The Red Order: PHANTOM LIBERTY

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A game set during an alternate Cold War featuring a double-blind What If scenario loosely based on a HoI4 mod.
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    • Karen

    Karen

    Contemplating a blank canvas.
    Location
    Ireland
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    • The Red Flag New
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    • Some guys doing communism, I think
    ​
    'We are international, or we are not at all.' The founding creed of the EEC-MAC alliance had been built upon a notion of aiding would-be and desiring communist states both within and without boundaries of Europe. However, as 1945 turned out, the pivotal task of rebuilding almost the entirety of Europe had absorbed Soviet attention closely, particularly as that honeymoon period expired, and the West turned on Soviet influence. Despite tentative agreement to let bygones be, the hawks of London made sure that any aspirational members of the internationalist alliance would be, perpetually, curbed. Close calls were had, to be sure, as India steered closer into a partnership with Moscow during the height of the Nehru years, though being short-circuited by rampant Soviet aggression in Iran and their funding of Pakistani independence activists during the partition, a fact that remained a sour note for the previous INC governments. The Malayan peninsula nearly helped tip the scales into full out war, but an agreement made with non-communist elements within the national liberation movement kept the Soviets, seemingly, contained out of Asia proper.

    Despite all best efforts, three major insurgent wars remain a constant thorn in the side for the proverbial goal of world peace, each one denoting a shift in local politics that, ultimately, have seemingly only lead to further war against the 'great other', being either the British, Chinese or American empires, seeking to curb the growing and seemingly inevitable rise of Soviet power worldwide.
    ​


    Continuation War (1945 - Present)​

    ​

    Having begun the first phase in 1927, the Communist Party of China (CPC) and a loose coalition of anarchists, democratic socialists and various expatriate communities have maintained a constant vigil on the territories of Dongbei, also known as Manchuria. Drawn into the region during the latter half of the Japanese retreat, Soviet over-commitments in Europe meant the Kuomintang-led Allies could form what was effectively a cordon along the boundaries of Rehe Province, before eventually advancing further into what was ostensibly, the Chinese Soviet Republic. Reforming into a new military council, Zhang Wengtian is among those to first vocally oppose the cooperative pact struck between the CPC and KMT, his fears validated as Chiang sought to repeat the purges of the twenties. Despite his best efforts, however, the renewed interest of the Soviet Union, and Mongolian military aid, the CSR continued to hold out, being pushed back as far as the Amur river before finally managing to reverse Nationalist successes in '51. A relatively bloodless transition of power from the Japanese to a national Korean government also guaranteed a fresh wave of surplus equipment in '52, securing two major supply organs for the ANBAD as it continues to fight a bitter war of protracted revolution in North-eastern China.

    Domestically, the war remains a popular effort, as the KMT's increasing turn to the cult-like politics of Chiang Kai-shek, underlaid by growing factionalism within the party after the Warlord purges of 53. The communists remain largely unbroken in their resolve and the Republic of China is seemingly more than happy to level Dongbei and reduce the seemingly hemmed in communists to rubble. That being said, a parallel peace process is ongoing, largely organised by Soong Ching-ling and Basil Paterson, the former of which having remained as a paramount figure within nationalist politics despite largely being hemmed out by the Generalissimo for her role in the initial attempt at a peace plan.

    The 'D-J' committee, essentially stipulating that ANBAD would receive additional territories from the rest of Dongbei, with borders terminating at Jinzhou City and the establishment of an ROC enclave on the Liaodong peninsula. Some chide, particularly those within Chiang's camp, this effort as merely a set up to compromise to the communists, while so-called members of the 'Centralist Clique' believe that a reduced two province solution may be more viable, isolating the CPC-based government to Harbin and a small strip of north-eastern territory past the Songhua River. Needless to say, as of 1963, new offensives around Anshan and attempts to push on the vital rail-city of Daqing have only agitated interests for peace, but the bitter resolve of the communist republic appears undaunted. With civil liberties largely suppressed in the Republic of China, protests in vocal circles are far and few in between, and the growing technological gap between the two sides evidently has only inspired a mad dog military to act with even more punitive force.

    ​


    VIETNAM WAR (1955 - Present)​



    ​
    What had begun as an anti-royalist revolt leading to the deposition of Emperor Bao Dai and his Catholic, minority-led government of Saigon by the VNQDD (a Vietnamese KMT offshoot) and forces sent by General Long Yun to Hanoi rapidly escalated into a full-blown crisis as the future of the French colonial empire had come up time and time again during the latter forties, only to rear an ugly head in 50 when Ho Chi Minh, under the sponsorship of the PCF, returned to Hanoi to establish a provisional government in rebellion to VNQDD rule, a government largely seen as one for a minority of pro-Chinese sinophile Vietnamese who wished to effectively seek political integration with the RoC, a stark contrast to the historic spirit of resistance often shown in Vietnam when it came to Chinese encroachment.

    Ho Chi Minh's Viet Minh movement subsequently seized control over Hanoi and Haiphong, the huge chain of supplies being delivered to the Saigon government being used as a baseline for a conventional war in the latter stages as the DRV's south-western push drove VNQDD, now harried by the NVA and other insurgent groups utilizing Cambodian and Laotian apathy towards border crossings. However the ROC had managed to construct and establish a naval blockade with substantial backing from the United States, the '50 for 50' plan ensuring that a robust flotilla of destroyers and cruisers destined for mothballing would instead be handed over to the Chiang regime in order to combat growing smuggling rings of communist armaments.

    By 1963, the DRV offensive has stalled around the city of Hue, a fortified strongpoint along the coastline, though regular insurgent forces flood through the Ho Chi Minh trail largely untouched despite repeated Chinese attempts to destroy alleged 'communist highways' using overwhelming air power, and breaking the effectiveness of Vietnamese siege efforts on Hue through an air lift. Despite this, the largely spread out insurgency combined with natural terrain has made the promised 'northern offensive' nigh impossible as the Republic is forced to either deal with intense rainforest terrain, mountains, or transporting troops loyal to the regime by sea, a fact growing more difficult by the day as NVA units continue to menace vital shipping ports and US hesitancy to get involved limits the available resources that can be moved from the ANBAD to fighting Vietnam's socialist revolution.


    CUBAN REVOLUTION (1953 - 1955, 1958 - Present)


    ​
    After failing to contest the dictator Batista in court, armed nationalist insurgents threw themselves into armed revolt during the 26 July Moncada attack, instigating what would be considered one of the most pivotal escalations of a conflict since the end of World War II. An uprising so close to the United States, built upon waging a war against American capital in Havana had been only tried during the highly controversial interventionist years of Wilson and the post-Wilsonian decade. Now, with the economy in shambles and an illegal president dictating that the national fall to his foreign friends, the Cuban people had enough. The first uprising, the so-called
    Guerra Proletaria given the strictly nationalist, anti-authoritarian lines, ended in '55 with Batista's removal from power as he fled to Florida in shamed exile, though a reconfiguration of US foreign policy under a renewed presidency quickly lead to the appointment of Carlos Prio Socorras as the favourite candidate before the dust had even settled around Santa Clara. With a new president in power, though one ostensibly brought through a democratic agreement between an alliance of moderate Cuban liberals and backed by General Eulogio Cantillo, whose Santiago-based resistance stalled any real attempts by the revolutionaries to push past the Escambrey mountains. The resumption of conflict after a three year stint in exile for the M-26'ers found them return with Mexican backing, and a new, Marxist tilt to their leadership style and doctrine.

    Emboldened by tacit support from Mexico and, allegedly, the British, Cuban revolutionaries once more took up arms, drawing their guerrilla brothers and sisters out of the mountains to raise hell in so-called liberal cities. The unification of the PURSC alliance with other factions established the provisional Camaguey-based government, while Havana reeled in surprise as the resurgence proved to be significantly more successful, capturingtjhe Holguin and the Turquino peninsula in the south, placing Cuban red forces within spitting distance of Cantillo's garrison in SdG, but a disastrous battle at Bayamo turned guerrilla fortunes against them while US-trained exiles returned (initially under Batista, though he was quickly sent back to Miami when he attempted to seize back the government from Socorras). Santa Clara is now little more than a shelled battlefield between the axis of the PURSC conventional army and Cuban forces, with regular and liberal deployment of minefields by the USN starting from 1960 rapidly turning the war into one of brutal attrition as Castro's uneasy alliance finds itself plagued by regular air strikes and a relentless blockade that appears to have struck both sides of the war. Socorras, for all his selling out and corruption, finds himself at the knife-point of US foreign policy, threatened to win, or die.

    Despite that, Cuban resolve seemingly has only been reinforced, as figures from the revolution turn into revolutionary celebrities for their actions in victory or death. Commandante Guevara is both the celebrity all-star commander, and the diplomatic front for a final resolution on the Cuban relationship with the United States, as journalists from Kingston and Mexico often cite his nationalist rhetoric as a demonstration of Cuban willingness to back away from the supposed precipice of full-blown communism and back the US-TODO line. Allies of the Humphrey '64 campaign are particularly vocal about a potential 'middle ground' Cuban solution in order to preserve capital interests while not encroaching as aggressively as they had before, while the opposite aisle sees no compromise but absolute annihilation of the Cuban rebels.

    Despite this, a two-state solution has been proposed multiples in Congress and before the UN, namely the establishment of a a PURSC-led and Socorras-led government, with plans for a reunification referendum set for 1985. This plan, however, has little grounds for support on the island, nor barely any sway to establishment Democrats and Republicans, with Senator Goldwater famously quipping that 'no two state solution will solve what the threat of a B-52 can.'
     
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    • 1962, Calcutta, India, three policemen

    Jitnee Lambi Chadar ho Utna hee pair failana Chahiye
    English :     Stretch your legs only till the size of your Counter pan.
    Meaning : Limit your Spending To your Earnings.
    ​

    Before independence a large share of tax revenue was generated by the land tax. Thereafter land taxes steadily declined as a share of revenues. The economic problems inherited at independence were exacerbated by the costs associated with the partition, which had resulted in about 2 to 4 million refugees fleeing past each other across the new borders between India and Pakistan. Refugee settlement was a considerable economic strain. Partition divided India into complementary economic zones. Under the British, jute and cotton were grown in the eastern part of Bengal (East Pakistan), but processing took place mostly in the western part of Bengal, which became the Indian state of West Bengal. As a result, after independence India had to convert land previously used for food production to cultivate cotton and jute. Growth continued in the 1950s, the rate of growth was less positive than India's politicians expected. Toward the end of Nehru's term as prime minister, India experienced serious food shortages.

    Beginning in 1950, India faced trade deficits that increased in the 1960s. The Government of India had a major budget deficit and therefore could not borrow money internationally or privately. As a result, the government issued bonds to the Reserve Bank of India, which increased the money supply, leading to inflation. Prime Minister Nehru was a believer in socialism and decided that India needed maximum steel production. He, therefore, formed a government-owned company, Hindustan Steel Limited (HSL) and set up three steel plants in the 1950s. India was also close to Soviet Union, which provided technology assistance and transfer in the field of heavy industries such as Oil & Gas, Nuclear, Mining, Machinery, Railways, Heavy equipment, Electrical equipment and so on.

    The Second Five Year Plan (1956-1961) focused on the development of the public sector and "rapid Industrialization". The plan followed the Mahalanobis model, an economic development model developed by the Indian statistician Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis in 1953. The plan attempted to determine the optimal allocation of investment between productive sectors in order to maximize long-run economic growth. It used the prevalent state-of-the-art techniques of operations research and optimization as well as the novel applications of statistical models developed at the Indian Statistical Institute. The plan assumed a closed economy in which the main trading activity would be centered on importing capital goods. From the Second Five-Year Plan, there was a determined thrust towards substitution of basic and capital good industries.

    Hydroelectric power projects and five steel plants at Bhilai, Durgapur, and Rourkela were established with the help of the Soviet Union, Britain (the U.K) and Germany respectively. Coal production was increased. More railway lines were added in the north east. The Tata Institute of Fundamental Research and Atomic Energy Commission of India were established as research institutes. In 1957, a talent search and scholarship program was begun to find talented young students to train for work in nuclear power.

    The total amount allocated under the Second Five-Year Plan in India was Rs. 48 billion. This amount was allocated among various sectors: power and irrigation, social services, communications and transport, and miscellaneous. The second plan was a period of rising prices. The country also faced foreign exchange crisis. The rapid growth in population slowed down the growth in the per-capita income. The target growth rate was 4.5% and the actual growth rate was 4.27%. The plan was criticized by classical liberal economist B.R. Shenoy who noted that the plan's "dependence on deficit financing to promote heavy industrialization was a recipe for trouble". Shenoy argued that state control of the economy would undermine a young democracy. India faced an external payments crisis in 1957, which is viewed as confirmation of Shenoy's argument.

    With the failure of the plan reaching the 5% growth target and the heavy spending in the plan depleted the country's foreign currency reserves as the country did not have sufficient domestic resources to fund these projects and therefore had to rely on imported capital and technology. This would lead to Nehru's faction losing their hold on the Congress Party and the election of C. Rajagopalachari of the classical liberal Swatantra wing as Prime Minister.

    India at Independence

    References:

    Five-Year Plans of India - Wikipedia

    en.wikipedia.org en.wikipedia.org
    en.wikipedia.org

    Economic history of India - Wikipedia

    en.wikipedia.org en.wikipedia.org
     
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    A Nation Denied and Denied
    | An Abridged History of Modern Syria from 1941 to 1963 |    ​

    The modern history of Syria had proven itself tumultuous and given to the personal ambitions of powerful men over the popular aspirations of freedom and prosperity it originally espoused. The formal proclamation of Syrian independence in 1941 was followed with imperialist brutality by the wilting French Republic, but the resolve of the Syrian people saw their efforts rewarded by 1945; the colonial government crumbled as Metropolitan France fell to Soviet forces and subsequent negotiations with the new Communard government recognizing a free Syria. Though born in blood, a liberated Syria had high aspirations that would soon prove too-lofty.

    Between 1946 and 1956, Syria had twenty different cabinets and drafted four separate constitutions. This instability and failure in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War inspired at last a more permanent sign of Syrian dysfunction: a military coup. The 1949 coup by Colonel Husni al-Za'im is considered the first military overthrow in the Arab World, but it certainly wouldn't be the last in Syria. Before the year's end, two more military coups weakened what little remained of a Syrian tradition of democracy. Though some peace then reigned, Syria was aflame with ethnic tension, economic mismanagement, and an army more than willing to influence national affairs.

    In this environment, pan-Arabism and socialism found fertile ground. The Egyptian Nasser was more well-regarded in Syria than its own leadership and it was with much fanfare that Syria united with Egypt under the United Arab Republic on February 1, 1958. But again promises of liberation proved nothing but wind. President Nasser quickly proved unwilling to accept the equal-status of Syria within the union, centralizing power in the hands of loyal Egyptians and abolishing Syrian political organizations. Elements within the Syrian military began to organize against the United Arab Republic, while disgruntled movements like the Syrian Ba'aths agitated for more independence. This culminated in yet another military coup on September 28, 1961, as elements of the Syrian Army under Lieutenant-Colonel Abd al-Karim al-Nahlawi established a separatist republic.

    This new Syrian Republic, soonafter renamed the Syrian Arab Republic, promised a return to normalcy; democratic rights were to be restored, the socialist policies of the United Arab Republic were to be repudiated or moderated, and power would again be restored to Sunni Arab notables. This was balanced by lip service to the pan-Arab cause and a retention of the more popular, progressive decrees from the time under the UAR. Division and confusion among military strongmen allowed this Arab Republic to survive numerous efforts of coups and counter-coups, but it still nevertheless suffered dearly in stability for it. Much of the peace was held by army chief Abd al-Karim Zahreddine, who shrewdly sought to preserve the power of the military, while allowing some degree of political liberalization to take hold domestically.

    By September 17, 1962, a national government was assembled under President Nazim al-Qudsi and Prime Minister Khalid al-Azm. Together, these men walked the line between promoting democracy with appeasing the military establishment. And while it seemed that into 1963 some semblance of peace was forming, behind the scenes radical junior officers within the Ba'athist Military Committee were plotting to "correct" the course of Syria yet again. This clique sympathized deeply with the Ba'athist wings that resisted Nasser's dissolution, that supported secession from the UAR, but under the guidance of the great leaders they saw in themselves. Time would tell the fruit of their schemes...
     


    |||Deutsche Volksrepublik|||​
    "We were supposed to be the vanguard of revolution. We became the last and, worst, grasp of Reaction..."
    - President Alfred Kruella at the 10 years anniversary on the fall of Berlin
    "No, no. They [the Germans] went in to cleanse themselves of genocide and apply for readmission to the human race"
    -     Unknown English Bureaucrat on the expansion of the EEC-MAC    ​

    As the cloud of death wrought by the second world war settled, the world was left to stare in abject horror at what Hitlerism, and Germany, had done. For the second time in a quarter century, Germany was the fulcrum of a war that engulfed continents and killed millions - and the second time had been a much more brutal affair. Nazism overran the European Continent and inflicted evils unknown to that continent on a scale that can only be described with the cold, almost clinical, term of "industrial". The First War felt like more of an prelude to the darker, grander, and bloodier, Second. Of what Germans could be salvaged as free enough from Nazisim to form the fist Antifaschistiche Kampforganisationen, they were simply disgusted. Abrechnung followed.

    The modern German State must be understood in the context of two elements. First, the aftermath of Hitlerism and the victory of continental communism, and second the Abrechnung. From as soon as the Soviet Army rolled into mainland Germany through to today, groups of Communist Sympathetic Germans, Political Prisoners, and the occasional Soviet POWs formed what are generally refered to as "Antifaschistiche Kampforganisationen" (AF-KOs) or Red Guards. Paramilitary Civilian Militias self-empowered to hunt out Nazis, especially members of the SS; ennact extrajudicial justice, and remove all marks of Nazism from their homeland. The Red Army, focused on crushing the snake, was generally supportive of the AF-KO's using them for muscle against German Partisans and civillians. But it wasn't until the war ended and the Red Guards were given unfettered accsess across germany that what is recognized as the Abrechnung began in full.

    The nascent Deutsche Volksrepublik in 1946 possesed no army, and derrived legitemacy solely from the occuping Red Army and the excessive deligitiemacy of any other regieme. The National Committee for a Free Germany had been operating out of the Soviet Union from 1943 onwards, but its early descison to ape Imperial Imagery as part of an attempt to attracht Whermacht personnel made the relationship between the early government and the radical militant groups extremely tenuous. Opperating parralell to the Volksrepublik and under their own authority, the AF-KO's would prosecute a bloody red terror on percieved Hitlerite Strongholds, most famoulsy arround concentration camps and especially in southern Germany. Munich was the site of particularly vicious AF-KO activity. Vigilante killings, vandalism, and general destruction were rampant, as were looting and other facets common with unproffesional forces engaging in their own conduct. The DVR would send Kommissars to take control of the Red Guards, but their efforts were generally resisted at first, for a wide veriaty of reasons - for example, Anarchist AF-KOs; technically not even red guards; were openly hostile to a Communist state prima facie, while others, such as those made from those liberated from Camps, were just especially, and understandably, vindictive. the DVR would eventually succedd in getting a hold of the AF-KOs when their abrechnung and its wanton destructiveness run afowl of efforts to properly document and prosecute the Nazi Holocaust.

    Despite closer state control, and an increasingly stable Communist German State, the mood around the abrechnung remained in full swing through the early fifties. While the immediate postwar had been marked by semi-open fighting between Red Guards and Nazi stalwarts, infamous mark of the AF-KOs were public assasinations of targeted sympathizers, followed by wanted posters published to justify the death. For many germans post war, joining an Red Guard Unit was seen as proof positive that they were not nazis, and were not responsible, or at least, not culpable, for the Hitlerite Regieme. This sense was heightened as the DVR Kommissars tightened recruitment restrictions on the Paramilitary groups and used them as the force of arms behind the Communistic restrucuturing of German Society.

    As the 1950s came to and end, the Deutsche Volksrepublik and President Alfred Kruella in particular began to clamp down on Red Brigade Assasinations and the Abrechnung. By 1963, he was actievly demobolizing the Militia in favor of a central, proffesional, and modernizing state army, a move that was bolstered by the increasing distance with from the war and a growing frustration to the AF-KO's political power. There is hostility within the German Communist Front against this, however, especially by First Secretary Heinrich Brandler. Membership in an AF-KO is seen as part of the process in becoming a Party Communist, and its unquestionable that they have played a major role in giving the DVR the strength it needed to engage in Denazification and reconstruction. But Brandler is still haunted by his brief explusion from the party over an embezzelment scheme in the late 20s he and an associatite were accused of trying to have covered up, as well as the fact that President Alfred's brother, Heinrich Kurella, is the DVR's voice on the EEC and therefore has signifigant breadth for political activity in the International.

    Germany was devistated by the war, not the least as Hitlerites were encouraged to make the Armies of Revolution pay for each brick and cobble. The EEC has been extremely critical in taking that rubble and making it useful. The DVR now hopes to compete with France and the Balkans Federation for more senior positions within it, engaging in a controversial nuclear navy programme in order to reach vaunted nuclear status. A growing movement, calling themselves the Rote Friedensgarde or Red Peaceguards have begun to oppose the Volksrepublik's flirtation with nuclear power projection and are trying to encourage the state to pursue peaceful uses of Atomic energy - a move that First Secretary seemed to controversially signal support for against the public position of the Kruella administration.

    Internationally, Germany is torn between shame and revolutionary enthusiasm. Its not unknown for the Antifaschistiche Kampforganisationen to organize "vacations" for their most promising members, typically either in the Italian Alps or North Eastern China. Conversly, it seems to get under the skin of German diplomats when the last time they tried to get invovled in wars wrapped in a red flag is pointed. This division sees them tilt the party line to a hilt rather than face the daunting task of making their own policy.
     
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    Due to the growing presence of humanity in Earth Orbit and beyond the Republic of India submits the following for an international agreement.​

    ARTICLE 1: The Rescue Agreement requires that any state party that becomes aware that the personnel of a spacecraft are in distress must notify the launching authority.

    ARTICLE 2: The Rescue Agreement essentially provides that any state that is a party to the agreement must provide all possible assistance to rescue the personnel of a spacecraft, whether because of an accident, distress, emergency, or unintended landing. If the distress occurs in an area that is beyond the territory of any nation, then any state party that is in a position to do so shall, if necessary, extend assistance in the search and rescue operation. A universal radio frequency shall be established for distress signals and emergency communication.

    ARTICLE 3: In the event that a space object or its parts land in the territory of another state party, the state where the object lands is required (upon the request of the launching authority) to recover the space object and return it to the launching authority. The Rescue Agreement provides that the launching state must then compensate the state for the costs incurred in recovering and returning the space object.

    ARTICLE 4: States (countries) bear international responsibility for all space objects that are launched within their territory. This means that regardless of who launches the space object, if it was launched from State A's territory, or from State A's facility, or if State A caused the launch to happen, then State A is fully liable for damages that result from that space object.

    ARTICLE 5: A Registration for all civilian space stations and satellites shall be established, updated and copies distributed to all members. 1. Name of launching State. 2. An appropriate designator of the space object or its registration number. 3. Date and territory or location of launch. 4. Basic orbital parameters (Nodal period, Inclination, Apogee and Perigee). 5. General function of the space object

    ARTICLE 6: The establishment of transit lanes and orbits for civilian craft that is broadcast to all parties. All parties shall also work to remove and reduce space debris from their satellites, vessels and structures.
     
    Resist the Revolution! New
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    • Resist the Revolution!
    An index of fuck-ups, botches, and misfires in coups and revolutions
    ​
    1945 — rebellion against the Government of National Salvation


    May 9th marked the end of the Reich as a cohesive unit, having only lasted 9 days under the temporary Frick administration, with the SS-led 205th Infantry Division moving to storm Frick's government headquarters in the Johannes Gutenberg University in the city of Mainz. Despite initial attempts to fight off the SS, the scratch company of Frick's bodyguard failed to compete with the surprising numbers, though the division quickly found itself occupying a seat of government that had been abandoned as Frick and his ministers moved to Wiesbaden, expecting some kind of reprisal after plans for secret negotiations had gotten out.

    Artillery came down first on the 205th, most of them conscripts from the Alsatian and Walloon regions, and the suddenness of the botched coup quickly turned around as fresh reinforcements from the local garrison in Frankfurt were rapidly moved by train to detain the apparent mutiny. Despite the apparent curbing of the coup, a paranoia-ridden Wilhelm Frick took his own life the next day, and the new government under General Max Wengler officiated a surrender to the Soviet Union, whose military forces only began to cross fortified position along the Thuringian Highlands, pushing for the Fulda Gap.

    1946 — Bulgarian War of Independence


    Facing the expansion of Yugoslav (oft considered Serb-centric) control over the entirety of the former territories of the Kingdom of Bulgaria, a small branch of the RBA, in companion with anti-fascist partisans operating in the Macedonia region of Bulgarian ethnicity, mostly under VMRO rule, staged a declaration of independence in Strumica, detaining the local Yugoslav garrison and proclaiming the township as the capital of a new Bulgarian state. Utilising primarily former Wehrmacht equipment that had been seconded to the Bulgarians and Italians during the war, a convoy of military forces pushed as far as Petrich, before pivoting north, where a combined force of the Yugoslav army and the new Bulgarian AFR militia held them in check by Dupnicia. Of all the major post-war revolutions, fighting here is regarded as having contained the most inter-ethnic conflict, with the subsequently victorious Yugoslav forces having turned on many Bulgarian towns alleged of conspiracy with VMRO, the organisation banned and widespread purges taking place.

    Despite this, Gorkic and Tito, ever the astute students of history, knew that penance could only be achieved with mercy on the other side, as opposed to state-sanctioned violence on a grossly exaggerated scale. Signing the Plovdiv Accord, the final annexation treaty of Bulgaria into the BFCR would signal the end of Gorkic's dominance over the League, with Bulgarian communist Hristo Mihaylov taking up the role of First Secretary as part of Tito's grand plan of forming a unified brotherhood of southern slavs; to some extent, this has succeeded, though the role of First Secretary has largely been dismissed as a token 'first among peers' type job, while the presidential powers remain the absolute chokehold of Yugoslav politics.

    1946 — Foreign Legion Putsch in Nice


    Sponsored by the Kingdom of Italy, elements of the Foreign Legion and the Italian Army cross the Alps in a botched attempt to establish a new French provisional government in the south. Despite their best attempts to drum up support, war fatigue and the general unpopularity of the temporary Chef d'état Henri Giraud, whose attempts to ferment a nationalist, anti-Soviet uprising only resulted in the US almost entirely pulling any recognition as the Giraud regime hoisted banners featuring the labrys of Vichy France.

    Despite ultimately failing, the 8,000 strong French military force managed to stall any attempts by the Red Army to enter Italy through the French border, ultimately resulting in the Flachau Peace that prompted the (reluctant) recognition of the Italian government under Galeazzo Ciano and King Umberto II. In addition, Giraud's government served as a form of retreat line for conservative or right-wing politicians not caught up in Soviet purges during the Anti-Fascist, Collaborator and National Socialist Trials that started in 1945 and ended in 1953.

    1946 - Lapland Mutiny


    Facing a growing concern for Finnish independence following Soviet troops entering Vipuri, the II Corps of Harald Ohquist refused the peaceful handover of Finnish weapons to the self-proclaimed government, instead staging an armed mutiny against the Soviets and beginning the so-called White March northwards, where a major rallying point around the provincial infrastructure centre at Sodankyla was being staged by loyalists to the Mannerheim clique, expecting the declaration of a long war against the Soviet Union, though much to the shock of the gathering Finnish soldiers and civilians, approximately 56,000 in total, the government capitulated wholesale, while Mannerheim himself gracefully met house arrest and later death to old age in Helsinki, Ohquist's staffers feared the worst and expected a counter-mutiny among the troops should news of the government's surrender reach them. With the remaining German troops under Generaloberst Lothar Rendulic from AOK Norwegen at his disposal, Ohquist formed the anti-communist auxilary forces at his hand into a loose line across the entirety of historic Lapland, sending messengers to the Swedish government to expect imminent Red Army invasion. With Rendulic mobilising the some 140,000 German soldiers stationed in Norway, they'd expected Stockholm to back them.

    It did not.

    It would be the Army that broke first, as fliers dropped by Soviet aircraft painted a bleak picture of widespread surrenders in the south and the bitter weather signalling annihilation by the same thing that crushed Hitler's eastwards bulk offensive, that this small handful of German and Finnish rebels would be annihilated by a reinvigorated Red Army. Blowing the Murmansk railroad, Finnish rebel fighters pulled further inland, some moving back south to essentially form a decentralised blob of rebellion to try overthrow the incoming provisional government before it took hold. This ultimately failed as the Finnish Army turned over, with Ohquist and a small contingent of soldiers retreating into Norway with the Germans, who'd form the last major redoubt of Nazi hold on Europe until their fall by a Swedish-permitted Soviet invasion in late '46.

    1948 — Colombian Military Revolution

    When Jorge Gaitan was projected to be the absolute winner of the '48 presidential elections, an active conspiracy organised by Colonel Rojas Pinilla led the attempt to dissolve both the election and assassinate Gaitan. The shooter would ultimately miss, however, hitting the ailing Gabriel Turbay during a political rally in Bogota. Turbay ultimately died in an American hospital after being moved from city to city several months later, but the damage had been done, and such a public attempt against his life by a later-recognised Army sergeant only provoked the public to pure outrage. The period of the Bogotazo ultimately ended in the firing of over eighty military officers, and Dario Echandia winning the elections as Gaitan withdrew from public politics at the behest of his family.

    Beyond the assassination plot, soldiers had been stationed across various points in the city for the abortive coup, with Pinilla himself waiting to give a radio address to the entirety of the nation in preparation to announce a state of emergency, however, the failure to kill Gaitan and subsequent outrage prompted Pinilla to withdraw and reconsider. On the other end, Gaitan would recover mentally and make a stunning return to public politics in 1960, emerging as the dominant leader in the '60 elections for the presidency, instituting the already colloquially referred to as Anos Gloriosos— the liberal socialist politics of the Gaitanista having absolutely dominated Colombian economics, politics and social life.

    1949 — Metaxist Conspiracy


    While Metaxas himself had long been dead (in relative), the Greek far-right had been long from defanged, as nationalists that refused to cooperate with the ruthless Axis regimes found themselves ruling varying degrees of exile governments through a swing-door of monarchs. Facing no public support for the king's liberal cabinet, it largely resigned in favour of a supposedly Soviet-backed socialist cabinet, though this wound up of having the cascading effect of destabilising the government and pronouncing another cabinet dead before the smoke had settled. Metaxists, a vague collective of nationalist, far-right Greek officials who thought they could subsume the King's authority into a vague coalition of anti-communists with some nominal backing from a reformed Italy and United States, took their chance, and threw themselves at the government in a botched coup in '49. Disastrously overestimating the unpopularity of the government, the King managed to rally police and the local population in a riot-inducing speech in Athens to render the coup attempt inert.

    1951 — Saigon Putsch

    Sensing the end of his government in sight, Bao Dai signalled to US diplomats in Saigon that he intended to resign and allow for popular elections to take place, intended for it to be a free and fair election as the recently established Vietnamese communist-aligned league began pushing for a transition out of the etatist presidential dictatorship at the end of French colonial rule. While the US fundamentally did not oppose this as Henry Wallace's successor, Thomas Dewey, ostensibly accepted a non-interventionist line though made it clear he intended to keep Vietnamese ports open instead of it being seized by the Soviet sphere. To some in government, this seemed like an unacceptable concept, and '51 marked the end of the State of Vietnam, and, ostensibly, the united condition of Vietnam.

    With French colonial, (rumoured) Chinese and some limited backing from the United Kingdom through military supplies, a force of soldiers in Saigon mobilized to try storm all major seats of power led by Ngo Dinh Diem, who is expected to have established himself as the new chief of state with a promise to transition to a civilian presidency though likely under rigged elections. The Revolutionary Party, a loose political organisation established to try counter the growing influence of the Independence League, found itself lacking any true public support as Diem's government and reputation prevented any true mass movement as the Catholic minority his government consisted of took power in Saigon. Despite holding the city for a full year, a new government under Ngueyn Tuong Tam and General Nguyen Chanh Thi captured the city with the backing of the KMT, establishing the modern (but deeply unpopular) VNQDD-led government of the Republic of Vietnam.

    Despite this, elections were initially scheduled for 1952, though Chinese meddling and dubious bans against the Viet Minh resulted in Vo Nguyen Giap and a number of other Vietnamese socialists to establish a Central Committee in Hanoi, announcing their low level insurgency after the '52 elections resulted in the incredibly unlikely result of a 99.99% vote for President Nhat Linh. This low-level insurgency had only worsened as the rebellion organised by Ho Chi Minh in 1950 joined forces with the Hanoi government, formally proclaiming a united front against the Chinese-backed regime.

    1950 — Rebellion of the Fascistic Unions / German Uprising


    One of the major platforms of the early DVR had been the close cooperation with the Red Army and unified German partisan organisations, particularly when it came to the management and reconstruction of cities. Initial tolerance for reparation payments had been almost wholly tolerated— partially because the signatories expected themselves to be executed, which they promptly were— a fact that had resulted in significant brain drain (into the dirt around Berlin and other parts of Germany) from an already exhausted and shattered nation that had been under the Nazi war machine for something like six years. Allied bombing campaigns had done good work in suppressing attempts by the German economy to reorient to fight against the Soviets, but the ultimate result had been that most of the infrastructure needed for a state-controlled command economy that'd be required as part of a communist restoration project had been almost entirely annihilated. Large portions of the Reichsautobahn had been torn up by tank tracks or destroyed by forward units of the Red Army.

    Despite this, the '46 treaty that established the DVR and subsequently tried to transition the NKFD into a true government that could feasibly accomodate Soviet demands. Intact industries were to be entirely torn up and relocated to either Poland, France or the Soviet Union itself, while massive amounts of already scant labour had been mobilized in dismantling the large prestige projects of the Third Reich, not discounting the anti-fascist paramilitary forces running a vigilante red terror on the German countryside. NKFD officials, already hamstrung by the managerial style of the Soviet military regime in Potsdam, protested hard, but were met on deaf ears as the Soviets quickly switched from heavy industries to more niche projects; jets, rockets, chemical weaponry and the scant few pushes made by the German nuclear programme that proved to be a dead end. With many scientists either being executed or deported to work in labour-cities in Siberia, the USSR pushed for rapid technological improvement at the cost of the German nation as a whole.

    With growing discontent between the NKFD, the AK-FO, and DKF brewing in Berlin, it would be the labour unions that broke first. The ADGB, through the Public Sector and Transport Union, organised a broad strokes strike in protest to Soviet relocation of non-vital industries, with the planning committee of the strike stating in a rather sardonic tone; 'they'll have our mines, pigs and wives by the end of the year'. The 'looted' mentality in the DVR could not be understated, and, facing fears of another wave of reprisals, the ADGB opted to turn the heat on the government, as transport and civil service strikes rapidly escalated into miner and heavy industries strikes in response to AK-FO violence against Kiel dockworker strikes.

    The Red Guards were quick to name and shame the strikers as fascist conspirators, while exhibiting little restraint as they turned upon one another. Facing the legitimate threat that their ostensibly indifferent militarist comrades may try something, the DKF Central Committee opted to act first, electing Kurella to the presidency and nominating the Brandler brothers to man the domestic and overseas fronts, a fact Heinrich would use with major success as he managed to bring the Red Army across the Polish borders and out of their sleepy garrison towns outside Berlin to begin curbing the worst excesses of both sides. Denouncing the strikers as wreckers and the AK-FO as unregulated anarchists, both sides were brutally crushed in one of the largest pacifying operations the Red Army would conduct up until this point, as approximately 210,000 troops were deployed back into Germany, with similarly high numbers of planes dispatched to cover the skies and ports. Following tense negotiations, the NKFD practically collapsed, and Kurella's terse approach held the AK-FO accountable for escalation, placing them firmly under party control.

    1953 — Operation Rinnegato


    Facing the threat of anti-fascist government being approved by King Umberto II, a small clique of officers organised by General Mario Girotti and the 6th Alpine Division moved into Milan. An anti-fascist himself, Girotti had hoped to co-opt the movement of growing discontent against Ciano's successor, Dino Grandi, and establish a true nationalist government that, ostensibly, would align itself with the Soviet Union as a red-shaded monarchy. Despite initial successes in getting the Italian reds to cooperate, Girotti's clear stance on preserving Umberto's place as head of state and maintaining the floating state of a pseudo-democracy with no particular estimate for elections, insinuating that he'd naturally take the role of Prime Minister temporarily before passing it onto a politician from the reformed Scintilla, which had re-established itself as a unified alliance of anti-amnesty communist and partisan groups by Togliatti.

    Facing no particular support from Togliatti despite having the backing of a full division, Togliatti's wing of Scintilla had openly opposed a military uprising in favour of a negotiated settlement that'd result in the dissolution of the sitting government in Rome with full elections, despite the expectation that he may lose to Christian Democrat de Gasperi, who had begun a similar track in Rome proper, though with less enthusiasm for a socialist sweep. Despite the failure to gather any support among Italian leftists, Girotti moved on towards Rome, gathering a brigade of tanks in Florence, before finally being stopped by elements of the United States Army in Grosseto. Despite initial threats and heated shouting, Girotti, sensing no support from either side, surrendered to Lieutenant General Brereton before being arrested by Italian police.

    While a failure by itself, Rinnegato's documentation had been leaked to Italian press in subsequent years, resulting in over a dozen officer arrests and the banning of Scintilla-aligned parties from running in those promised elections, with Grandi forming a united front in 55 as the PNF faced usurpation by CD and other political parties. Togliatti's successor, Luigi Longo, turned the policy of non-amnesty into full on armed resistance, declaring the northern provinces in rebellion.

    1955 — Coup of the Five Generals


    After the failed Saigon coup and China's wholesale commitment to backing their own VNQDD in Vietnam, the continued fighting against ANBAD entering the tenth year had left many within the ROC's high command concerned that Chiang Kai-shek- at this point tolerant of the pseudo-warlordism that dominated his politics- would pursue some kind of peace accord with the Soviet Union to pursue a pan-asian diplomatic front. While largely insubstantial, the Generalissimo had made enough enemies that five not-insignificant generals were mustered to arrest, and overthrow the man.

    In early April 1955, Li Zongren, Zhang Xueliang, Ma Bufang, Ma Jiyuan and, most shockingly, Chiang Wei-kuo led a force of officers into the Forbidden City where Chiang Kai-shek had been staying in a diplomatic congress between him and a Korean delegation. Despite initial attempts to drag him out into the central square and drive the sleep-deprived dictator to Tianjin, the Five Generals found themselves facing barricades organised by General Long Yun, who had come to Beijing to seek resolution on the Kunming-Haiphong railway crisis. Despite believing the quiet coup would work, Long Yun had somehow gotten wise of it (he had most likely been a potential recruit) and mustered local Military Police to detain all five men and their allies after a brief shootout in the Forbidden City.

    Sensing the long overdue need for political reform and the apparent disloyalty of his officers in the face of the Dongbei situation, the subsequent 1955 Constitution entailed the widespread reforms desperately needed to begin modernising a failing political system, with Chiang converting the militarised dictatorship into a fully presidential one, dissolving the Legislative Yuan and forming a new one, along with practically firing every military governor and division commander not actively fighting ANBAD. This massive sweep of replacements with party bureaucrats, local politicians not aligned with the army, and ending the system of dual governorships entirely signalled to the world that the Nanjing years had truly ended, and the once hard-edged military rule had begun the switch over tovelvet-gloved cynical democracy.

    1958 — July Revolution


    On July 14 1958, an Iraqi iteration of the Free Officers organisation mobilised in response to growing tensions between the sitting Iraqi government and a population that had witnessed the disastrous capitulation of the Arab League wholesale to the coalition backing Israeli independence in 1948, followed by the '52 revolution in Egypt and subsequent reorientation of pan-Arab politics along the Nasserist line. Faisal II, happy to entertain British diplomats and continue the makeshift existence of the Arab Federation— a Commonwealth project instituted by the Eden ministry to try preserve a pseudo-colonial sphere in the Middle East against American interests growing in Saudi Arabia— while Prince Abdullah and Nuri al-Said were seen as running the country back into the British pocket.

    The initial coup went mostly without a hitch, as the 20th brigade led by one of the secret triumvirs marched into Baghdad and seized the royals, while al-Said fled across the Tigris and towards the Jordanian border, though things rapidly deteriorated as despite public support, elements from the Paras, stationed at the time in Kuwait, and the BSAP 5th armoured car battalion both were deployed via Baghdad airport into the city, while elements from the SAS took up base in Mosul after being deployed from Persia. The sudden appearance of British planes and tanks turned the relatively bloodless revolution into a sudden gunfight as overwhelmed Iraqi forces were annihilated by air during a relentless bombardment of the city centre, while Para units moved on various infrastructure hotspots and turned them inside out hunting for the conspirators. Brigadier General Qasim, Colonel Arif, and Sunni representative Ar-Ruba'i were either arrested or, in the case of the latter, fled the country to take up residence in Syria, a UAR constituent at the time.

    Despite British efforts, the royal family were almost entirely killed, the act of regicide placed on full display before the Paras could successfully intervene and prevent it, turning an attempted salvation of a friendly government into brutal reprisal as multiple bombing campaigns along northern majority-Sunni or Kurdish parts of Iraq were among the many reprisals as the RAF hunted for any potential/future conspirators. Qasim rots in jail, Arif was executed in 1959 with trial, and Ar-Rubai'i is stuck in Damascus circa 1963.


    1958 — L'Liberateur coup


    Facing the potential of another socialist government emerging as the dominant force in French Algeria (at this point a UN trustee territory between France and the UK) as independence loomed around the corner, French officers under the command of a small clique of anti-collaborator, ex-Resistance commanders, though largely part of the right-wing OAS, moved to seize Algiers and establish a new military and liberationist government under the lofty goal of mobilising a new government to try topple the well-established PCF regime. As General Salan made his public announcement to the people of Algeria, citing the threat of Soviet "advisors" launching a hostile occupation to begin spreading the vanguard of communism into Africa, many looked on with trepidation at the exterior powers; the United Kingdom, the US even the Egyptians, as Nasser remained keen to hold an alliance with Algeria and Morocco as part of his pan-Arab project, and the OAS threatened that stability.

    Despite initial successes in preventing riots, the OAS military government found itself with no backers or any particular support, and an outraged Frachon went on French radios to announce the absolute denunciation of this false regime in Algiers, whose only backers, to him, were pied noir settlers and far-right Italian elements. With Frachon announcing his intention to send a military expedition to end the Algiers coup, it was the Algerians themselves that acted first, mobilising a division of infantry to storm the capital overnight, detaining almost all OAS leaders in the presidential palace and having them all shot. Despite the failure of the OAS coup, French troops arrived a week later anyway, with paratroopers forming a military district in order to herd in and cordon off the pied noir population for deportation back to France, a massive scandal globally as the PCF evidently flexed a neo-colonial muscle to preserve a relatively stable relationship with Algeria.

    1960 — 10-12 Coup


    While investigations are largely still ongoing, the anti-treaty far right elements of the Anpo protest groups in Tokyo are confirmed to have supported police units under Keizo Hayashi to seize power over the city government and begin an immediate transition to some form of pre-war government, loosely aligned under the 'Group of Stability', a collection of far-right officers, politicians and other disgruntled civilians began the process of closing off city streets and forming a redoubt from where a new provisional government could, in their words, liberate the Emperor and establish peace and order. The 10-12 Coup is also supposed to have been coordinated with an attempt Inejiro Asanuma, whose popular front JSP had been slated to win the 1960 National Diet elections with a not insignificant plan of forming a grand coalition with other parties to freeze out the LDP and incumbent Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi, whose paternalist politics were considered the extremity of LDP hereditary premiership.

    Facing no support and a rapid response from the US Army, the 10-12 coupists scattered to the wind, with the police undergoing widespread purges along with a major sweep of arrested notables. Though this'd ultimately extend the Anpo protests for another full year as the 1960 revision of the treaty came into effect with Asanuma promising to overrule it as soon as he'd take power. Despite delays, political lobbying and every possible threat of a CIA-backed coup, Asanuma ultimately prevailed over all, being named Prime Minister of Japan in late February, 1960.
     
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    • Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation between the United States of America, the Republic of China, and the Republic of Vietnam​

    I. America, China, and Vietnam declare mutual peace and friendship between all parties. They recognize each other's diplomatic and internal rights as sovereign nations.
    II. They agree to allow trade between each party, subject to national tariffs and regulations in accordance with their laws. The property rights of businesses will be recognized by all parties.
    III. America and China agree to guarantee the security and national integrity of Vietnam.
    III. 1. America and China may deploy military personnel to act as advisors and peacekeepers in Vietnam with the consent of its government to fulfill this duty
    III. 2. America and China may deploy military aircraft to Vietnamese airspace with the consent of its government to fulfill this duty.

    [ ] United States of America @Skrevski
    [X] Republic of Vietnam @Karen
    [X] Republic of China
     
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    ​

    Egypt, Free and Prosperous​


    The Egyptian Revolution of 1952 would see the end of the feckless foreign monarchy, brought to Egyptian shores and enforced at gunpoint by their patrons in London. Their casual prosperity, built upon the suffering of the Egyptian masses, the very same masses who would make way for a new system of government, would be best exemplified by the corrupt and gourmandizing King Farouk I, the last and final of the foreign occupiers that stretched millennia ago, to when the first Persian monarch made Egypt their slave. The false democracy put forth by the late Egyptian monarchy, desperate to secure some form of internal legitimacy, would see itself defanged of any real power at its very conception, with the allegedly nationalist Wafd flailing their once dominant and secure position as the leaders of Egyptian nationalism to serve as yet another of London's lackeys.

    The revolution, fueled by discontent against the King, both from domestic misgovernance and chiefly from the embarrassing failure of the anti-Zionist War of 1948, would see to it that both the monarchy and the false parliament brought low, but it would not mean an end to the political infighting that so often plagued the parliamentary governments of the late 30s and 40s, as the pro-parliament Naguib, the highest ranking officer of the Revolution, clashed hard and often with the rank-and-file of the Free Officers Movement (FOM), especially those of the more revolutionary wings of the movement (namely, Nasser and his longtime friend and left-wing sympathizer, Abdel Hakim Amer).

    Outside of the FOM, Naguib would also find himself at odds with the forces of reaction and revolution, the Muslim Brotherhood snubbing the FOM for being too secular while the Soviet-aligned Democratic Movement for National Liberation (Hadeto) would oppose the FOM for being far too sympathetic to the reactionary wing of Egyptian society (fueled as well by their own desire to establish a decisively pro-Soviet regime in Egypt).

    The pressures placed upon Naguib would ultimately force the liberal establishment within the FOM into a period of irrelevance, with Naguib resigning from power. Instead, Nasser, with assistance from his connections in the intelligence services and, vitally, the mass movement arm of the FOM, would be propelled into power as the new face of the Egyptian Revolution. Nasser would not find himself buoyed by overwhelming support, however, but instead the fear of a return to reaction and the monarchy.

    The revolution would prove itself to be neither of these, however, as the Nasserite program was, above all else, nationalist in its entirety. The Muslim Brotherhood would be squashed with immense force after a failed assassination attempt against Nasser, whilst the Communists would be purged from the trade unions, their clear intentions of forcing Egypt into subservience to the Weimar Pact clear as day.

    The decade of Nasserist rule since his ascendancy in the internal politics of the FOM has only seen Egypt grow further prosperous, with the US-UK split giving Nasser room to breath and to consolidate the internal systems of governance in Egypt. Foreign capital, chiefly dominated by the colonial-era possessions of the Anglo-French bloc, would be rapidly nationalized and secured under the new regime, with France no longer as large of a threat, and with the assurances and protection of the American and Soviet blocs against any possible British intervention.

    Land reform would be hugely accelerated, with technical and material aid from the Soviet and American blocs flowing in to compete for Egypt's favor in the grander politics of the Cold War, much to Britain's personal displeasure. The Aswan Dam project, the darling of the Nasserite Regime, too would see the approval of both Washington and Moscow, once again to Britain's obvious distaste. The continued possession of the Suez Canal by foreigners would continued to remain a sore spot in Egyptian politics, with some remarking with bitter disdain that, "120 thousand Egyptians died building the [Suez] Canal, so that the [Aswan] Dam could be completed."

    However, the popularity of the new regime in Cairo would only continue to soar as the increasingly centralized economic apparatus would see obvious and brilliant results, with over 10% growth annually since the start of the Nasserite program of nationalization and centralization, and with little signs of slowdown. For Nasser, the regime's popularity could only seem to grow from here in the eyes of Egyptian society.

    The Nasserite program in the foreign world would be less than ideal, however.

    The failure of the 1958 Libyan referendum and subsequent occupation of Cyrenaica would prove to be the first sign of Nasserite idealism meeting the steady wall of BCON imperialism, one that would only further sour Anglo-Egyptian relations as the old Empire sought to maintain its colonial regimes. A growing Cold War between the Pan-Arabists and the Imperialists would continued to make its mark on the MENA world, with Egyptian support of the FLN, the union and subsequent dissolution with the Syrian Arab Republic, and the growing tensions with the occupation agreement in Sudan straining both sides further and further. Relations would be further complicated with the growing hostility of the Riyadh monarchy, though for now, Saudi-Egyptian relations remain lukewarm, as the mutual threat of the Hashemites and Britain continues to loom large over both.

    All of this, and the continued concerns regarding the effectiveness of the Egyptian Army in actual combat, some in the FOM have argued for, if anything else, a period of detente with London, for Egypt to back down and consolidate its gains. Yet, Nasser seems intent on accomplishing the goal of a united Arab world, all under the banner of anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism.

    Time will tell what shall come for all of this.    ​
     


    Una Noche en el Museo​

    Jorge was tired. His eyelids kept slipping shut as the staffer handed audio guides to him and his best friend, Andalusia, and his memory kept skipping as they marched through the "Revolutionaries of the 20th Century" exhibit. But they'd delayed this project long enough, and now it was time to bite the bullet. They began to walk down the hallway, exhibits and statues blurring as they advanced through time to the 1960s. Jorge again felt as if his legs were about to collapse under him, with only Andalusia's steady hand keeping his advance through the smudged landscape constant. He really should've shared that coffee with her.

    "What do we have again, besides the notes from class on the first revolution?"

    Even his voice sounded tired.

    "Just the bits on the start of the second!"
    Andalusia kept walking down the exhibits as she yelled, the pair passing by exhibit after exhibit.

    Finally, they would arrive at their destination. "This section looks a little small, doesn't it?"

    Andalusia rolled her eyes.

    "It's the entrance stupid."

    Jorge could only nod, sighing and pulling out his notebook as he began to write.

    Notas sobre la Exhibición de los dos Revoluciónes de la Republica de Cuba said:
    - The Second Cuban Revolution would begin in 1957 1958, mainly due to increasing corruption on the part of Socorras alongside growing domination of the Cuban economy by American neo-colonialist interests.
    - The revolution was largely possible due to the already revolutionary momentum present within the population alongside the general mobilization(Orthodox Guevarist interpretation)
    - The revolution was largely possible due to the already armed fighters still present from the last war, and the guns supplied by Mexico and purchased thanks to Batista's gold (Heterodox Guevarist interpretation)
    - A large aid to the revolutionaries would be gold seized from what Batista left behind when he fled, allowing for the funding of both M-26 revolutionaries and later the PURSC as a whole
    - The USA would heavily back Socorras, to the point that the regime's airforce would be partially tied to the USAF.
    - Efforts would be started to push for a peace plan from the US, with little success
    - Future rocky, but bright at this point for the revolutionaries.
    Click to expand...
    Click to shrink...

    "Got your notes?"
    Andalusia's voice was cutting, jolting Jorge from his notes. He rubbed his eyes. Really, they should've gotten the project done while the Sun was still out. He sighed, and nodded.

    "Good. Let's keep moving."
    Jorge didn't respond. He merely sighed, and stepped towards the next placard.
     
    Framework Agreement Between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the United Arab Republic for Cooperation in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space for Peaceful Purposes​


    The Government of India and the Government of the UAR, hereinafter referred to as the "Parties",

    RECOGNIZING a mutual interest in the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes;

    CONSIDERING the desirability of enhanced cooperation between the Parties in human space flight, space science and exploration, Earth science, civil aeronautics research and other activities;

    CONSIDERING the respective interests of the Parties in the potential for commercial applications of space technologies for the benefit of the peoples of both countries;

    DESIRING to establish an overall legal framework to facilitate the conclusion of implementing arrangements for cooperation between Agencies of the two Governments;

    HAVE AGREED as follows:

    Article 1
    Purpose

    This Agreement sets forth the obligations, terms and conditions for the cooperation between the United Arab Space Agency (UASA) and the Indian Space Agency (ISA), or any other designated Agency of either Party, in the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes in areas of common interest and on the basis of equality and mutual benefit.

    Article 2
    Definitions

    For the purposes of this Agreement,

    "Agency" means:

    for the Government of India, the ISA, or any other India agency or department that the Government of India may decide to designate in writing through diplomatic channels; and
    for the Government of the United Arab Republic, UASA, or any other UAR agency or department that the Government of the United Arab Republic may decide to designate in writing through diplomatic channels; and
    "Related Entity" means:

    a contractor, subcontractor, cooperating entity or sponsored entity of an Agency, at any tier;
    a user or customer of an Agency, at any tier; or
    a contractor or subcontractor of a user, customer, cooperating entity or sponsored entity of an Agency, at any tier.
    The term "Related Entity" may apply to a State, an international organization, or an agency, department or institution of a State, having the same relationship to an Agency as described in subparagraphs (i) to (iii) above or otherwise engaged in the implementation of Protected Space Operations as defined in subparagraph 2(d) of Article 11 below.

    Contractors and subcontractors include suppliers of any kind.

    Article 3
    Scope of Cooperation

    The Parties may develop joint activities in the following areas of cooperation:
    Space exploration;
    Space operations, including human space flight;
    Earth and space science;
    Civil aeronautics research, as it applies to space; and
    Other relevant areas of mutual interest jointly decided in writing by the Parties.
    The joint activities may involve:
    Spacecraft and space research platforms;
    Scientific instruments onboard spacecraft and space research platforms;
    Space operations missions, including human space flight activities;
    Sounding rocket and scientific balloon flights and campaigns;
    Aircraft flights and campaigns;
    Space communications, including ground-based antennas for tracking, telemetry and command, and data acquisition;
    Ground-based space research facilities;
    Exchanges of scientific personnel;
    Exchanges of scientific data, knowledge and experience;
    Terrestrial analogs and undersea facilities;
    Education and public outreach activities;
    Space systems applications; and
    Other activities of mutual interest jointly decided in writing by the Parties.
    These joint activities may take place on Earth, in air space, or in outer space.
    This Agreement shall not apply to activities undertaken pursuant to the IGA or any subsequent agreement that amends, modifies, or is concluded pursuant to the IGA.

    ARTICLE 4
    Implementing Arrangements

    Subject to their respective laws and regulations, the Parties shall conduct joint activities under this Agreement through their respective Agencies. Implementing arrangements concluded by the Agencies shall set forth the specific roles and commitments of the Agencies and shall include, as appropriate, provisions related to the nature and scope of the joint activities, the individual and joint commitments of the Agencies, and any other provisions necessary to conduct the joint activities.
    The implementing arrangements shall refer to and be subject to this Agreement. In case of an inconsistency between this Agreement and an implementing arrangement, this Agreement shall prevail.
    The Parties shall ensure that their respective Agencies make all reasonable efforts to perform the commitments contained in the implementing arrangements.
    The Parties agree that the implementing arrangements shall not create rights and obligations under international law.

    Article 5
    Funding

    The Parties shall be responsible for funding their respective activities under this Agreement or any implementing arrangement hereunder, subject to the availability of appropriated funds. The Parties intend that the activities will be performed on a cooperative basis involving no exchange of funds.
    Each Party shall ensure that, should its Agency encounter funding problems that may affect the activities to be carried out pursuant to this Agreement, its Agency will notify and consult with the other Agency as soon as possible.

    Article 6
    Customs Duties and Taxes

    On a reciprocal basis, each Party shall use reasonable efforts to arrange, in accordance with its laws and regulations, free customs clearance and waiver of all applicable duties and taxes for the import or export of equipment and related goods necessary to carry out activities under implementing arrangements. In the event that any customs fees or taxes of any kind are nonetheless levied on such equipment and related goods, such customs fees or taxes shall be borne by the Party levying such fees or taxes.

    Article 7
    Entry and Exit of Personnel

    On a reciprocal basis, each Party shall use reasonable efforts to facilitate, in accordance with its laws and regulations, the entry to and exit from its territory of personnel engaged in joint activities pursuant to this Agreement.

    Article 8
    Overflight

    On a reciprocal basis, each Party shall facilitate, upon request from the other Party, and in accordance with its laws, regulations and practice, the provision of overflight clearances as necessary in order to carry out activities under implementing arrangements. Detailed information regarding the purpose of the overflights, the proposed type of equipment to be used, and the researchers involved shall be addressed, as appropriate, in the implementing arrangements.

    Article 9
    Intellectual Property Rights

    Intellectual property rights created as a result of cooperation pursuant to this Agreement shall not be allocated as set out in the Agreement on Intellectual Property, but shall be allocated in accordance with the provisions below:

    Patents
    Nothing in this Agreement shall be construed as granting, either expressly or by implication, to the other Party any rights to, or interest in, any inventions of a Party or its Agency's Related Entities made prior to the entry into force of, or outside the scope of, this Agreement, including any patents or other forms of protection, in any country, corresponding to such inventions.
    Any rights to, or interest in, any invention resulting from activities undertaken in performance of this Agreement solely by either Party or any of its Agency's Related Entities, including any patents or other forms of protection, in any country, corresponding to such invention, shall be owned by such Party or, subject to subparagraph (a)(iv) of this Article, such Related Entity.
    It is not anticipated that there will be any joint inventions as a result of activities undertaken in performance of this Agreement. Nevertheless, in the event that an invention is jointly made by the Parties and/or their Agencies' Related Entities in the performance of this Agreement, the Parties shall, in good faith, consult and agree as to:
    the allocation of rights to, or interest in, such joint invention, including any patents or other forms of protection, in any country, corresponding to such joint invention;
    the responsibilities, costs, and actions to be taken to establish and maintain patents or other forms of protection, in any country, for each such joint invention; and
    the terms and conditions of any license or other rights to be exchanged between the Parties or granted by one Party to the other Party.
    With respect to any invention created in the performance of this Agreement and involving a Related Entity, allocation of rights between a Party and its Agency's Related Entity to such invention, including any patents or other forms of protection, in any country, corresponding to such invention, shall be determined by such Party's laws, regulations, and applicable contractual obligations.

    Copyrights
    Nothing in this Agreement shall be construed as granting, either expressly or by implication, to the other Party any rights to, or interest in, any copyrights of a Party or its Agency's Related Entities created prior to the entry into force of, or outside the scope of, this Agreement.
    Any copyrights in works created solely by either Party or any of its Agency's Related Entities, as a result of activities undertaken in performance of this Agreement, shall be owned by such Party or Related Entity. Allocation of rights between such Party and its Agency's Related Entities to such copyrights shall be determined by such Party's laws, regulations, and applicable contractual obligations.
    For any work jointly authored by the Parties and/or their Agencies' Related Entities, should the Parties decide to register the copyright in such work, they shall, in good faith, consult and agree as to the responsibilities, costs, and actions to be taken to register copyrights and maintain copyright protection, in any country.
    Subject to the provisions of Articles 10 and 12 (concerning Transfer of Goods and Technical Data, and Publication of Public Information and Results), each Party shall have an irrevocable, royalty-free right to reproduce, prepare derivative works, distribute copies to the public, and perform publicly and display publicly, and authorize others to do so on its behalf, any copyrighted work resulting from activities undertaken in the performance of this Agreement for its own purposes, regardless of whether the work was created solely by, or on behalf of, the other Party or jointly with the other Party, and without consulting with or accounting to the other Party.
    Article 10
    Transfer of Goods and Technical Data

    Each Party shall ensure that its Agency transfer only those technical data (including software) and goods necessary to fulfill their respective responsibilities under this Agreement, in accordance with the following provisions, notwithstanding any other provisions of this Agreement:
    All activities under this Agreement shall be carried out in accordance with the Parties' respective national laws and regulations, including their export control laws and regulations and those pertaining to the control of classified information;
    The transfer of technical data as described in an implementing arrangement, with regard to interface, integration, and safety shall normally be made without restriction, except as required in subparagraph 1(a) above;
    All transfers of goods, proprietary data, and export-controlled technical data are subject to the following provisions:
    Each Party shall ensure that, in the event its Agency or its Agency's Related Entity finds it necessary to transfer goods, proprietary data, or export-controlled technical data, for which protection is to be maintained, such goods shall be specifically identified and such proprietary data or export-controlled technical data shall be marked;
    Such identification for goods and such marking of proprietary data or export-controlled technical data shall indicate that the goods, proprietary data, and export-controlled technical data are to be used by the receiving Agency or Related Entity only for the purposes of fulfilling the receiving Agency's commitments under an implementing arrangement or a Related Entity's responsibilities under a contract made pursuant to this Agreement, and that the identified goods and marked proprietary data or marked export-controlled technical data are not to be disclosed or retransferred to any other entity without the prior written permission of the furnishing Agency or Related Entity;
    The Party of the receiving Agency or receiving Related Entity shall ensure that its Agency or Related Entity abide by the terms of the notice and protect any such identified goods and marked proprietary data or marked export-controlled technical data from unauthorized use and disclosure; and
    Each Party shall ensure that its Agency cause its Related Entity to be bound by the provisions of this Article related to use, disclosure, and retransfer of goods and proprietary data and export-controlled technical data through contractual mechanisms or equivalent measures.
    The Party of the receiving Agency or receiving Related Entity shall ensure that the receiving Agency and the Related Entity use all goods, proprietary data, or export-controlled technical data, transferred in accordance with any implementing arrangement, exclusively for the purposes of the implementing arrangement under which such goods, proprietary data, or export-controlled technical data were transferred. Upon completion of the activities under that implementing arrangement, such Party shall ensure that the receiving Agency and the Related Entity return or, at the request of the furnishing Agency or its Related Entity, otherwise dispose of all goods and marked proprietary data or marked export-controlled technical data provided under that implementing arrangement, as directed by the furnishing Agency or Related Entity.

    Article 11
    Cross-Waiver of Liability

    With respect to activities performed under this Agreement, the Parties agree that a comprehensive cross-waiver of liability will further cooperation in the exploration and use of outer space. This cross-waiver of liability, as set out below, shall be broadly construed to achieve this objective.
    As used in this Article:
    The term "Damage" means:
    bodily injury to, or other impairment of health of, or death of, any person;
    damage to, loss of, or loss of use of any property;
    loss of revenue or profits; or
    other direct, indirect, or consequential damage;
    The term "Launch Vehicle" means an object or any part thereof intended for launch, launched from Earth into air space or outer space, or returning to Earth, which carries Payloads or persons, or both;
    The term "Payload" means all property to be flown or used on or in a Launch Vehicle;
    The term "Protected Space Operations" means all activities pursuant to this Agreement, or any implementing arrangement concluded hereunder, including Launch Vehicle activities and Payload activities on Earth, in outer space, or in transit between Earth and air space or outer space, in implementation of this Agreement. Protected Space Operations begin on the date of entry into force of this Agreement and end when all activities done in implementation of this Agreement are completed. The term "Protected Space Operations" includes, but is not limited to:
    research, design, development, test, manufacture, assembly, integration, operation, or use of Launch or transfer Vehicles, Payloads, or instruments, as well as related support equipment and facilities and services; and
    all activities related to ground support, test, training, simulation, or guidance and control equipment and related facilities or services.
    The term "Protected Space Operations" excludes activities on Earth that are conducted on return from space to develop further a Payload's product or process for use other than for activities in implementation of this Agreement.


    Each Party agrees to a cross-waiver of liability pursuant to which each Party waives all claims against any of the entities or persons listed in subparagraphs 3(a)(i) through 3(a)(iii) below based on Damage arising out of Protected Space Operations. This cross-waiver shall apply only if the person, entity, or property causing the Damage is involved in Protected Space Operations and the person, entity, or property damaged is damaged by virtue of its involvement in Protected Space Operations. The cross-waiver shall apply to any claims for Damage, whatever the legal basis for such claims, against:
    the other Party;
    a Related Entity of the other Party's Agency; and
    the employees of any of the entities identified in subparagraphs (i) and (ii) immediately above.
    In addition, each Party shall ensure that its Agency extend the cross-waiver of liability as set forth in subparagraph 3(a) above to its Related Entities by requiring them, by contract or otherwise, to agree to:
    waive all claims against the entities or persons identified in subparagraphs 3(a)(i) through 3(a)(iii) above; and
    require that their Related Entities waive all claims against the entities or persons identified in subparagraphs 3(a)(i) through 3(a)(iii) above.
    For avoidance of doubt, this cross-waiver of liability shall be applicable to claims arising from the Convention on International Liability for Damage Caused by Space Objects, done on 29 March 1972 (the "Liability Convention"), where the person, entity, or property causing the Damage is involved in Protected Space Operations and the person, entity, or property damaged is damaged by virtue of its involvement in Protected Space Operations.
    Notwithstanding the other provisions of this Article, this cross-waiver of liability shall not be applicable to:
    claims between an Agency and its Related Entity or between an Agency's Related Entities;
    claims made by a natural person, his/her estate, survivors, or subrogees for bodily injury, other impairment of health or death of such natural person, except where a subrogee is a Party or is otherwise bound by the terms of this cross-waiver;
    claims for Damage caused by willful misconduct;
    intellectual property claims;
    claims for Damage resulting from a failure to ensure that the cross-waiver of liability is extended as set forth in subparagraph 3(b) of Article 11; or
    claims by or against an Agency or its Related Entity arising out of or relating to the other Agency's or its Related Entity's failure to meet its contractual obligations, pursuant to express contractual provisions.
    Nothing in this Article shall be construed to create the basis for a claim or suit where none would otherwise exist.
    In the event of third-party claims for which the Parties may be liable, the Parties shall consult promptly to determine an appropriate and equitable apportionment of any potential liability and on the defence of any such claims.

    Article 12
    Publication of Public Information and Results

    The Parties shall retain the right to release public information regarding their own activities under this Agreement. The Parties shall coordinate with each other in advance concerning releasing to the public information that relates to the other Party's responsibilities or performance under this Agreement.

    The Parties shall make the final results obtained from joint activities available to the general scientific community through publication in appropriate journals or by presentations at scientific conferences as soon as possible and in a manner consistent with good scientific practices.
    Each Party shall ensure that its Agency include provisions for sharing of science data in the implementing arrangements.
    The Parties acknowledge that the following data or information does not constitute public information and that such data or information shall not be included in any publication or presentation by a Party under this Article without the other Party's prior written permission: (a) data furnished by the other Party in accordance with Article 10 (concerning Transfer of Goods and Technical Data) of this Agreement which is export-controlled, classified or proprietary; or (b) information about an invention of the other Party before a patent application has been filed covering the same, or a decision not to file has been made.

    Article 13
    Registration of Space Objects

    The Parties shall ensure that, for implementing arrangements involving a launch, their Agencies decide as to which will request its Government to register the spacecraft as a space object in accordance with the Convention on Registration of Objects Launched into Outer Space of 12 November 1974. Registration pursuant to this Article shall not affect the rights or obligations of either Party under the Liability Convention.

    Article 14
    Consultations

    The Parties shall encourage their Agencies to consult, as necessary and appropriate, to review the implementation of joint activities conducted in accordance with this Agreement and to exchange views on potential areas of future cooperation and to discuss any issue relating to any implementing arrangement.
    In the event questions arise regarding the implementation of joint activities conducted in accordance with an implementing arrangement, the Agencies will endeavor to resolve the question through consultations.
    Failing resolution of a question at the Agency level, such question shall be dealt with in accordance with Article 15.

    Article 15
    Dispute Settlement

    The Parties shall endeavor to settle disputes relating to the interpretation or implementation of this Agreement through consultations and negotiations.

    Article 16
    Existing Rights and Obligations

    This Agreement shall not affect the rights and obligations of the Parties under other international agreements to which they are party.

    Article 17
    List of Implementing Arrangements

    The Parties shall establish and maintain a List of implementing arrangements which are subject to this Agreement.
    This List shall take the form of a written exchange between the Parties and include information such as the title of each implementing arrangement, the date on which it is signed and its duration, as well as the type of cooperation to be carried out under each implementing arrangement. The Parties shall update the List at least yearly, within 60 days following the last day of each calendar year, unless no implementing arrangements were signed or discontinued during that year.
    This List shall not constitute an integral part of this Agreement.

    Article 18
    Entry into Force and Duration

    This Agreement shall enter into force on the date of the last note of an exchange of diplomatic notes in which the Parties notify each other of the completion of their internal procedures necessary for the entry into force of this Agreement. It shall remain in force for ten (10) years unless terminated in accordance with the provisions of Article 20.

    Article 19
    Amendments

    The Parties may amend this Agreement by mutual written agreement.

    Article 20
    Termination

    Either Party may terminate this Agreement at any time by providing at least six months written notice to the other Party.
    Notwithstanding the termination or expiration of this Agreement, its provisions shall continue to apply to cooperation under any implementing arrangements in effect at the time of this Agreement's termination or expiration, for the duration of such implementing arrangements.
    Termination or expiration of this Agreement shall not affect the Parties' continuing obligations under this Agreement with regards to Intellectual Property Rights, Transfer of Goods and Technical Data, and Cross-Waiver of Liability.

    IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the undersigned, being duly authorized by their respective Governments, have signed this Agreement.

    DONE at Washington, in duplicate, this 9th day of September, 2009, in the English and French languages, both versions being equally authentic.

    [X] Jawaharlal Nehru
    FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA

    [ ]
    FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC
    References:

    View Treaty - Canada.ca

    www.treaty-accord.gc.ca www.treaty-accord.gc.ca
     
    History of India (1947–present)

    Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of India, often regarded as the architect of modern India, addressing a newly independent India on 15 August 1947​

    The history of independent India or history of Republic of India began when the country became an independent sovereign state within the British Commonwealth on 15 August 1947. Direct administration by the British, which began in 1858, affected a political and economic unification of the subcontinent. When British rule came to an end in 1947, the subcontinent was partitioned along religious lines into two separate countries—India, with a majority of Hindus, and Pakistan, with a majority of Muslims Concurrently the Muslim-majority northwest and east of British India was separated into the Dominion of Pakistan, by the Partition of India. The partition led to a population transfer of more than 10 million people between India and Pakistan and the death of about one million people. Indian National Congress leader Jawaharlal Nehru became the first Prime Minister of India, but the leader most associated with the independence struggle, Mahatma Gandhi, accepted no office. The constitution adopted in 1950 made India a democratic republic with Westminster style parliamentary system of government, both at federal and state level respectively. The democracy has been sustained since then. India's sustained democratic freedoms are unique among the world's newly independent states. India had unresolved territorial disputes with China and Pakistan which escalated into a war in 1947.

    1947–1950: Dominion of India​

    Independent India's first years were marked with turbulent events—a massive exchange of population with Pakistan, the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947 and the integration of over 500 princely states to form a united nation.[10] Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi also ensured that the constitution of independent India would be secular. The partition of India was outlined in the Indian Independence Act 1947. It led to the dissolution of the British Raj in South Asia and the creation of two independent dominions: India and Pakistan.[12][13] The change of political borders notably included the division of two provinces of British India,[a] Bengal and Punjab. The majority Muslim districts in these provinces were awarded to Pakistan and the majority non-Muslim to India. The other assets that were divided included the British Indian Army, the Royal Indian Navy, the Royal Indian Air Force, the Indian Civil Service, the railways, and the central treasury. Self-governing independent Pakistan and India legally came into existence at midnight on 14 and 15 August 1947 respectively.

    The partition caused large-scale loss of life and an unprecedented migration between the two dominions. Among refugees who survived, it solidified the belief that safety lay among co-religionists. In the instance of Pakistan, it made palpable a hitherto only-imagined refuge for the Muslims of British India. The migrations took place hastily and with little warning. It is thought that between 14 million and 18 million people moved, and perhaps more. Excess mortality during the period of the partition is usually estimated to have been around one million. The violent nature of the partition created an atmosphere of hostility and suspicion between India and Pakistan that affects their relationship to this day.

    An estimated 3.5 million Hindus and Sikhs living in West Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Baluchistan, East Bengal and Sind migrated to India in fear of domination and suppression in Muslim Pakistan. Communal violence killed an estimated one million Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs, and gravely destabilised both dominions along their Punjab and Bengal boundaries, and the cities of Calcutta, Delhi and Lahore. The violence was stopped by early September owing to the co-operative efforts of both Indian and Pakistani leaders, and especially due to the efforts of Mohandas Gandhi, the leader of the Indian freedom struggle, who undertook a fast-unto-death in Calcutta and later in Delhi to calm people and emphasise peace despite the threat to his life. Both governments constructed large relief camps for incoming and leaving refugees, and the Indian Army was mobilized to provide humanitarian assistance on a massive scale.

    In 1949, India recorded almost 1 million Hindu refugees into West Bengal and other states from East Pakistan, owing to communal violence, intimidation, and repression from Muslim authorities. The plight of the refugees outraged Hindus and Indian nationalists, and the refugee population drained the resources of Indian states, who were unable to absorb them. While not ruling out war, Prime Minister Nehru and Sardar Patel invited Liaquat Ali Khan for talks in Delhi. Although many Indians termed this appeasement, Nehru signed a pact with Liaquat Ali Khan that pledged both nations to the protection of minorities and creation of minority commissions. Although opposed to the principle, Patel decided to back this pact for the sake of peace, and played a critical role in garnering support from West Bengal and across India, and enforcing the provisions of the pact. Khan and Nehru also signed a trade agreement, and committed to resolving bilateral disputes through peaceful means. Steadily, hundreds of thousands of Hindus returned to East Pakistan, but the thaw in relations did not last long, primarily owing to the Kashmir dispute.

    Political integration of India
    In July 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru pointedly observed that no princely state could prevail militarily against the army of independent India. In January 1947, Nehru said that independent India would not accept the divine right of kings. In May 1947, he declared that any princely state which refused to join the Constituent Assembly would be treated as an enemy state. British India consisted of 17 provinces, which existed alongside 565 princely states. The provinces were given to India or Pakistan, in two particular cases—Punjab and Bengal—after being partitioned. The princes of the princely states, however, were given the right to either remain independent or accede to either dominion. Thus India's leaders were faced with the prospect of inheriting a fragmented country with independent states and kingdoms dispersed across the mainland. Under the leadership of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, the new Government of India employed political negotiations backed with the option (and, on several occasions, the use) of military action to ensure the primacy of the central government and of the Constitution then being drafted. Sardar Patel and V. P. Menon convinced the rulers of princely states contiguous to India to accede to India. Many rights and privileges of the rulers of the princely states, especially their personal estates and privy purses, were guaranteed to convince them to accede. Some of them were made Rajpramukh (governor) and Uprajpramukh (deputy governor) of the merged states. Many small princely states were merged to form viable administrative states such as Saurashra, PEPSU, Vindhya Pradesh and Madhya Bharat. Some princely states such as Tripura and Manipur acceded later in 1949.

    Constitution​
    The Constitution of India was adopted by the Constituent Assembly on 26 November 1949 and became effective on 26 January 1950. The constitution replaced the Government of India Act 1935 as the country's fundamental governing document, and the Dominion of India became the Republic of India. To ensure constitutional autochthony, its framers repealed prior acts of the British parliament in Article 395. The constitution declares India a sovereign, socialist, secular, and democratic republic, assures its citizens justice, equality, and liberty, and endeavors to promote fraternity. Key features of the constitution were Universal suffrage for all adults, Westminster style parliamentary system of government at the federal and state level, and independent judiciary. The constitution also required the Union Government and the States and Territories of India to set reserved quotas or seats, at particular percentage in Education Admissions, Employments, Political Bodies, Promotions, etc., for "socially and educationally backward citizens."
    Indo-Pakistani War of 1947–1948

    The Indo-Pakistani War of 1947–1948 was fought between India, China and Pakistan over the princely state of Kashmir and Jammu from 1947 to 1948. Pakistan precipitated the war a few weeks after independence by launching tribal lashkar (militia) from Waziristan, in an effort to secure Kashmir, the future of which hung in the balance. A United Nations-mediated ceasefire took place on 5 January 1949. Indian losses in the war totaled 1,104 killed and 3,154 wounded; Pakistani, about 6,000 killed and 14,000 wounded. Chinese casualties were unknown.


    Indian soldiers during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947


    ​
     

    The Syrian Withdrawal
    - February 12, 1963 -    ​

    "At its heart, the implementation of an Arab Space Agency, of pursuing the highest boundaries of science to the benefit of all Arabs, was without doubt a splendid idea. It had all at once opened doors for the scientific communities of a great many states, bringing together the collective knowledge of our people. It is for that matter that we invested into this project, as have many other neighboring governments. And were it to have remained true to that purpose, we would remain its most fiercest advocates.

    But time has proven that the Arab Space Agency has served more akin to a personal vehicle for President Nasser than a legitimate scientific organization. Much like the United Arab Republic which we have since separated from, unity has been overshadowed by dominance; Cairo does not delegate authority, it usurps it from all others. The wealth of Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and beyond have fatten the coffers of the ASA, but still the project is overseen and controlled exclusively by Nasser's government for political purposes. Victories for Nasser are sought over victories for Arab science. Our contributions were meant to inspire progress for our people, not be swindled away in Delhi or pocketed by Egyptian administrators.

    So it is that we cannot in good conscience continue to support this organization which at its origin was a service to the Arab world. We extend a hand to those others who may follow in our exit, in the hopes that a more equitable organization might move to replace the ASA for the better benefit of all Arabs."

    Deputy Foreign Minister IZZAT AL-NUSS​
     


    ​


    For a Global Cooperation.​

    - February 13th, 1963 -
    ​
    "Peoples of the Arab World, Far and Wide:

    The hour has come in which every Arab must be aware of himself. The hour has come in which every Arab must be aware of his country. The hour has come in which every Arab must be aware of what is happening around him throughout the entire Arab land. We are now - Arabs - at one of the decisive points in history in the fate of nations, a point from which fate can be determined and fate can be shaped by the will of God, which inspires the will of our nation and directs its steps. We are at one of the decisive points in history and we have only two positions before us.

    The first is: that the appearances of things deceive us, so we stand still and do not move, preferring rest to continuing the struggle, and we prefer stillness to continuing the struggle, or movement escapes us nervously and without guidance; Then we lose our sense of time and place, we lose the right direction, and then all the gains and victories achieved by our nation's popular struggle are scattered.

    The second: to be aware of the facts of matters, and to proceed with our movement with more strength and greater impetus; On a clear path that we know our goals on; We set out, believing and determined, towards the ideal for which our flags fluttered, and the blood of our martyrs shed in the hope of reaching it. Continuing the course to its inevitable end, continuing the introductions to its correct end, putting our dreams in the place of reality, no matter the sacrifices and no matter how long the range.

    The hour has come when we must choose; Either the path of surrender to despair, or the path of rushing into revolutionary action, either we extend our hands in humiliation to the chains and chains that we have broken and return to contentment with humiliation, or we stand with the determination of the revolutionaries and muster all the fighting motivations within us to continue our great battle; So that victory is ours, decisive and final, forever.

    And I chose... I spent all the last days thinking, and my feelings were with our great people everywhere; In the villages and factories, in the universities and laboratories, and in small homes bright with hope for a better future... I was with all of them; With the peasants, with the workers, intellectuals, officers, and soldiers, I try to feel their feelings and interact with their thoughts with my thoughts. My fingers were on the pulse of the Arab World, the maker of civilization, the maker of history, the maker of the future, and my ears were on the beat of its heart, which always beat with truth, goodness, and peace.

    I wanted that my choice would echo her choice, and I wanted my position to be an expression of her conscience. And I tell you now - my fellow Arabs - I chose in the name of Allah (pbuh), in the name of the Arab World, in the name of its hopes, in the name of its ideal, in the name of all the meanings that it sanctified, in the name of all the battles that it fought... in the name of all of this; It was my decision and my choice that the path of revolution is our path. Rushing with all energy into revolutionary work is the only key to all the demands of our popular struggle, which is the faithful fulfillment of all the needs of our faithful masses determined for freedom. In all its social and political forms.
    ​
    Arabs!

    In this decisive hour, I want you all to stand with me in these moments. Let us see the full truth of everything that confronts us and confronts us; At this moment, there should not be a veil between us and the complete truth, and there should be no limit to our frankness with ourselves. Rather, our honesty must be absolute before God, before history, before conscience, and before the future. The responsibility that falls on our generation is not an easy or trivial one, and to the extent we feel this responsibility, our absolute honesty must be in facing the truth. Our responsibility is to rebuild and liberate the people, and to rebuild and liberate the dignity of the Arab World.

    By now, you will have no doubt have heard of the withdrawal of the Syrian nation from the United Arab Space Agency, a sorrowful affair, one that shall pain all Arabs throughout the world. As I have said before, when the Syrian government chose their own path, away from our revolution in 1961, that one of my first duties at that moment, was to study with you and for you to study with me the lessons learned from the uprising in Syria. Once again, my goal in this study neither was, nor is, to influence the course of events in Syria itself, but rather my first and last goal is to be of benefit to the entire Arab struggle, and to its comprehensive social battle of the right of the Arab person to his life and dignity, no matter what banner he may find himself under.

    That they have once more chosen, as now as then, to cut further ties with the United Arab Republic, this we should all understand as the continuation of that struggle within Syria itself, and one we shall respect and support, for we must grant them this little dignity, at the very least, as fellow Arab nations, as fellow nations under Allah (pbuh).

    However! That the Syrian nation has chosen this path should not be a surprise to anyone, but it is also one that other nations of our Arab World should take with great caution. The struggle against colonialism and imperialism, the struggle that has united all of the Arab World since the beginning of the Egyptian Revolution, has produced endless fruits of cooperation, one that has seen all Arabs, everywhere, prosper.

    Our belief in the great potential of the Arab World, as it works cooperatively for the sake of humanity's pride and dignity, grows stronger and stronger if we look at what has become known as the United Arab Space Agency. Events have proven that close cooperation between members of this Agency has been one of the strongest factors for the progress of our colonized and imperialized peoples in the global space race, and the protection of our own rights and interests in this global endeavor to uncover the wonders of space.

    Egypt, as one of the Arab League countries, is pleased to record its appreciation for the constant support shown by other members of the United Arab Space Agency for the Agency's continued growth.

    We have gathered in this conference as representatives of not merely just the nations of India and the United Arab Republics, but as representatives of a potential for even greater cooperation, not merely between the Arab States, but between those nations similarly dispossessed in Asia and Africa as well. There is a similarity that calls for consideration between the existing conditions in the countries of these two continents, a similarity that would unite them. We have gotten rid of a long-standing era in which we were under the influence of foreign influence in our economic and political affairs alike, and we are now confronted. Confronted with problems of economic advancement, confronted with problems of social development, confronted yet again with problems of political development. It is not surprising, then, that these matters bring us closer together, so that we feel one feeling, which is clearly evident in our views toward world peace and international justice.

    This treaty is not merely one for our own interests, nor for the interests of the Indian nation, but for the interests of all colonized and imperialized peoples. That cooperation shall brings us closer with one another against the great powers that wish to further subjugate us.

    As such, it is with great honor that I sign this document, as a first step in Asian-African Cooperation!"
    ​
    Traveller76 said:
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    [X] Gamal Abdel Nasser
    FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC
     
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    Over the Hills
    The British Empire and Commonwealth up to 1963
    ​
    The end of the war in 1945 signalled a drastic shift in the imperial tide. Some within the House still labelled the interwar as a terminal extension of the Pax Britannica, and the presentation of the British disadvantage in European politics post-war would be the success of the Pax Sovietica, or the Red Order as coined by Churchill. His choice to call a post-war election had gambled that the victory high— the Blitz Spirit— would carry the Conservatives into another victory cabinet, though it would not be without the appropriate amount of grovelling and bargaining this time. Replacing Churchill on the basis of fatigue proved vital as Rab Butler drew upon some like-sided Labour concepts; maintaining of nationalised industries, expanding it to cover other sectors that had suffered due to wartime rationing, and opening the conversation of decolonisation through modifying the Commonwealth system that had, ostensibly, ensured that the British Empire would carry on after the war where her competition either collapsed or donned new shades of blue and red.

    Playing into post-war fears of the Red Army making for Dover, their manifesto titled the Shields of Britannia proved a solid plan for the Conservatives, whose messy divorce with Labour leadership immediately post-war could've ended their government then and there. Instead, Rab Butler emerged with a capable showing, marrying the National Liberal and Liberal Parties into the coalition, effectively transferring the former into a voting bloc within the Tories. Labour hadn't slacked, however, and came close within making a coalition plan impossible with the over 70% turnout resulting in the party nearly taking a plurality against the Conservative redoubt of 230 seats.

    Butlerian economics and foreign policy post-war had been vital efforts in maintenance of the Commonwealth alliance to the Americans, whose emergent dominance as a nuclear and supremely capable nuclear power. The Jet Fright of 1946 nearly provoked all out war, though Butler personally negotiating by telephone with Bukharin concluded the possibility of Soviet jets (at that time using the Me-262 as a baseline) turning London to irradiated rubble. Despite vacillation over the social security question that had been pushed hard by Labour's left-wing, Indian independence marked a domestic victory— even if it can be argued that the mercurial yet somehow equally hands-on approach to the partition resulted in the subsequent Indo-Pakistani war and immediate tensions in '63— for the Conservatives as an incredibly hefty force of nationalised companies, the maintenance of state-owned rail kept the trains running and factories open, subsiding the worst economic downturns of the Forties that had been mongered by Labour, who could easily present the cabinets of Baldwin and Chamberlain as being responsible for both appeasement and the failure of the British economy to recover in time for World War II.

    On the imperial front, British politics had been almost completely re-arranged the African continent, which had been left in flux by the liberation of Europe at the spear tip of the Red Army. Initial agreements had placed Syria and Algeria firmly under French authority despite the hesitation of PCF officials in Moscow to follow along, though the war in Spain had, on principal, reoriented the British and American stance to a harder one. While compliant to re-assign those territories under the newly minted United Nations, it would be British paid, British trained officials. Led by August Zeleski, the British government realigned much of the continental colonies to a mandatory status similar to post-war German colonies but with a less generous window of withdrawal, citing the need for immediate transfer. Facing immense pressure from the Commons, Butler stated that the French, Belgian and Spanish colonies would only be kept in trust for ten years.


    The height of the British Empire in Africa, 1945
    ​
    1950 marked British politics firmly aligning to the soft centre Conservative faction dominating as Labour fractionalized between the Gaitskellites and Gallacher-Bevanites, the latter of which rejoining Labour after CPGB had been banned for accusations of espionage against the British state. Facing the potential threat of landslide defeat, Labour doubled down on national service, including presenting an even more robust version of the National Health Service, one that the Conservatives had partially co-opted with social security, though the Liberal slant of it being a class struggle made critics of Butler view his government as being that of stuffy upper-class and despite the relative successes of the economy, Britain was struggling to keep up in some vital heavy industry sectors against the American behemoth, that, despite a clear downturn, had massively benefitted from the mineral boom of the post-war years and a transition to civilian economy only helped facilitated a slump.

    Opting to stay away from Conservative leadership, the public servant Henry Willink is instead pushed to the forefront, particularly as that year's elections had been rightfully viewed as the battle of the NHS and nationalisation, a topic that Willink had written upon extensively when trying to create a more digestible, Conservative option. Social security remained a hot topic as the Conservative extent hadn't included insurance for sickness or unemployment, but primarily focused on inheritance, with Labour firebrands writing it as a 'tax for death', and making a colossal point of Conservative wish-washy-ness on the topic of health, particularly as new waves of immigration to the United Kingdom from their African holdings combined with growing overseas deployment meant that an inadequate health sector had only benefitted the rich.

    It would not be domestic policy, but the tragedy of the German Uprising that held Labour back this round, though the margin had shrunk significantly, and it was clear to most that a lacking spirit like Willink would not keep the nation together without significant backing. Bringing on his friends from the Beveridge Committee that had analysed the social devastation brought about by the blitz, Willink's direction would be construction. Utilising the vast state economic power still afforded him by increasingly discontent corporate leaders, a unified, bipartisan plan to construct and renovate much of Southern England with state-owned housing, and hospitals provided by the state then handed over to private ownership once they passed quality checks. Despite some scandals regarding poor standards in those checks, Willink's label as a 'Socialist' Conservative for his work alongside Arthur Greenwood and Will Beveridge, who had run under various commissions to establish incorporated cities. Public transport, however, remained a relative backwater when it came to Willink's government, whose domestic focus laid critique at the feet of government that ignoring ethnic clashes in India and waves of sectarian violence in the Tuareg sub-Sahara, where British paratroopers had been deployed multiple times to curb African self-determination, instead preferring to focus on the Foreign Secretary's true project; guided decolonisation.

    Appointed to a relatively irrelevant Bedford MP named Christopher Soames, the Commission on African Independence & Self-Determination (CAISD), or Soames Commission, determined that ongoing tensions between colonial troops and local authorities would boil over into "revolutionary, patch-work coalitions of tribal governments turning upon the administration in fits of rage at the relative inability to police all of Africa", advising that they would either have to draft one million British soldiers and establish garrison forts in the style of the American frontier from the Cape to Cairo, which had become a heart of dissident politics in '52. Self-government at the shortest possible time were to be the keywords of Conservative African policy, though the initially hawkish motivations had somewhat dulled as it became apparent that the Soviets and Americans were too pre-occupied fighting each other in China through proxies to exert significant authority over Africa, leaving it to be a uniquely British project for the time being.

    With Willink's successes in laying down the foundations for 'a national Health Service', the relatively unremarkable man and public servant retired from politics, citing the difficulty of managing the nation and belief that he had made too many enemies to hold the House together in future elections. Instead, hotshot politician Anthony Eden would be the forerunner of Conservative leadership in 1955, pushing aside an elderly Churchill who had sought the nomination, and his son Randolph, who'd been identified as a 'war hero candidate', though the failure of Douglas MacArthur in 1948, who'd try to run as an independent in the hopes to steal away a Democratic v. Republican status quo. Eden's no-nonsense stance against Soviet overseas policy, pushing for a harder line in the Middle-East culminate in the deployment of the Paras into Baghdad as Eden's turn in the chair focuses on combatting communism along the British sphere of influence.

    Facilitating relative stability in the first turnover of African independence as much of the continent transitions with independence starting with the Gold Coast, Libya and Sudan, though the latter two would rapidly be victims of Egyptian aggression in the current day, but the success of the Ghana Project to nurture a socialist movement kept insulated from rampant expansionism held mostly consistent in the so-called 'First Wave', while 1960, covering most of the former French and Belgian colonies, proved to be far more divisive with Nigeria and the Congo dominating diplomatic mishandling as ethnic clashes in the former forced British reconsideration, while the emergence of popular front leader Patrice Lumumba and his open support of the EEC-MAC sponsoring Congolese statehood nigh-risked a 'red outpost' in the very heart of Africa. The knee-jerk, response, predictably, was to sponsor an anti-Lumumba faction, though it would be the natives who acted first.


    Moise Tshombe, governor-turned-President of Katanga, 1960    ​

    ABAKO leader Joseph Kasa-Vubu, with support from local British administrator Stanislaw Mackiewicz, mustered a militia force around the Congolese Conference hall in Leopoldville, making to arrest Lumumba and the MNC leadership to turn them over for communist sympathies, but British hesitation thanks to Eden's mandate of 'sponsored, not interfered', made the messy business of actively engaging against the MNC a dire strait to cross, and Mackiewcz' men from the garrison instead dissolved, allowing Lumumba to retreat to Kindu and establish his own provisional government, while Kasa-Vubu established the DRC in the west, though it'd not be the crowning act. Facing the potential threat of communist insurgency and general instability, Katanga seperated from the wider Congo, being admitted and recognised by the Central African Federation as an applicant, and the Union of South Africa as an independent nation.

    Clashing interests aside, the mineral wealth of Katanga had been a pivotal part of the CAF's reconstruction, and MNC threat to nationalise it threatened domestic business along with potentially spiking further ethnic clashes as had alrerady been demonstrated in the capital. With Tshombe leading a mostly democratic regime in Elisabethville. Thus, within a few short weeks, the Congo Civil War began without much fanfare, though the spark of African nationalism against gentrified British appointee-presidents threatened to validate the so-called Domino Club within the Foreign Office, who'd feared that one red nation would expand into all of them.

    So, what is it like today?
    ​
    Despite fighting off at least one vote of confidence, Eden went on to win the 1960 general election with a generous slide, forming a majority, Tory-exclusive government that finally froze out the last of the Bulterian and Willink alliances, possibly compromising his position at the top, but it ultimately established a stronger cabinet within, as the Eden government continues many of those previous policies, but a growing crisis with the public transport sector, the robust social security measures being locked to south of Birmingham, and increasing tensions with the Irish as British troops are re-deployed back into Belfast at the back of Socialist Party demonstrations raise red flags.

    The feverish pitch of imperial nostalgia is turned into harsh reality as clashes between Egypt, British-backed Iraq, and the nascent Israeli state threatens BP authority over the Iranian government, while the recent pivoting of the American imperial bulk threatens to once more plunge the axis in entire favour towards 'the other' while the recent death of Nye Bevan signalled some reconciliation between the various disparate factions of Labour in prepatory order for the next elections, or, if it comes to it, another vote of new confidence. The Tory gap grows ever-smaller, and a recent by-election for the seat of Bristol South East inaugurating a fresh-faced Tony Benn back into the Labour stronghold over much of central England and a growing gap in Scotland certainly didn't help alleviate those concerns.
    ​



    Suicide in the Trenches
    Siegfried Sassoon
    I knew a simple soldier boy
    Who grinned at life in empty joy,
    Slept soundly through the lonesome dark,
    And whistled early with the lark.

    In winter trenches, cowed and glum,
    With crumps and lice and lack of rum,
    He put a bullet through his brain.
    No one spoke of him again.

    You smug-faced crowds with kindling eye
    Who cheer when soldier lads march by,
    Sneak home and pray you'll never know
    The hell where youth and laughter go.
    ​



    Factions of the Conservative Party—1963
    One-Nation Conservatives, led by Anthony Eden
    Able to marry some social welfare projects with the concept of keeping it within boundaries, this strange hybrid of 'focusing at home' enabled Eden to justify decolonisation without upsetting imperial inclinations and maintaining Queen Elizabeth as the ceremonial head of state for most of British voters.

    Conservative Right
    Right of the One-Nationites, Enoch Powell's recent rise to stardom on the principal that British meddling in African politics contributed to the growing wealth gap and and the continued nationalised industries were only stifling the economy as the state threatened to steer rudderless into a wall.
     
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    Governance and politics​
    India held its first national elections under the Constitution in 1952, where a turnout of over 60% was recorded. The Indian National Congress won an overwhelming majority, and Jawaharlal Nehru began a second term as prime minister. President Prasad was also elected to a second term by the electoral college of the first Parliament of India.

    ​
    Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India. He oversaw India's transition from a colony to a republic, while nurturing a plural, multi-party system. In foreign policy, he took a leading role in the Non-Aligned Movement while projecting India as a regional hegemon in South Asia.

    Nehru administration (1952–1962)
    Nehru can be regarded as the founder of the modern Indian state. Parekh attributes this to the national philosophy Nehru formulated for India. For him, modernisation was the national philosophy, with seven goals: national unity, parliamentary democracy, industrialisation, socialism, development of the scientific temper, and non-alignment. In Parekh's opinion, the philosophy and the policies that resulted from this benefited a large section of society such as public sector workers, industrial houses, and middle and upper peasantry. However, it failed to benefit or satisfy the urban and rural poor, the unemployed and the Hindu fundamentalists. The death of Vallabhbhai Patel in 1950 left Nehru as the sole remaining iconic national leader, and soon the situation became such that Nehru could implement his vision for India without hindrance.

    Nehru implemented economic policies based on import substitution industrialization and advocated a mixed economy where the government-controlled public sector would co-exist with the private sector. He believed the establishment of basic and heavy industry was fundamental to the development and modernization of the Indian economy. The government, therefore, directed investment primarily into key public sector industries—steel, iron, coal, and power—promoting their development with subsidies and protectionist policies.

    Nehru led the Congress to further election victories in 1957. During his tenure, the Indian Parliament passed extensive reforms that increased the legal rights of women in Hindu society, and further legislated against caste discrimination and untouchability. Nehru advocated a strong initiative to enroll India's children to complete primary education, and thousands of schools, colleges and institutions of advanced learning, such as the Indian Institutes of Technology, were founded across the nation. Nehru advocated a socialist model for the economy of India. After India achieved independence, a formal model of planning was adopted, and accordingly the Planning Commission, reporting directly to the Prime Minister, was established in 1950, with Nehru as the chairman. The commission was tasked with formulating Five-Year Plans for economic development which were shaped by the Soviet model based on centralized and integrated national economic programs—no taxation for Indian farmers, minimum wage and benefits for blue-collar workers, and the nationalization of heavy industries such as steel, aviation, shipping, electricity, and mining. Village common lands were seized, and an extensive public works and industrialisation campaign resulted in the construction of major dams, irrigation canals, roads, thermal and hydroelectric power stations, and many more.[citation needed]


    States reorganisation

    Potti Sreeramulu's fast-unto-death, and consequent death for the demand of an Andhra State in 1952 sparked a major re-shaping of the Indian Union. Nehru appointed the States Re-organization Commission, upon whose recommendations the States Reorganization Act was passed in 1956. Old states were dissolved and new states created on the lines of shared linguistic and ethnic demographics. The separation of Kerala and the Telugu-speaking regions of Madras State enabled the creation of an exclusively Tamil-speaking state of Tamil Nadu.

    Development of a multi-party system
    In pre-independence India, the main parties were the Congress and the Muslim League. There were also many other parties such as the Hindu Mahasabha, Justice party, the Akali dal, the Communist party etc. during this period with limited or regional appeal. With the eclipse of the Muslim league due to partition, the Congress party was able to dominate Indian politics during the 1950s.

    Indian National Congress-Swatantra

    On 4 June 1959, shortly after the Nagpur session of the Indian National Congress, C. Rajagopalachari, along with Murari Vaidya of the newly established Forum of Free Enterprise (FFE) and Minoo Masani, a classical liberal and critic of socialist leaning Nehru, announced the formation of the new Swatantra faction at a meeting in Madras. Conceived by disgruntled heads of former princely states such as the Raja of Ramgarh, the Maharaja of Kalahandi and the Maharajadhiraja of Darbhanga, the party was conservative in character. Later, N. G. Ranga, K. M. Munshi, Field Marshal K. M. Cariappa and the Maharaja of Patiala joined the effort. Rajagopalachari, Masani and Ranga also tried but failed to involve Jayaprakash Narayan in the initiative.


    Gayatri Devi, the Maharani of Jaipur and princess of Cooch Behar, was a successful politician in the Swatantra​

    In his short essay "Our Democracy", Rajagopalachari argued the necessity of a right-wing alternative to the Congress: "since ... the Congress Party has swung to the Left, what is wanted is not an ultra or outer-Left , but a strong and articulate Right."[58] Rajagopalachari also said the opposition must: "operate not privately and behind the closed doors of the party meeting, but openly and periodically through the electorate." He outlined the goals of the Swatantra through twenty-one "fundamental principles" in the foundation document. The party stood for equality and opposed government control over the private sector. Rajagopalachari sharply criticised the bureaucracy and coined the term "licence-permit Raj" to describe Nehru's elaborate system of permissions and licences required for an individual to set up a private enterprise. Rajagopalachari's personality became a rallying point for the party.

    Rajagopalachari's efforts to build an center-right front led to a patch-up with his former adversary C. N. Annadurai of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. With the growing government debt and the slower economic growth of the Second Five Year Plan, the Swantantra would be able to sway many Congress supporters that economic and government reforms were needed. In the 1962 Lok Sabha Elections the Congress Party would retain their majority, but the Swantantra would have enough support between them and various center and right leaning parties to elect C. Rajagopalachari as Prime Minister.

    References:
    en.wikipedia.org

    History of India (1947–present) - Wikipedia

    en.wikipedia.org en.wikipedia.org
     


    China Since The Second Sino-Japanese War    ​

    The Republic of China held the claim that it was the largest republic in the world, if by population rather than territory in which case it was exceeded by the Soviet Union. It could not quite claim to be the largest democracy in the world, the honour of which went to India because it held elections. China did have the honour of being the only Leninist inspired non-communist party-state in the world. Over half a billion people resided in the RoC, all under the authority under President Chiang Kai-shek, his long reign showing no sign of stopping any time soon.

    Beneath him the Kuomintang (KMT), or Chinese Nationalist Party, reigned as China's only legal party, head of a united front with two junior partners grafted to it. The China Democratic Socialist Party and Young China Party eked out an existence on the margins, under thumb to the KMT. Together, they had ushered in an era of peace, prosperity, and unprecedented economic growth under its banner. That was the party line and the president's line, and neither liked accounts to the contrary.

    In reality the years following the end of the Second Sino-Japanese War had been extremely troubling for China. The country was wartorn, tens of millions dead and more displaced, entire cities leveled, and dependent on American aid to maintain some sense of stability in those immediate days. Famine and disease outbreaks had unfortunately followed suit, killing millions more.

    In the immediate aftermath of the war the first order of businesses was punishing Japanese collaborators. The execution and life time imprisonment of many of Wang Jingwei's followers, including the man himself, had annihilated an entire wing of the KMT that turned traitor. The Generalissimo was not merciful as the sentences were handed down without much fuss, with only a few spared from the harsh punishment, instead only serving in prison before being released and exiled from the country.

    There would also be no peace in China for many years. The war between the KMT and CCP resumed quickly with the intent of crushing the latter once and for all. The Soviet occupation of Dongbei would provide the communists a safe haven to shelter them and grant them a base of operations to continue the fight. Unfortunately for the KMT, the communists would maintain a degree of popularity with the peasantry for their support of land reform. It wasn't brutal crackdowns that finally won over sections of the peasantry, but the KMT leadership finally caving to implement limited land reform.

    Though Chiang Kai-shek had been ruler of China for many years, he was not its sole architect. His subordinate and close ally Chen Cheng had been the driving force behind a series of land reforms between 1947 to 1951. The keystone of which was turning over land to the tiller and putting strict limits on the rent that landlords could collect from their tenants. It fell short of the collectivization promised, and delivered, by the communists, but it did virtually overnight grant millions of acres of land to tens of millions of peasants. Peasants who then had a vested interest in keeping their land.

    With the barest hint of stability slowly returning to China, American investments and aid would prove vital to quickly rebuild its cities and coastal regions. The falling out between the Western Allies would prove beneficial for China as it became America's only great power ally. The free money and military aid tap had been turned on and China drank its fill, even developing nuclear weapons with help from America. It was all in an effort to contain communism in East Asia, a service which China was more than happy to provide, though it did have its own priorities too.

    In 1950 even as fighting continued in the northeast, Chinese soldiers marched into Tibet. The landlocked autocratic theocracy was quickly brought back into the fold against its will, and peasantry liberated from literal slavery. The prestige of being the unifier of China elevated Chiang Kai-shek nationally even as sections of the international press condemned the unprovoked attack. The Generalissimo would grow a cult of personality to further solidify his rule, placing himself as the direct successor of Sun Yat-sen who had seen the fulfillment of the Father of the Nation's mission. Chiang Kai-Shek's picture hung in classrooms across the country.

    The harsh slap in the face would come from the failed Coup of the Five Generals. The warlord elements of the army had revolted against him, catching the man aware and flatfooted as he was literally dragged from his bed by their soldiers. It was Long Yun that prevented the coup from going further, shutting it down. In the aftermath shaken by the events and convinced of the necessity of some reforms, civilian rule was formally restored. The military governors were disbanded and martial law finally ended after so many years, save for certain regions. Police crackdowns against communists would also continue unabated.

    The subsequent purge had removed any trace of the warlord's supporters, along with sections of the military and party deemed to have questionable ties. The restoration of civilian rule would cement the supremacy of the party over political affairs and President Chiang Kai-shek's rule over China. He was enjoying his third term in office by 1963, though age was catching up to the man. His allies around him had suggested perhaps it was time to retire at the end of his current term, Vice President Chen Cheng chief among them. One man could not rule forever and perhaps it was better to retire while he enjoyed his full cognitive abilities, rather than wither away in office.

    Perhaps Chiang Kai-shek would consider it once Dongbei was under control, however for the time being his rule was unshaken.

    This is his China. His KMT. His Republic.
     
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    Perón and the Proletariat


    "I have not the least doubt that in the twenty-first century the world will be socialist. . . whether it is called populism, socialism, or justicialism."
    ​
    The syndicalist electoral system which allocated half of legislative seats to the trade union representatives of the working class, invariably from the Justicialist-aligned CGT, first debuted in the province of Chaco as a test case and was then spread throughout the provincial legislatures while the military was distracted with the Peruvian war in '56 . For a country that had only a 10% unionization rate in the workforce at the time of the GOU's '43 coup, achieving this sort of transformation in the 1950's was ultimately the result of the UCR's industrial policies following the Great Depression. But the Civic Union's failure to cultivate its middle class base had left it, at the end of its "Infamous Decade" of rule, toppled by the military. The social mobilization of working people from the countryside to the factories in the cities (and the immense European immigration Argentina received from the Depression through and after WWII) handed an unfinished but significant power base to junta Labour minister Colonel Juan Perón.

    This key component of Justicialism exceeded the rural populism of his early radio appearances as a minister responding to natural disasters, and even the sectionalist policies encouraged by his immensely the First Lady after his election to the presidency - granting the vote to the indigenous population and women and encouraging their own political parties to serve as auxiliaries for the Labor (and then Justicialist) Party. While Perón was caudillo balancing all the social classes of Argentina on his shoulders, the strings of the industrial proletariat were expertly pulled by his left hand man, the ex-socialist Ángel Borlenghi. The head of the commercial workers union, Borlenghi had been the driving force behind the Party of Labor in the first place, and did not fit the image of fascist-leaning syndicalist that was the stereotype of most of the Justicialists' ex-left supporters. None the less, his loyalty in the Colonel's first election was wildly rewarded. As Minister for Justice and the Interior, Borlenghi not only controlled the trade unions but the courts, the gendarmes, and the coast guard - the latter two which had previously been the province of the chiefs of staff. For years he stood as the counterforce, the stick Perón could wave at the military inbetween feeding it carrots.

    But handing the man in charge of spying on the opposition control of half of every provincial legislature, more or less, had been a step too far and in the fallout of the '56 war and Social Pact reforms at home, Borlenghi was assassinated by an Italian immigrant. From that point on the President kept the CGT head, Justicialist party chair, and the security ministries in separate hands; dividing power. A consequence of this was that, going into the 60's, not only the President and the First Lady, but also the military and the Social Action arm of the Catholic Church in Argentina exercised influence within those bodies. Evita intervened with the security ministries to provide paternalistic protection to indians, women and homosexuals; the Church stretched its hands into the pockets of the CGT for charitable programs that increased their own influence; and members of the officer core found their way onto the central committee of the Party.

    This hollowing out of the labor movement which had propelled him to power, more than fear of alienating middle class and rural voters, is what kept the President from allowing the Party to consider finally bringing the syndicalist representation system to the National Congress.
     
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    Indian Space Agency​

    Modern space research in India can be traced to the 1920s, when scientist S. K. Mitra conducted a series of experiments sounding the ionosphere through ground-based radio in Kolkata. Later, Indian scientists like C.V. Raman and Meghnad Saha contributed to scientific principles applicable in space sciences. After 1945, important developments were made in coordinated space research in India by two scientists: Vikram Sarabhai, founder of the Physical Research Laboratory at Ahmedabad, and Homi Bhabha, who established the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research in 1945. Initial experiments in space sciences included the study of cosmic radiation, high-altitude and airborne testing, deep underground experimentation at the Kolar mines—one of the deepest mining sites in the world—and studies of the upper atmosphere. These studies were done at research laboratories, universities, and independent locations.

    In 1950, the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) was founded with Bhabha as its secretary. It provided funding for space research throughout India. During this time, tests continued on aspects of meteorology and the Earth's magnetic field, a topic that had been studied in India since the establishment of the Colaba Observatory in 1823. In 1954, the Aryabhatta Research Institute of Observational Sciences (ARIES) was established in the foothills of the Himalayas. The Rangpur Observatory was set up in 1957 at Osmania University, Hyderabad. Space research was further encouraged by the government of India. In 1957, the Soviet Union launched Sputnik 1 and opened up possibilities for the rest of the world to conduct a space launch.

    The Indian Space Agency/भारतीय अंतरिक्ष एजेंसी (ISA) was set up in 1958 by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru on the suggestion of Dr. Vikram Sarabhai. Initially there was no dedicated ministry for the space programme and all activities relating to space technology continued to function within the DAE. Officers were drawn from the Indian Ordnance Factories to harness their knowledge of propellants and advanced light materials used to build rockets. H.G.S. Murthy, an IOFS officer, was appointed the first director of the Thumba Equatorial Rocket Launching Station, where sounding rockets were fired, marking the start of upper atmospheric research in India. An indigenous series of sounding rockets named Rohini was subsequently developed and started undergoing launches from 1959 onwards. Waman Dattatreya Patwardhan, another ISA officer, developed the propellant for the rockets. In 1960, India was got its first satellite Aryabhatta in orbit through a Soviet made rocket.

    References:
    en.wikipedia.org

    ISRO - Wikipedia

    en.wikipedia.org en.wikipedia.org
     

    Mr. Whymper, where art thou?

    "With one part of my mind I thought of the British Raj as an unbreakable tyranny, as something clamped down, in saecula saeculorum, upon the will of prostrate peoples; with another part I thought that the greatest joy in the world would be to drive a bayonet into a Buddhist priest's guts. Feelings like these are the normal by-products of imperialism; ask any Anglo-Indian official, if you can catch him off duty." —Orwell, 1936
    ​
    Nineteen Eight-Four is a satirical fiction and cautionary tale depicting the terminal end to the madness of totalitarianism, unrestricted government influence and regimentation through forms of public self-humiliation, ritualistically done in order to remain unquestioningly loyal to the state, a nebulous entity of bureaucrats and gendarme that control the whim and wake of the daily worker. Hemmed in by a chilly reception at home, the book found itself a monstrously huge intake across the territories of the nascent EEC and as undercurrents of more relative social democracy and liberalism remained mostly unchecked, a fact that Orwell's writings seemingly appealed to and benefitted in black market sales that saw the author gain nothing in return other than some satisfaction that his writings were among the vanguard of breaching Soviet censors. On the other hand, the book flew off shelves in the United States — a nation derided by Orwell as a growing empire — where it found close bedfellows with the literary works of Robert Welch, Dorothy Day, and Charles Kersten. Considered a sensational piece of describing the extreme of Soviet politics, bolstered threefold by the suppression of the German Revolution and entrenched in Sweden, 1984 presented Orwell as a critical opponent of the Soviet Union and her allies with a seemingly intimate knowledge.

    His experiences as a revolutionary against Molaiste Spain mobilized the man to continue despising the various institutions that the Spanish rebels had utilised to take power, while also being harshly critical of the far too lenient line of the republican Government, whose clear objective to cast away Falangist arms had been almost entirely distorted by singular, often self-obsessed efforts to sabotage and derail the efforts of Catalan anarchists and the liberal bourgeois who had allied with them. In frank terms, he'd presented the communists as a force of counter-revolution that distorted the international opinion through papers such as the Daily Worker. One of the major distractions had been rounding up anarchists and giving up territory held by the Popular Front in favour of self-purging, particularly where the People's Army fought the most prevalently, while the more organised, ruthless forces of Mola cruised to easy victories in Bilbao (largely because the international brigades destined for it were bogged down in Valencia and around Madrid, instead) and the decisive engagement at Teruel.

    To some extent, he'd been entirely correct, that inter-party conflict and dispute had hemmed the Catalan front terribly, as POUM and other parties are initially tolerated, then rounded up and jailed for being counter-revolutionary vessels. Critics of Orwell, particularly veterans from the same international brigades that he'd been part of, were quick to point out the easy exaggeration that Orwell played into in portraying the fascist-bourgeois alliance as an unstoppable bulwark, while nitpicking factionalism in the Popular Front as some form of crippling flaw in the entire cause, easily dismissed by the sheer weight of German and Italian (and nominally, French) support for Mola's government, against the Republicans, who'd only had a handful of internationalists and a string of Soviet arms brought only by the mercies of the Turks, who were quick to snap the gates shut when 1937 ended and it became clear that the front's ranks were collapsing.

    Yet, Orwell's pre-war writings tell a stark story of advocating for British Empire despite her faults as an admirable bulwark, perhaps worsened by the inherent racism in the writings of the man before his sudden rise to prominence post-war with Animal Farm and later 1984. The collected essays he'd self-published in whatever broadsheet would take him, described an acute fear of Bolshevism, often, up to 1940, believing that the USSR and German Reich would seek to ally one-another to participate in the totalitarian partition of Europe and Asia, though his work criticising censorship in the Soviet Union which claimed that Germans would grow to love Russian Bolshevism fell flat on it's face.

    The myth of the Russo-German alliance was not unique to Orwell, of course, but of the British press aligned to the left that survived after the war, it was his writings that seemed to always float to the top, particularly denouncing the parties for stepping away from heads-on collision with fascism in order to debate and conduct against them in power politics. In this environment of Chamberlain hand-shaking with Mussolini, Orwell was always quick to point out that the Soviet Union — easy to compare to fascist Italy in this case — held a similar high regard with the Tory opposite in politics, and, through careful management, the BBC allowed for these critiques of the Soviet Union to float to the top.

    Though an unwilling vessel at first, the British press censors and intelligence offices were quick to utilize controlled works of Orwell, essays and later Animal Farm in particular, to describe a miserable partnership between Britain's Left and the USSR that conspired to overthrow the liberal democracy of the United Kingdom. To say nothing of academic purges targeting the expatriate (French, German, Jewish, etc.) community in political circles in the same breath as Bertrand Russell's welcoming of the American hegemon — a tolerated liberal power — found itself sharply curbed in order to produce a more conventional, confrontational Tory-managed propaganda stream often directed by Winston Churchill, whose post-war writings married well with the apparently impossible path of workers taking power from the government of wealthy or controlled party elites. The parliamentarian process of soft, British social democracy a preferable solution to the absolute mandate of communism and party committees that had triumphed in the Russian Revolution.

    This is to say nothing of Nineteen Eighty-Four, the last completed work of Orwell that found itself on top seller lists all across Britain despite all evidence to the contrary, and constantly pushed by the Foreign Office as a dark what-if of Soviet occupation of the Home Islands. Irish separatism had been lumped into the matter leading into the 1960s, with the terrifying concept of Soviet missiles stationed outside Dublin, Athlone or Waterford spun as the death-knoll for the British Empire. Orwell's part in all this remained his sceptical view of a worker-led government based off experiences in Catalonia and his writings on Soviet Russia, which made him a natural partner to the likes of Gaitskell in terms of ideology, who used 1984 and Darkness at Noon as an easy slant in literary clubs to describe a Soviet Union knocked off kilter by growing, but moderately balanced, socialism in France, though the constant threat of a resurgent authoritarianism in Germany and Spain, who pincered the nation of social democracy.

    Works used:
    Arthur Koestler's Darkness at Noon
    George Orwell's 1984
    -- Animal Farm
    -- The Collected Essays
    Aldous Huxley's Brave New World
     

    Turkey has been pretty much out of luck since the end of WW2. It is practically being forced to extremely unprofitable and unpractical neutrality, as it is encircled by the communist powers in both North and West and by the Western Powers in the South, with the only nearby neutral powers being Greece (which hates us due to getting Cyprus in their first communist period, practically under dubious circumstances) and Syria (which we have to frequently send our soldiers to die because they are incapable of killing a bunch of Kurds with weapons). A country that is getting practically neglected by the foreign powers (as both sides have far more important wars to fight, and, at least in the eyes of the Turkish public, there seems to be a consensus among both alliances not to touch Turkey's neutrality, an economy that is practically stagnating, and paranoid public, Turkey was in a bad state of affairs, with the only good thing being that Cyprus returned to motherland... except that Greek Cypriots mass rebelled against us...

    Sigh...

    In this chaotic environment, National Chief İsmet İnönü and CHP would find themselves fighting against each other, with liberal members of the CHP eventually leaving and forming their own party, which would end up winning the 1950 Elections in a landslide, with CHP finding itself with a handful of seats, as DP promised a good economy and a good state of affairs.

    What Turkey got was an economy that continued its stagnation (that was slowly getting weaker and weaker every day), an unruly populace, and an ever-increasing isolation. After barely winning the 1954 elections, DP leadership would turn up their increasingly obvious autocratic tendencies, resulting in a party increasingly suffering from defections, an anti-Greek riot that ended up completely burning a part of İstanbul, and police killing eight protesting university students. It can not get worse, right?

    It did.

    In the 1958 Elections, the DP lost its majority, with no one getting one. Three years of chaos, that included eight more dead bodies, an army that was getting riled up, and an economic crash that was barely prevented by secret cash injections from both the UK and USSR (both sides only noticed that the Turkish government begged for aid from everyone once it was already done and it was in point of no return). In the end, junior officers led by Colonel Talat Aydemir (who managed to wrestle control over Colonel Alparslan Türkeş in a coup inside the coup planners a few days ago over a fight regarding a very frivolous matter) would overthrow the emergency government in power since 1958 (over the heavy objections of the Chief of Staff Cemal Gürsel, who was known for being against army intervening in politics), and declare a state of emergency. This was followed by a new structure given to the state, with Aydemir quickly becoming the President in a vote held by the Transitional Parliament filled with retired officers, intellectuals thinking everyone betrayed Atatürk, gray old statesman of the One Party Era in their gray suits and odd leftists or two who are there largely because they had some direct contact with Aydemir himself. A new constitution was made that made the Republic a semi-presidential republic, with Aydemir choosing Mehmet Avni Doğan, an uncharismatic, experienced, and very old former high-ranking CHP member as his (puppet) Prime Minister. Elections will be held, he and his Security Council say... when necessary reforms are done. No one has an idea what those reforms are.

    Now, after purges on the academy (with the remaining small cadre of academicians and intellectuals being either Orthodox Kemalists or left-wing intellectuals Aydemir developed good relations with), the army (most of the high-level officers are gone, with very few exceptions) and bureaucracy (a fate same as the academy) complete, the necessary reforms may finally begin, and Aydemir might finally build the Turkey of his dream.
     
    Indian-Canadian Trade & Relations Agreement​

    1. The governments of Canada and India agree to an exchange program for university students.
    2. The governments of Canada and India agree to lowered barriers to immigration between their two countries.
    3. The governments of Canada and India agree to joint weapons development projects in the area of aerospace.
    4. The government of India agrees to make Canada a preferential trade partner.
    5. The governments of India and Canada agree to cultural exchanges including but not limited to literature, film, and music.

    [X]Prime Minister John Diefenbaker
    []Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (@Traveller76 )
     
    Indian-Canadian Trade & Relations Agreement​

    1. The governments of Canada and India agree to an exchange program for university students.
    2. The governments of Canada and India agree to lowered barriers to immigration between their two countries.
    3. The governments of Canada and India agree to joint weapons development projects in the area of aerospace.
    4. The government of India agrees to make Canada a preferential trade partner.
    5. The governments of India and Canada agree to cultural exchanges including but not limited to literature, film, and music.

    [X]Prime Minister John Diefenbaker
    [X]Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (@Traveller76 )
     
    Bitter Medicine​

    There would be no Five Year plan starting in 1963, annual plans were to drawn by the Planning Commission during this intervening period. The annual Union Budget of India would be presented on first day of February so that it can be materialized before the beginning of new financial year in April and would be presented by the Finance Minister Morarji Desai. Desai was socially conservative, pro-business, and in favor of free enterprise reforms, as opposed to the previous Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's socialistic policies. Rising in Congress leadership, as a fierce nationalist with anti-corruption leanings, Desai was at odds with Nehru and his allies during the previous Ministries. He was a Gandhian follower, social worker, institution builder and a reformer. Many people both in and outside the Government waited to see how Rajagopalachari and his Swatantra faction were going to strike at what he called the License Raj, the system of strict government control and regulation of the Indian economy that had been establish during the last fifteen years.

    ..amongst the plans was allowing the Reserve Bank of India full autonomy on banking interest rates and devalue the Rupee, allowing it to 'float' on the world currency markets, making exports cheaper but rising the costs of imports. There would be substantial decontrol of imports and rationalization of export subsidies and a reduction in the industrial licensing regime. There would be increased private foreign investment up to 35% of an Indian company, Decontrol of fertilizer production and distribution; the promotion of the private sector and the scaling back of the public sector enterprises. There would also be a complete de-licensing of industries that did not require any imported inputs, machinery or raw material. Finally there would be a caveat for the protection for small and cottage industries.

    Despite attempts by Nehru and leading figures of the Congress to maintain order there would be several outbursts, Nehru himself would appear surprised at the levels of economic reforms, remarking later in private that the Swatantra belonged "the middle ages of lords, castles and zamindars". One anonymous Member of Parliament would call it "Instead of receiving a sweet dish we have received bitter medicine."


    India at Independence

    Refences:
    en.wikipedia.org

    Morarji Desai - Wikipedia

    en.wikipedia.org en.wikipedia.org

    Five-Year Plans of India - Wikipedia

    en.wikipedia.org en.wikipedia.org
    en.wikipedia.org

    Union budget of India - Wikipedia

    en.wikipedia.org en.wikipedia.org
     
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