
- California
- Pronouns
- He/Him
[X] Focus on subduing the Western Confederacy
- Location
- Earth
[X] Focus on subduing the Western Confederacy.
Vote closed
- Location
- USA
let's start on radical reconstruction then. Everyone in congress seems to be angry enough that we can probably get away with a fair bit at first.
- Location
- US
- Pronouns
- He/They
28 acres and a mule time!
Last edited:
- Location
- The Colored Room
- Pronouns
- TheOne
So long as we're focusing on the East or West, we're good. The only bad choice is the frontier.
The threat of the Rump Texas is that it's able to inspire Confederate partisans elsewhere. The main threat of the East is that it becomes a hot bed of partisans.
If you handle one then that heads off the worst damage of the other.
The threat of the Rump Texas is that it's able to inspire Confederate partisans elsewhere. The main threat of the East is that it becomes a hot bed of partisans.
If you handle one then that heads off the worst damage of the other.
Chapter 4: The Razor’s Edge
- Location
- SF Bay Area
June 31, 1865
Convincing Congress—especially its Radical Republican faction—to acquiesce to ending the war in the east once and for all instead of pursuing Lincoln and Grant's killer to the bloody end was no easy feat. But Colfax, long accustomed to wrangling the legislature for his own ends, was up to the task; and as Commander in Chief the military answered to him first and foremost.
His statement on the matter was simple: "We have cut off the hydra's heads; now we must burn its stumps." And with that, Sherman and Meade were dispatched to put an end to the last Confederate holdouts east of the Mississippi River.
Cut into tatters by Grant and Sherman's campaigns, the Old South could field no armies capable of resisting the Union any longer, and over the following two months the remaining Confederate generals fell one by one—first Johnston, his rapidly shrinking forces crushed when Sherman finally caught up to him; then Richard Taylor, giving control of Alabama, Mississippi, and eastern Louisiana to the Union; and finally Nathan Bedford Forrest, whose cavalry was caught in the midst of attempting to disperse into the countryside, no doubt hoping to harass federal forces as guerillas.
And there were other pieces of happy news as well. With no friendly and unoccupied territory for them to flee to, it seemed certainly that the remaining plotters in what was becoming known as the "White Camelia Conspiracy" would soon be caught—indeed, in mid-May the Surratts were discovered attempting to board a ship in Norfolk and promptly arrested. More importantly, however, the process of reconstructing the former Confederate states (at least, those not belonging to the "Kirby Smithdom" in the West) could begin at once. Congressional debate on how to handle the process was lively, albeit largely dominated by the Radicals; but the early stages of the discussion were soon swept aside by the winds of change from both the frontier and the capital.
The first of these changes was the return to power of President Foster, whose wound had healed enough for him to once again discharge the duties of his office. Colfax, who had considered himself a temporary executive from the beginning, returned to the House of Representatives as he had planned. But this also meant that just as Reconstruction was beginning, the Presidency passed from the hands of a known Radical Republican to a man of a far more moderate temperament. The War Democrats rejoiced, but the Radicals—though they tolerated Foster for the time being because of the bravery he had shown at Surratt House—were suspicious.
But while Congress and the President deliberated, the situation in the West became far more ominous. With the Confederacy's last field army and the instrument of its racist vengeance both present in Texas, the area became a magnet for pro-slavery "bushwhackers" and deserting or fleeing Confederate soldiers. Attacks on pro-Union Native American tribes in the Indian Territory, and on known Union supporters in Kansas, New Mexico, and Colorado, became commonplace. At the same time, the Union's various border conflicts with the indigenous tribes of the Great Plains and Southwest began to escalate, as had been feared. The flow of gold and silver from the mines of California and Nevada slowed to a trickle, then stopped altogether. And in late June, the government received word that Brigham Young, the president of the LDS Church, had called out the Mormon militia (known as the Nauvoo Legion) to defend his faithful against Confederate and native attacks.
Nothing further was heard from west of the Rocky Mountains.
However, in this grim situation there remained a glimmer of hope—albeit one that presented a dilemma of its own. On May 14, a group of representatives of Native American tribes of the Indian Territory who had supported the Confederacy (as well as several groups from further west) convened at the Camp Napoleon Council. With the Union occupation of the Confederacy's core territories, these representatives had come to the conclusion that now was the time for negotiation with the United States government, so they chose to form an intertribal compact in order to present a united front in the face of Union dominance. Ordinarily the government would simply have dismissed this agreement as unauthorized and gone on to dictate its own terms to the natives, but with the West in chaos, conducting diplomacy with the compact presented an attractive opportunity to help restore peace.
But there was an obstacle to this plan: the Radical Republicans. Many of them were strongly in favor of westward expansion and settlement, and if the government chose to treat with the assembled tribes at Camp Napoleon, many of them would perceive it as a surrender (especially in light of the presence of the bushwhackers, whose actions were often conflated with those of the Native Americans in the Radicals' rhetoric). Should President Foster choose to go forward with that course of action against their will, he would have little political capital with which to push forward his own plans for Reconstruction. This in turn would mean that the Radicals could ram through their own plans, which had taken a sharp turn for the punitive since the White Camelia Conspiracy and especially since Booth's escape—to the dismay of the War Democrats and the outrage of white Southerners of all classes.
Then, in the waning days of June, one more option presented itself: a devil's bargain of a sort. A small group of industrialists, led by a surprising partnership between Cornelius Vanderbilt, Jay Gould, James Fisk Jr., and Daniel Drew, presented the President with a plan to open parts of the West and South to private investment. Their hope was to reach these unindustrialized areas and expand into the untapped markets for railroads, steamboats, and other means of transportation; in exchange for which they promised to transform both regions into prosperous industrialized states that could provide jobs for people of all races, be they white, black, or even indigenous or Chinese—and to wield their influence on Foster's behalf, allowing him to see through his preferred policies in both East and West. On the other hand, they were tight-lipped on how these grand promises would be accomplished…and several of them were known to have ties to Tammany Hall.
Of course, there was always the bold option of attempting to go it alone—but who knew how the Radical Republicans might react to a President they believed to be soft on the Confederacy…
THE STATE OF THE NATION:
National stability is shaky.
The government's legitimacy is middling.
The capital is nervous.
The mood of the War Democrats is cautious.
The mood of the Liberal Republicans is angry.
The mood of the Radical Republicans is murderous.
There is one major Confederate army remaining in the field.
The status of Reconstruction is pending a policy decision.
The intensity of conflict on the frontier is severe.
Of the assassins of Lincoln and his trusted subordinates, one has been killed, four have been captured, one has escaped to Confederate territory, and the rest have gone to ground.
President Foster's current task is to balance the demands of securing the West and reconstructing the South, using any means at his disposal—political, diplomatic, economic, or military—to help the nation heal. A great deal of finesse will be required here to avoid serious consequences.
Convincing Congress—especially its Radical Republican faction—to acquiesce to ending the war in the east once and for all instead of pursuing Lincoln and Grant's killer to the bloody end was no easy feat. But Colfax, long accustomed to wrangling the legislature for his own ends, was up to the task; and as Commander in Chief the military answered to him first and foremost.
His statement on the matter was simple: "We have cut off the hydra's heads; now we must burn its stumps." And with that, Sherman and Meade were dispatched to put an end to the last Confederate holdouts east of the Mississippi River.
Cut into tatters by Grant and Sherman's campaigns, the Old South could field no armies capable of resisting the Union any longer, and over the following two months the remaining Confederate generals fell one by one—first Johnston, his rapidly shrinking forces crushed when Sherman finally caught up to him; then Richard Taylor, giving control of Alabama, Mississippi, and eastern Louisiana to the Union; and finally Nathan Bedford Forrest, whose cavalry was caught in the midst of attempting to disperse into the countryside, no doubt hoping to harass federal forces as guerillas.
And there were other pieces of happy news as well. With no friendly and unoccupied territory for them to flee to, it seemed certainly that the remaining plotters in what was becoming known as the "White Camelia Conspiracy" would soon be caught—indeed, in mid-May the Surratts were discovered attempting to board a ship in Norfolk and promptly arrested. More importantly, however, the process of reconstructing the former Confederate states (at least, those not belonging to the "Kirby Smithdom" in the West) could begin at once. Congressional debate on how to handle the process was lively, albeit largely dominated by the Radicals; but the early stages of the discussion were soon swept aside by the winds of change from both the frontier and the capital.
The first of these changes was the return to power of President Foster, whose wound had healed enough for him to once again discharge the duties of his office. Colfax, who had considered himself a temporary executive from the beginning, returned to the House of Representatives as he had planned. But this also meant that just as Reconstruction was beginning, the Presidency passed from the hands of a known Radical Republican to a man of a far more moderate temperament. The War Democrats rejoiced, but the Radicals—though they tolerated Foster for the time being because of the bravery he had shown at Surratt House—were suspicious.
But while Congress and the President deliberated, the situation in the West became far more ominous. With the Confederacy's last field army and the instrument of its racist vengeance both present in Texas, the area became a magnet for pro-slavery "bushwhackers" and deserting or fleeing Confederate soldiers. Attacks on pro-Union Native American tribes in the Indian Territory, and on known Union supporters in Kansas, New Mexico, and Colorado, became commonplace. At the same time, the Union's various border conflicts with the indigenous tribes of the Great Plains and Southwest began to escalate, as had been feared. The flow of gold and silver from the mines of California and Nevada slowed to a trickle, then stopped altogether. And in late June, the government received word that Brigham Young, the president of the LDS Church, had called out the Mormon militia (known as the Nauvoo Legion) to defend his faithful against Confederate and native attacks.
Nothing further was heard from west of the Rocky Mountains.
However, in this grim situation there remained a glimmer of hope—albeit one that presented a dilemma of its own. On May 14, a group of representatives of Native American tribes of the Indian Territory who had supported the Confederacy (as well as several groups from further west) convened at the Camp Napoleon Council. With the Union occupation of the Confederacy's core territories, these representatives had come to the conclusion that now was the time for negotiation with the United States government, so they chose to form an intertribal compact in order to present a united front in the face of Union dominance. Ordinarily the government would simply have dismissed this agreement as unauthorized and gone on to dictate its own terms to the natives, but with the West in chaos, conducting diplomacy with the compact presented an attractive opportunity to help restore peace.
But there was an obstacle to this plan: the Radical Republicans. Many of them were strongly in favor of westward expansion and settlement, and if the government chose to treat with the assembled tribes at Camp Napoleon, many of them would perceive it as a surrender (especially in light of the presence of the bushwhackers, whose actions were often conflated with those of the Native Americans in the Radicals' rhetoric). Should President Foster choose to go forward with that course of action against their will, he would have little political capital with which to push forward his own plans for Reconstruction. This in turn would mean that the Radicals could ram through their own plans, which had taken a sharp turn for the punitive since the White Camelia Conspiracy and especially since Booth's escape—to the dismay of the War Democrats and the outrage of white Southerners of all classes.
Then, in the waning days of June, one more option presented itself: a devil's bargain of a sort. A small group of industrialists, led by a surprising partnership between Cornelius Vanderbilt, Jay Gould, James Fisk Jr., and Daniel Drew, presented the President with a plan to open parts of the West and South to private investment. Their hope was to reach these unindustrialized areas and expand into the untapped markets for railroads, steamboats, and other means of transportation; in exchange for which they promised to transform both regions into prosperous industrialized states that could provide jobs for people of all races, be they white, black, or even indigenous or Chinese—and to wield their influence on Foster's behalf, allowing him to see through his preferred policies in both East and West. On the other hand, they were tight-lipped on how these grand promises would be accomplished…and several of them were known to have ties to Tammany Hall.
Of course, there was always the bold option of attempting to go it alone—but who knew how the Radical Republicans might react to a President they believed to be soft on the Confederacy…
THE STATE OF THE NATION:
National stability is shaky.
The government's legitimacy is middling.
The capital is nervous.
The mood of the War Democrats is cautious.
The mood of the Liberal Republicans is angry.
The mood of the Radical Republicans is murderous.
There is one major Confederate army remaining in the field.
The status of Reconstruction is pending a policy decision.
The intensity of conflict on the frontier is severe.
Of the assassins of Lincoln and his trusted subordinates, one has been killed, four have been captured, one has escaped to Confederate territory, and the rest have gone to ground.
President Foster's current task is to balance the demands of securing the West and reconstructing the South, using any means at his disposal—political, diplomatic, economic, or military—to help the nation heal. A great deal of finesse will be required here to avoid serious consequences.
The issue of civil rights is a pressing one, but one with a clear consensus—it is the overwhelming majority view among members of Congress that Black people should be elevated to full United States citizenship with all the attendant rights and liberties thereof. The question of "moderate" versus "radical" (or perhaps more accurately "strict") Reconstruction, therefore, revolves largely around the questions of who should be punished for the pro-slavery revolt, how harsh that punishment should be, and what steps should be taken to ensure that the Confederacy never rises again.
This has led to debate over the Radical proposal of the "ironclad oath"—a requirement that 51% of a state's white population swear loyalty to the United States before it can be readmitted into the Union—and their demand that anyone who took up a weapon in the Confederacy's service be permanently stripped of voting rights. They claim that such strict measures are necessary in the face of the perfidy shown by the Confederates in the White Camelia Conspiracy, but Liberal Republicans and War Democrats fear that disenfranchising so much of the white population might stoke tensions (with some of the latter suggesting it could even lead to a race war). Nevertheless, the mood among the Radicals is so agitated in the present situation that they are determined to punish the South for its crimes.
This has led to debate over the Radical proposal of the "ironclad oath"—a requirement that 51% of a state's white population swear loyalty to the United States before it can be readmitted into the Union—and their demand that anyone who took up a weapon in the Confederacy's service be permanently stripped of voting rights. They claim that such strict measures are necessary in the face of the perfidy shown by the Confederates in the White Camelia Conspiracy, but Liberal Republicans and War Democrats fear that disenfranchising so much of the white population might stoke tensions (with some of the latter suggesting it could even lead to a race war). Nevertheless, the mood among the Radicals is so agitated in the present situation that they are determined to punish the South for its crimes.
| Dispatch a representative to meet with the Camp Napoleon compact. | Push for a less strict Reconstruction plan. | Accept the industrialists' deal. | Attempt to force a preferred policy slate through Congress. |
| This will ease tensions in the frontier, but Reconstruction will become significantly more difficult. Westward expansion is likely to be permanently hindered, which may have both positive and negative consequences. | This will escalate the violence in the West, but the progress of Reconstruction will be sped up. It will also allow further negotiations with Radical Republicans on sweeping civil rights measures in the future, particularly if Booth is captured or killed. | This will combine the strengths of the first two plans, and will replace their weaknesses with a series of unpredictable effects as the government permits private development of the South and West and potentially ties itself to corrupt interests. | This will immediately begin a new chapter in which the President's political strategy towards Congress will be determined. If the negotiations are successful, the government will make significant progress in dealing with both the West and the South. However, if negotiations fail, the Radical Republicans may take drastic action. |
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- Location
- Raleigh, NC
- Location
- SF Bay Area
Thanks, fixed.
[X] Attempt to force a preferred policy slate through Congress.
working within congress will create great result help keep western expanasion going and reconnect to the west sure there risk but if it succeds we will have won beyond our wildest excpetations
[X] Accept the industrialists' deal.
these indrustialist only want to help I say we accept it what could go wrong
working within congress will create great result help keep western expanasion going and reconnect to the west sure there risk but if it succeds we will have won beyond our wildest excpetations
[X] Accept the industrialists' deal.
these indrustialist only want to help I say we accept it what could go wrong
always_confused
Perpetually unwanted
- Location
- SEA
[X] Dispatch a representative to meet with the Camp Napoleon compact.
- Pronouns
- He/Him
[X] Dispatch a representative to meet with the Camp Napoleon compact.
- Location
- an unseen void
- Pronouns
- Any
[X] Dispatch a representative to meet with the Camp Napoleon compact.
[X] Attempt to force a preferred policy slate through Congress.
I want a good deal with the compact. I would love if we could just do that right out the gate here, but if we have to try to log roll it with some kind of elaborate congressional maneuvering montage, I can do that too.
[X] Attempt to force a preferred policy slate through Congress.
I want a good deal with the compact. I would love if we could just do that right out the gate here, but if we have to try to log roll it with some kind of elaborate congressional maneuvering montage, I can do that too.
bookwyrm
Doom of Public Libraries
- Location
- Wichita, Kansas
[X] Attempt to force a preferred policy slate through Congress.
in the grand scheme of things I don't think this is going to look too different from the third plan to get both a non-punitive occupation of the South and a Camp Napoleon peace treaty by going full Trade Federation and opening up Reconstruction and the Wild West to private interests, they could hardly be considered closed to northern business even OTL, but I figure Foster is enough of a Law Guy to refuse to openly take on a corrupt bargain like that, and also am myself arrogant enough to think we just might negotiate something better.
in the grand scheme of things I don't think this is going to look too different from the third plan to get both a non-punitive occupation of the South and a Camp Napoleon peace treaty by going full Trade Federation and opening up Reconstruction and the Wild West to private interests, they could hardly be considered closed to northern business even OTL, but I figure Foster is enough of a Law Guy to refuse to openly take on a corrupt bargain like that, and also am myself arrogant enough to think we just might negotiate something better.
- Location
- Raleigh, NC
[X] Dispatch a representative to meet with the Camp Napoleon compact.
[X] Attempt to force a preferred policy slate through Congress.
[X] Attempt to force a preferred policy slate through Congress.
