The Dragon Roars: A KMT Quest

[nachtingale]

Spoiler: Winning Votes

KMT Votes:



Legislative Votes:


***

[X] [QING] Refuse the Request, Keep the Emperor Detained.
[X] [ZHILI] Allow the Expansion to Move Forward.
[X] [BUREAUCRACY] Compromise.
[X] [IRA] Offer their integration.

---

Unity in Action.

"The Revolution will stand united, or fall otherwise."
- Chairman Li's Final Remarks in a Public Address, May 1st, 1914.​

A surprising agreement would be found between the ZRF and the KMT, with neither party seeking to truly antagonize the other. President Sun's personal involvement in the negotiations with Chairman Li would prove particularly fruitful, as beyond the mutual respect between both revolutionaries, neither Lanzhou nor Beijing were not so eager as to disrupt the unity between the political forces within the Republic, at least, not so soon after the devastating war with the Taiping.

On the whole, the KMT internal leadership would find themselves pressured heavily to compromise with the Zhili Republican Front as well, the rank-and-file willing to allow much autonomy to the Zhili provincial government, providing much exemptions to their way of government in exchange for much more positive relations between the province and the central government. Surprisingly, the IRA would accept the offer of direct integration into the NRA as well. Rumors further would persist of a potential fusion of the two parties, though for now, both enjoyed the good-feelings that were to be shared in the interim.

The young NRA officer and instructor, Jiang Jieshi, would, when pressed by KMT officials regarding his vocal support of the integration program, note that his support for the integration of the IRA was under the belief that, "China has no room for co-existence between the socialists and the KMT. We must admit the socialists into our ranks, and convert them, for the San Min Principles will serve as a good melting pot for such."

Of course, the older Tongmenghui revolutionaries would be very displeased with the compromises, even with the reasons given by internal KMT memorandums. Vice President Huang would be very public and vocal in his disagreement with President Sun, saying that, "My impression is that they (the ZRF) are insincere. When I told you, my Elder Brother, that one can trust Li [Dazhao] only 30 percent, I did so only because you, my Elder Brother, believed him so fervently that I dared not upset you completely."

The old Father of the Revolution would be quite insistent on his support for the detente with the ZRF, refusing to buck to the pressure of the old guard until finally they themselves relented, giving in to the rest of the party's demands and allowing the negotiations to be finalized.

[IRA begins integration into the NRA, Will Complete by the End of 1915.]
​

---

​

The refusal of the extradition of the Qing Emperor would be met with disappointment from the Japanese diplomats, and with it, the continuation of the border conflicts between the Fengtian Provinces and the Republic. With the Tokyo government having no real avenues of pressure to place on the Northeastern Warlords, neither Zhang Zuolin nor Wu Peifu would be willing to sit at a table for any sort of resolution to the conflicts in the near-future, instead choosing to continue allowing the problem on the frontier fester further.

With the continued conflict, Republican forces will have to be reinforced consistently on the border to fend off against Fengtian attacks, a considerable strain on the NRA especially...

[???]​

​

---

Capital Construction.

Left: Lanzhou Residents Sleeping in a Local Town Hall. Right: New Shantytowns Built on the Outskirts of Lanzhou.​

The capital of the Republic has been much devastated by the events of the last year, with Taiping shelling having done considerable and widespread damage to the home of the central government and, subsequently, much of her functions as well. Much of the administration's offices have been damaged and destroyed, hampering the work of governing the Republic, with housing and industry suffering equally as well.

In the immediate short-term, those left homeless in the city have turned towards the construction of impromptu shacks in wherever space there was in the area, forming small clusters of new "shantytowns" to find shelter from nature. Public services have been much weakened from the destruction, with electricity spotty at best and water supply slow coming.

Much work is to be done to bring Lanzhou to a resemblance of its former glory. Though government resources remain still sparse, the revival of the capital must be the first priority of the Republic.
​

---

What is to be Done?

Pick ONE Only.

[] [RECONSTRUCTION] Short-Term Reconstruction.

[] [RECONSTRUCTION] Extensive Reconstruction.

Reconstruction must happen, and it must happen now. Effort will be made to meet the immediate needs of the capital first and foremost, with concerns for the future to be placed in a secondary position. This will take far less time and require the fewest resources to accomplish in comparison to other options, satisfying the Lanzhou populace greatly in the meantime, though it may also result in a somewhat poor result.

Rome was not built in a day, and neither can Lanzhou be repaired in a fortnight. Reconstruction of the capital must be pushed forward and enacted through the entirety of the city, from the government sectors to the far edges of the Lanzhou Valley, all will be remolded in the vision of the Republic. This will, naturally, consume much time and resources for the enterprise, but may yield surprising results.​

Pick ONE to focus on during reconstruction.​

[] [FOCUS] Housing	[] [FOCUS] Industry	[] [FOCUS] Government Offices
This will providing the citizenry a place of a residence while reconstruction continues, as well as improving their opinion of our government.	This will allow for the regrowth of the industrial economy of Lanzhou quickly, allowing the central government access to more resources in the future.​	This will help with the reconsolidation of the central government's bureaucracy, improving the speed and efficacy of our reforms both in the present and in the future.​

​

---

A/N: 48 hour moratorium.

 

[nachtingale]

[VOTE INTERRUPTED]

---

Against Tyranny.

Generals Yang Xue and Liu Dai ; Presumed Instigators.​

As the KMT and its adherents continued to pivot further and further to the left, it would only be natural that some of its more right-leaning advocates, both within and without the Party, would begin to feel an increasing sense of frustration against the direction of the party. The first and largest splinters of this would come in the form of the most ardent conservatives of the KMT, figures such as Hu Hanmin, forming the Republican Party as a stalwart of archconservatism within the legislature. Their former KMT ties would serve them well, allowing them to persist as a major force in Republic politics through the fracturing party machines.

They would not be the only ones incensed by the leftward drift of the party, however.

Among those outside of the party, the largest and most vocal of oppositions to the party's new policies would be the merchants and landlords of the Northwest, most especially those not directly linked with the systems of patronage maintained by the Ma Families. Many of these affluent members of society would grow increasingly opposed to government policies, the continued patronage of the Ma by the central government in Lanzhou most especially, but also the growing acceptance of socialist and communist ideologies within the halls of power.

The welcoming of the Zhili Republican Front into the Republic would be seen as the greatest proof of such. In response to this perceived left-wing tilt, many of these merchants and landlords, men mostly, would gather in Lanzhou to form the "Gansu Merchant's Security Corps" in 1912, ostensibly formed to provide collective security and protection for the affluent class and their affairs.

This would not necessarily be an uncommon sight, many other provinces having formed similar guilds and organizations for the expressed purpose of warding off opportunistic bandits or desperate peoples from their property, unpleasant as they may be. As such, little attention would be given to the organization by most of anyone. Indeed, some of its members would even be praised during the war against the Taiping, helping to defend Lanzhou as some 4,000 militiamen would be rather hastily raised from the Corps during the siege.

For a moment, it seemed as though the Security Corps was all that it was said to be, and indeed, some of its members had begun to wane slightly. General Yang Xue, one of the Corps' commanders, would note in his diary that "the flames of opposition have been stymied by war, the Republic is now, once more, truly united." Some of the poorer merchants would begin to cease funding for the Corps, viewing it as unnecessary any more in this new climate of post-war reconstruction.

That view was not to last.

The announcement of the new land reform bill in discussion by the Lanzhou Legislature would greatly incense the organization, the landlords especially, and on the 15th of May, thousands of men would begin to flood the streets of war-torn Lanzhou in opposition to the newly proposed legislation, many armed. Most of them would be militia raised from the Security Corps, many of whom were veterans of the Siege of Lanzhou.

With NRA forces stretched thin, a unit of Academy students and lecturers under Jiang Jieshi (again), and a regiment of the 10th Division under Colonel He Yingqin have been hastily gathered so far been able to keep the protestors from moving any further towards the legislative house. The mood is tense, however, with both sides armed and ready for a confrontation, if necessary.

Sun Yat-Sen is currently returning from Beijing. He will not be in Lanzhou for at least another week.

With no other immediate recourse, Chief Instructor Jiang has turned to the legislature for further orders.
​

---

What is to be Done?

Pick ONE only.

[] Disperse the Protests with Force.	[] Meet with the Protest Leaders.	[] Send Vice President Huang to Negotiate.	[] Stall.
Though it may be difficult, we may be able to rally what few NRA troops we current have within Lanzhou to pushback and rout the disorganized mob of protestors. It will be very bloody however, and may reflect poorly on our reputation in the future.	Perhaps the protestors can be reasoned with? We do not know exactly what they want as of yet, but meeting with the protestors may be able to cool some of the persistent tensions between us and the mob.	Though President Sun may not be available for negotiations, the Vice President is still currently available as a representative for the government. He may be able to return with a resolution for the Republic, but in his own manner.	We may be able to stall the protestors through false promises and slowballing negotiations, allowing for other actions to be considered in the meantime. This may, however, result in unpredictable responses from the protestors in the meantime.

---

Pick ONE Faction.

[] KMT - Mainline
[] KMT - Revolutionary Group
[] KMT - Independents

---

A/N: Surprise vote, will last for 48 hours only. Once this crisis is resolved, the Lanzhou vote will return.

 

[nachtingale]

Spoiler: Winning Votes

[X] Stall.

---

Pivot.

Dancing around flames, the oil moves closer...​

With the large crowd of armed protestors gathering menacingly in front of the legislature, deliberation would have to done regarding the KMT's response to the sudden event, one that would be quite contentious between the differing delegates of the Party. Many amongst the Party delegation would advocate for the arrangement of an immediate meeting with the protestors, hopefully soothing tensions and reaching a compromise before any rash action may be taken by either party.

Many more of the delegates would oppose this measure, however, unwilling to see the death of the land reform bill and seeing little reason to negotiate with such a minority of dissenters. However, they would not immediately order the suppression of the protests, with government forces not exactly in the most securest of positions and thus in risk of being overrun in such a scenario. Instead, they would go the way of the moderate delegates, for now, meeting with the protestors to ascertain their actual demands.

For the part of the protest leaders, many of whom derived their positions from their wealth, property, or both, their demands would be plain cut and dry. At minimum, the protestors would demand a moderation of the land reform bill in favor of one not too dissimilar to Song Jiaoren's previous proposal of voluntary land nationalization and compensated expropriation, something which has raised some eyebrows towards the party whip in question. Attempts by NBIS to infiltrate and ascertain the general mood of the protestors have come up with little as well, most having consisted of hirelings of the Security Corps, with a small section of genuine discontent towards government overreach.

They would not be the only third party involved in the events, however, as the Republican Party's own legislative delegates would come out in vocal support of the protests and their demands during KMT deliberations, calling on the KMT to "stop with the needless demonstration of state violence" and to "allow the people to speak and govern for themselves". Some Republican delegates would even be spotted joining the protestors, with Hu Hanmin personally shaking hands with several prominent landlords in congratulation of their "valiant effort to protect Republican values".

With the protestors' demands laid out, how shall the Party respond?
​

[] [DEMAND] Accept their Demands.	[] [DEMAND] Lie.	[] [DEMAND] Reject their Demands.
Though the demands of the protestors may be somewhat anathema to already-established Party policy, compromising with the protestors may serve to calm down tensions within the Republic for the time being. This will, of course, set the Party down the path of moderate land reform, the results of which shall be covered at the end of this turn.​	We may be able to get away with the practice of a long-used artform known as, lying. By promising to moderate the bill right now, we can simply pivot back to the original legislature to be voted on. This will, however, in addition to hampering the Party's diplomatic reputation, also have extremely unpredictable reactions by the conservative factions.​	We certainly will not negotiate with protestors threatening us with the use of arms if their demands are not met. Rejection of their terms outright will almost certainly be cause for violence between the protestors and government forces, amplified by the Republican Party's support for the opposition in this case.​
The Party Leadership is in support of this. KMT Mainline Votes count for 1.4 votes.	N/A​	N/A​

With the delay afforded by our stalling, we may be able to call upon additional avenues of addressing the current issue. However, with the Republican Party so vocally pressuring the government, the time granted to us has been shortened significantly.

As such, only ONE of the following may be selected as an additional means of dealing with the crisis.
​

---

[] [SUPPORT] Call on President Sun.
The President's long-awaited return to Lanzhou from the fruitful Beijing Conference is now coming, and we may be able to leverage this against the protestors. The President's popularity, still currently buoyed by his own reputation and as a result of the Taiping War, will be able to easily squash the dissenters. However, by having the President deal with the protests in his own fashion, it will certainly further strengthen the de facto authority of the executive, and the resolution may not be pleasing to the Party at-large.

[] [SUPPORT] Gather More Troops.
We may be able to strengthen our own position by calling on the recently integrated troops of the IRA and further NRA units to gather in Lanzhou and to secure the government's strength against the protestors. This may certainly cow to more moderate elements into non-confrontation or the acceptance of Party demands with minimal violence, though this is not that certain. This will, however, assuredly guarantee a successful suppression of any potential revolt if the protests do turn violent.
​

---

Pick ONE Faction.

[] KMT - Mainline
[] KMT - Revolutionary Group
[] KMT - Independents

---

A/N: With the stall option, you have a 24 hour moratorium before we enter voting.

 

[nachtingale]

Spoiler: Winning Votes

[X] [DEMAND] Reject their Demands.
[X] [SUPPORT] Gather More Troops.

---

Slithering Away.

Top: Chief Instructor Jiang Jieshi and the Class of '14 on the front steps of the Legislative Yuan. His stand here would become infamous in years to come.
Bottom: Members of the 10th Division Preparing for Violence. It would not come.
​

By the end of May, it had become especially clear to both sides that negotiations between the government and the Security Corps would not prove fruitful in any meaningful capacity. The KMT legislature would be quite clear on their own internal stance on the matter, that there would be no negotiation, nor any compromise with the protestors.

It would be the government's way, or no way at all.

Many within the legislature would resist from giving any clear answers for the protestors that would prove concrete for their aims, obfuscating and delaying as best as they could while the government called on further reinforcements against the fairly armed and well-trained men of the Security Corps. Many of these reinforcements would be called in from the new IRA command troops, with even some units dragged away from the Mongolian border to deal with the capital disturbance, all arriving in Lanzhou by the tail-end of the stalled negotiations with the Security Corps and their bourgeois patrons.

Amusingly, the Republican Party and their blatant support for the protestors would quiet down significantly when government troops began arriving in force, very much clued in on what exactly was happening. Hu Hanmin's rather blasé rhetoric would be replaced instead with calls for calm and peace, no longer pressing the government for a response to their demands.

Meanwhile, Jiang Jieshi and his cohort of officers would be busy coordinating defenses and barricades with troops as they flowed into the capital, expecting the need for violence to clear out the armed protestors once the announcement that their demands would be rejected was made clear. Nearly 40,000 soldiers of the NRA would be assembled, ready to repel such an attack against the Lanzhou government.

Thankfully, they would not be needed.

The leaders of the Security Corps, perhaps coming to the realization that the situation was not developing in their favour, would gradually disperse their own organized protests. For all their bluster, they did not seem to be willing to spill blood at this time, leaving the stragglers of the truly discontented to hold the line on their own. With time, they too would move on, the government's apathy to their concerns clear as day for all to see.

The Legislative Yuan can sigh a breath of relief, for the crisis seems to have passed without spiraling any further.

[Crisis Resolved…]​

---

ZRF Official Announcing the Land Reform of 1914 to a Jubilant Crowd of Villagers.
​

With the Crisis past, the Legislature could finally begin voting on the land reform bill, with it passing with an overwhelming majority due to support from the Zhili Republican Front. The Republican Party would, as usual, continue to denounce the reform as far too destabilizing for the Republic to deal with, though that would be rapidly silenced by President Sun's extremely vocal approval for the legislation, heralding it as the "first step in dismantling Qing and Taiping feudalism".

The reform's passing would not mean an end to the resistance towards the radical proposal, however, as already the party's leadership would begin organizing silent opposition to the extreme measures of the bill within the government's bureaucracy. It would not be overtly obvious, but the land reform would face major obstacles from the beginning, with many KMT party members in the government directed to refuse cooperation with ZRF officials, or slowing down potential progress that could be had in the meantime.

The beginnings of the fruits of the land reform would begin to show themselves most notably in Zhili province, where the provincial government would be particularly zealous in their execution of the land reform.

Resistant landowners and the landed gentry would find themselves quickly outmaneuvered, large estates broken up into single-family holdings either by edict or gunpoint, no longer tethered by judiciary conservatism. Many of the urbanites of Beijing and Tianjin, the great unemployed masses, would find themselves packing up back to their hometown villages, the allure of free land too good to pass up as many picked up the hoe and plough yet again.

It was truly, a revolution.

[Land Reform Completed by ???.]
[Zhili Agriculture Increases by 80 per turn until ???.]
​

---

A/N: Bit of a short one, hope y'all enjoyed this little crisis.

 

[nachtingale]

---

Revolutionary Optimism.

"Workers of the World, Unite!"
- Slogan of the All-Chinese Trade Union Congress.
​

The continued consolidation and strengthening of the socialist movements within the Republic had produced many dissenting opinions within the Party, in equal amounts offering opposition or support of left-wing ideals and policies. Depending on where or who you asked, socialism was either the next step of the Republic's evolution into a liberator of the Chinese peoples, or the herald of yet another era of disaster and chaos. The Party leadership in particular would continue to tow a steady line towards the latter position, the idea of the Party of the Revolution consigned to the ashbin of history by some two-bit newcomer absurd to the old Tongmenghui Clique.

For others in the government, however, the usual cries of counterrevolution would fall on more… muted ears.

Chiefly, NBIS would pounce on the chance at cooperation with the Zhili trade unionists, seeing it as a chance to further ingratiate their intelligence operations with the labor movement even further. Though the rural populations still very much outpaced the nascent industrial towns of Zhili, the outsized influence of the trade unions in the ZRF itself meant that they commanded quite a large political edge to them, something which would be put to great use by Director Chen's personal ingratiation with the labor movement.

Since the very foundation of the National Bureau, attempts had been made to forge closer links with the trade unionists outside of the Republic's borders. The Republic was eager to utilize these organizations to its own benefit, promoting national unification under Republican auspices through the well-connected worker unions of the industrial cities of Eastern and Central China.

These attempts would be squandered initially by the far more aggressively militant labor unions of the Xin Han, opposing the Republic's pleading for a more methodical build-up of the revolutionary labor movement and denouncing it as "cowardly social-democratism". This was also not helped by the largely decentralized structure of the labor unions in the Xin Han, with laws restricting membership resulting in inter-union competition for manpower and funding.

The revolutionary fervor of the Xin Han trade unions would, however, ultimately culminate in a wave of strikes in 1910 throughout the Anglo-Canadian backed regime in Nanjing. Beginning as a textile mill strike in rural Jiangsu, solidarity strikes would rapidly sweep the nation to demand change, though whether that change came in the form of reform or revolution was hotly debated between the cooperating unions.

The disorganized nature of the movement would ultimately culminate with the failure of the general strike, with workers forced back into their workplaces, either by the gunpoint of troops under Premier Duan Qirui, or through weak-willed contracts that were done away with once it was clear the revolutionary fervor had died down. Indeed, membership in general would see a slump, with many seeing clearly what the general strike as it was.

A failure.

The Republic would, however, see this as their own opportunity to settle themselves back into the conversations surrounding trade unionism in the Xin Han, with the newly formed NBIS coordinating closely with pro-Republican trade unionists within the Xin Han and the ZRF to re-establish the Lanzhou government's control over the labor movement. Director Chen's connections with the labor movement would prove to be a boon, supplementing the loss of criminal relations in exchange for a stronger hand with the faces of the labor movement, many of whom constituted a very young demographic of western-educated intellectuals who were, ironically, encouraged by the Nanjing government to study abroad.

It was slow-going, but the slump in trade union activism and militancy would be a double-edged sword for NBIS, as while attention from the Nanjing government would be little to non-existent, the same could be said for enthusiasm for the trade unions to involve themselves in any actions that were not strictly economical in nature first.​

Labor Militancy would be Reinvigorated by Newcomers from the West…​

The West China War would do much to change that calculus, as usual.

The integration of several major industrial centers along the Yangtze River, formerly de-facto administered by the British authorities, then warlords sympathetic to the Taiping, would prove to be a significant boon to the Nanjing government. Wuhan and Changsha were both powerhouses in their own rights, the great manufactories of the two cities providing ever higher revenue streams for the warlords to engorge themselves on and further enrich their soldiers.

Though, this too would be a source of immense frustration to Premier Duan's Anhui Clique, as provincial warlord-governors would use these funds to further expand their own private armies and personal fortunes, clashing with bordering provinces and forcing the Nanjing government to have to constantly intervene in interprovincial spats.

Furthermore, and more importantly to NBIS, it would provide the internal Xin Han labor movement with a fresh injection of militant laborites.

The Taiping labor movement had always been forced underground since its very inception, fostering a great deal of animosity and radicalism amongst the labor movements there. The Heavenly Kings had made clear their disdain for any sort of modernist movement, and even Hong Xiuquan II's far-too-late efforts to modernize the state could not have salvaged it, as organizers would be persecuted without end.

The idea of a congress of Chinese trade unions had been floated around since the early 1890s, though shot down by mutual animosity between the southern and northern trade unionists then. The first stirrings of a renewed movement for it would come from agreements forged between the textile unions of the Taiping, spearheaded by Deng Zhongxia of the Changsha Textiles Union, forming a "United Front of Textile Workers Against Capital" in early 1913.

This effort would soon rapidly grow within the underground Taiping labor movement, with Anarchists, Marxists and Republican trade unionists alike united in opposition to the Taiping, providing devastating results against the Chengdu government. Though unreported then, post-war studies would reveal that major strike actions had done much to cripple the Taiping war effort, militant unions unceasing in their demands for peace.

With the introduction of these revolutionary unions into the Xin Han ecosystem, it was only inevitable that a major paradigm shift was to occur with the far laxer labor restrictions issued by the Nanjing government. Egged on by NBIS operatives, a fully fledged campaign to centralize and unify the disparate unions into a singular trade federation would be undertaken. One Hunan unionizer would summarize the great happenings within the Xin Han Labor Movement by the beginning of 1914 as thusly,

"The decay of society and the decadence of the nation cannot be overthrown and clarified unless they are uprooted with great efforts... This kind of responsibility is the responsibility of the people of the whole country, not the responsibility of a few bureaucrats, politicians and military personnel... Hunan affairs should be decided by all the people of Hunan, Han Empire (Xin Han) affairs by all the people of the Han Empire, and Chinese affairs by all the people of China!"​

The First Meeting of the All-Chinese Trade Union Congress, Grand Indeed…​

By November 12th, 1914, hundreds of union delegates would gather in a small theatre on the outskirts of Hefei, summoned either voluntarily or otherwise to the event from all over China (save for the trade unionists delegates from Manchuria, though a handful would show up as representative as well), declaring the establishment of the All-Chinese Trade Union Congress (ACTUC), not too dissimilar to the one that exists now in the UPU. Hundreds of thousands of union members would overnight be joined together into one singular Congress, strengthening the labor movement immensely.

However, the stated goals of the Congress would be far more muted than its emulated counterpart. Within the founding document, little would be given to the revolutionary creed of the trade unions, instead focusing on the incrementalist demands of the "eight-hour workday" and the fulfillment of "sustainable living wages". Token concessions would be made towards the fulfillment of "the ideals of Sun Yat-Sen and Socialism", but these would be seen as empty platitudes.

This, a result of the more conservative eastern trade unions, would infuriate the western radicals to no end, though their outnumbered ranks could do little more but be outvoted when the topic of revolution was brought up near a dozen times. The Wuhan delegation would leave early, incensed by the moderation of the eastern trade unions, but would not ultimately declare a formal withdrawal from the ACTUC.

It would seem, however, that infighting will continue to persist, but for now, China celebrates.​

这是最后的斗争团结起来到明天
英特纳雄耐尔就一定要实现.

---

Foreign News, Far and Wide.

Iberian Peninsula Descends into Chaos; Conference of Paris Split on Who to Support.

• February 18th, 1914 ; Madrid Express.

Japanese Government Finalizes Demobilization; Agrees to Progressive Laws from JSP Delegates.

• April 25th, 1914 ; Asashi Shimbun.

British Intervention in Russian Revolution Confirmed; Tsar Nicholas Flees St Petersburg!

• May 1st, 1914 ; Justice.

Surprise Reichstag Election over Russian Issue Sees SPD Catapulted into Unstable Majority; Conservatives and Liberals Alike Stunned.

• December 1st, 1914 ; Berliner Tageblatt.

Disturbances Reported in French Colonial Possessions in the Far East; Governor Joost Assures Paris 'All is Well.'

• December 25th, 1914 ; Le Petit Journal.

---

A/N: Hope y'all enjoy this little aside.

 

[nachtingale]

Spoiler: Winning Votes

[X] [RECONSTRUCTION] Short-Term Reconstruction.
[X] [FOCUS] Government Offices

---

A Peace and A Prosperity.

Two Laborers in Lanzhou, Wearing their Looted Taiping Apparels; It would be the only decent clothing for some time...
​

The swift resolution of the Lanzhou crisis had indeed halted government activity for a period of time, having directed most governmental attention towards the protestors and the Security Corps in particular. Questions would be raised as to whether or not these so-called "security companies", or as some of those in the Party and the NRA especially would themselves call "traitorous bandits, thieves and private militias", should be allowed to continue their weaselly existence under Lanzhou's thumb, or be snuffed out completely.

The panic it had garnered amongst the Party would, however, would be but a temporary distraction in the end. Thankfully, with the legislative session already nearing its end for the year, the crisis had only temporarily belayed discussions regarding the much more benign-sounding topic of Lanzhou's restoration. Few would expect much to truly come out of this part of the annual agenda, having only given it a cursory look through as the more contentious portions of the year's agenda had been wrapped up.

Indeed, even Song Jiaoren and Wang appeared dismissive of it, the former viewing it as "not worth haggling over" and Wang especially merely writing on another opportunity to demonstrate the "spontaneity and discipline of the Party's organic democratic centralism."

To the woe of a few, it was not to be.

Concern would be had over the continued surge of Zhili economic dominance, as the province seems poised to eclipse most of the rest of the Republic by at least an order of magnitude. With Lanzhou's nascent industry smothered in its crib by the Taiping bombardments over the course of the siege, and little other areas of recourse to fall back on, the central government would naturally have to rely increasingly on the generosity of the provincial government to provide the bulk of the Republic's revenue.

This was a worry that was common amongst the party leadership, but some within the commons would voice this same concern as well, most especially the proponents of the nascent democratic centralist theory growing within the Republic, who would begin increasingly to lobby for the immediate rebuilding of the industrial capacity of Lanzhou itself. There was also the rather vocal minority that would demand a greater reconstruction effort be devoted to the Republic's capital, but both proposals would be shot down in favor of a rapid rebuilding of Lanzhou and with a focus on rebuilding government services first and foremost.
​

An informal meeting of the national KMT representatives;
This would become a common occurrence with the increasingly consultative nature of internal KMT voting.​

The surprising break between the strongest advocates of the movement with their very own system over the Lanzhou matter would see the concept ridiculed by the party leadership again, commenting in the Party newspaper that, "it should be clear, that the Party's purpose continues to be the education of the people, for only then can they have this democracy that they so wish to exercise over the Three Principles."

The reception amongst the public would too be... mixed at best, most notably amongst the Lanzhou population. The siege had seen the capital's population become far more united than it had ever been, and that spirit would indeed still be buoyed on some part by the central government's promise of an immediate and prompt rebuilding and renovation of the capital to the pre-war standards enjoyed by the Republic's citizens then. The announcement of the government's plans to rebuild the offices of the Republic, whilst they still lived in shacks, would prompt some to wonder and ponder...

In the meantime, with little economic promise granted by the central government, many would turn to what few institutions and economic hubs remained still. ZRF organizations in the capital were still few and far between, and highly mistrusted by the Northwestern inhabitants of the city. Ironically, they would turn towards the Gansu Merchants' Association for work, many directed towards highly unfavorable contracts or the Security Corps itself, strengthening the organization considerably.

But at least the bureaucrats were happy...?

[Lanzhou Reconstruction Complete by Turn 9 or 10.]
[All Governmental Actions in Progress Complete One Turn Earlier.]
​

---

Minor News

"Shanxi Minister H.H. Kung Makes Waves with Xin Han Mining Agreement; Rumors of Bribery Unfounded."

• October 15th, 1914 ; Taiyuan Periodical.

"RCA Cadres Formally Declare Split with ZRF; Renamed the Communist Party of China Amidst Revisionist Spat."

• November 1st, 1914 ; North China Daily News.

"Chairman Li Declares Formation of the Chinese Communist Party in Response to CPC Split; Promises Continued Cooperation with Nationalist Government Against 'Radical Actors'! "

• November 3rd, 1914 ; Tianjin Daily News.

"First All-Chinese Film Production to Make Debut in Nanjing Theatre; Premier Duan Expected to Attend."

• December 25th, 1914 ; The Shanghai International Journal.

---

A/N: What a year, huh?

 

[nachtingale]

---

Favorable Winds.

​

The results of the 1914 elections would be surprisingly favorable to the KMT at large, though this would not be for lack of trying by the opposition parties of this period. Far fewer would be the angry recalls of the end of the Taiping conflict, now mostly content with the fact that peace was at hand in the Republic's territories. The extraordinary demands of the people of yesteryear would once more return to the more distinctly mundane, as politicians, both local and national, found themselves face to face once more with the clamoring masses of China to deal with.

However, that would not mean that the memories of 1913 did not persist in the consciousness of the people.

With the newly instituted land reforms far from having begun sinking their teeth into the support base of the Republican Party, they would continue to gain seats from the rest of the political spectrum quite methodically with their advocacy for a 'tempered revolution' and 'good governance', something that seemed, for now at least, somewhat lacking from the KMT with its' limited immediate progress as of yet. Furthermore, the lack of demobilization of the largely conscripted troops would continue to eat into party support, many enticed to support opposition parties and their own proposals to end the 'internal occupation'.

All of this combined would lead the Party perilously close to losing their outright majority, the KMT escaping 1914 with 300 seats.

The sudden fracturing of the Zhili Republican Front causing chaos amongst their political machines would also see the Republicans gain a very small foothold in Hebei (Zhili Province had been renamed to Hebei Province during the elections) in cooperation with rightist KMT members in the province. Some of the more conciliatory factions of the ZRF would fully pivot towards the KMT during the chaos, though the majority were still firmly attached towards the new CCP.

Internally, the KMT itself would see a slow change in the internal factions, with Wang's land reform proposal weakening Song's position within the Party. This would not mean the end of the party whip's control over the KMT, however, merely a setback for the center's control over the KMT, as the Revolutionary Group would begin to see gradual support from the party organs, all the while Chen's independents continued to stand on the sidelines, content to let the two duke it out.

[KMT-Mainline Loses 5 Seats.]
[KMT-RevGroup Loses 8 Seats.]
[ZRF-Conciliators Lose 4 Seats.]
[RP Gains 15 Seats.]
[ZRF/CCP Gains 2 Seats.]

[KMT-Mainline Loses 45 Seats to KMT-RevGroup.]
​

---

A/N: 1914 is finally done, next post will be moving straight into 1915.​

 

[nachtingale]

The Republic of China in 1915

***

The National Situation is Chaotic.
The Stability of the State is Below-Average.
The Internal Legitimacy of the Republic is Average but Worsening.
The Foreign Legitimacy of the Republic is Below-Average but Improving.
Food Security is Above-Average.
The Economic Situation is Questionable but Improving.

Spoiler: Slightly More In-depth Economic Analysis

Italics Indicates Decline. Bold Indicates Improvement.

Economic Output: Low
Economic Growth: Low
Economic Activity: Agriculture (Massive), Light Industry (Minimal), Heavy Industry (Low), Finance (Minimal), Services (Low), Trade (Low)
Major Industrial Capacity Distribution: Beijing (50%), Tianjin (24%), Chongqing (12%), Xi'an (7%), Lanzhou (7%)

German Railway Project: Complete by 1915.
Russian Xinjiang Railway Project: Complete by 1918.

Spoiler: Army Statistics

Italics Indicates Decline. Bold Indicates Improvement.

Standing Forces (Experience / Equipment Quality / Moral):
265k NRA (Veteran / Standard / High)
80k IRA (Battle-Hardened / Standard / Good)
25k Ma Clique (Standard / Aged / Average)
50k Northern Warlords' Forces (Standard / Outdated / Low)
80k Liu Xiang's Army (Standard / Standard / Average)

There are currently 140k reservists. All have been mobilized.

The Ma Families are Content.
The ZRF is Supportive.
The Northern Warlords are Content.
The Army is Loyal.
The Legislative Yuan is Stable.

Spoiler: Factions of the Legislative Yuan

Parties/Factions	Members of the Legislative Yuan	Public Opinion	Opinion of Sun Yat-Sen	Opinion of KMT
KMT - Mainline	156 Members	Neutral	Happy	Natural Party of the Republic (With Me in Charge!)
KMT - Revolutionary Group	117 Members	Liked	Happy	Natural Party of the Republic (With Me in Charge!)
KMT - Independents	31 Members	Neutral	Happy	Natural Party of the Republic (With Me in Charge!)
Chinese Communist Party - Conciliators	26 members	Liked	Likes	Trusts to Govern
Chinese Communist Party - Moderates	94 Members	Loved	Lukewarm	Natural Allies
Communist Party of China	50 Members	Liked	Apathetic	Splitters and Revisionists
Republican Party	122 Members	Neutral	Likes	Rootless Cosmopolitans/Misguided Nationalists

Sun Yat-Sen's Health is Good.

***

The men from Huize and Haifeng raise the red and blue.

Leftist infighting.

***

Spoiler: Reforms In-Progress

[First Wave of Reservists Completed by the End of Turn 9.]
[IRA begins integration into the NRA, Will Complete by the End of 1915.]
Emancipation: [Completed by Turn 8]
Bureaucracy Reform: [Completed by Turn 10]
Lanzhou Reconstruction: [Complete by Turn 9 or 10.]
Sichuan Bureaucracy: [Completed by Turn 9]
Guizhou Bureaucracy: [Completed by Turn 11]
Land Reform: [Completed by ???.]

[Pick 2] (Additional Options will appear after this vote.)

Spoiler: Options In-Development

These are options that are currently being developed on based on votes from previous turns.

[3 Turns Left] [Elections!] What is a Republic without democratic elections? Though it may take much time for such an event to be organized, and likely take away valuable resources that we must needs afford for other national projects, we must surely commit to the ideals of the Revolution set forth by the Tongmenghui and Kuomintang's proclamations. But there remains much to be asked, who is eligible? What system should we look towards? Oh the many questions for a young Republic...

[] [Conscription] A national conscription law has already been passed. However, changing it may be beneficial in case of seeking more economic prosperity or to intensify military activities.

[] [Espionage] For Directorship Reappointments, should the current Director prove unsatisfactory to the Legislative Yuan or should they be incapacitated in some manner.

[] [The Economic Situation] Whilst industrial developments continue apace, we may choose to change our focus at any time, though this may not be advised for the sake of internal coherency.

[] [Land Reform] The matter of land reform continues apace, and it will take a considerable amount of time to see the fruits of its labor, taxing the government greatly. We could consider readdressing this matter for a slowdown.

[] [Reconstruction] Reconstruction continues, though there may be consideration for an early end to the process, or a devolution of authority, given the central government's stretched resources.​

-[] Sichuan
-[] Guizhou

[] [Lanzhou] The capital of the Republic has seen extensive damage done to it as a result of the West China War. Extensive work must be done to restore it to its former glory, should it continue to serve as the center for the Republic's government. A continued effort to ensure its' rebuilding is hastened can be considered.

[] [Foreign Diplomacy] Our foreign missions are in the midst of establishing themselves currently, and expansion will require significant effort from the government at this time.​

[] [Capital] Lanzhou is destroyed, it will remain destroyed for some time yet. Perhaps now, with a fresh start, moving the Republic's center elsewhere could be considered a viable path to recovery...

[] [Chinese Diplomacy] As the Chinese political situation slowly develops, perhaps we should change our thinking and policies moving forward when it comes to dealing with our fellow Chinese peoples. The need for a new diplomatic tract for the post-WCW situation in China has also been suggested as a chance to reassess our priorities with our diplomatic corps in the surrounding regions of the Republic.

[] [Demobilization] The vast mobilization of the Republic's citizenry has proven to be a boon during wartime, providing ample resistance to any would-be invaders of the revolutionary project. However, fields lay unharvested, factories cry out for their workers, the short war has brought much woe to the Republic, and much work is needed to bring the Republic's men and women home from it.

[] [Education] The backbone of any successful state, teaching our next generation must be a priority to ensure the continued rapid development of more intellectual modes of production and development. However, this will necessarily require an enormous effort and much time for the results of any policy to come to fruition, and as such must be dealt with deftly.

[] [Fengtian] The Northeastern Frontier continues to be an issue for the Republic, with our constant need to pour resources into the endless pit of border raids and skirmishes against Mukden's aggressive positioning proving a toll on the Republic's forces alongside our nascent industries. We must find a way to resolve the issue, one way or the other.

[] [Integration] With the integration of several provinces into the Republic, considerable resources must be directed towards the new provinces to ensure that the integration of it's systems and bureaucratic mechanisms to align generally with Lanzhou's policies goes smoothly. Naturally, this will be quite a process. (May Vote Twice to Signify Increased Effort)​

-[] Sichuan
-[] Shaanxi
-[] Guizhou

[] [KMT] The internal mechanisms of the KMT have remained as rigid as they ever have, with the party leadership and membership in a constant struggle for dominance over one another. If the party is to survive, we must afford ourselves to be a little more... flexible.

[] [Labor] The struggle of labor continues in China, with those chanting the classic slogan of "Eight hours' labor, Eight hours' recreation, Eight hours' rest" seeking a response from the government for their maladies. Much work is to be done for the Republic to progress on this front, though it is certainly a popular issue of the day.​

[] [Ma Power] The Ma families is the only roadblock that currently stands in front of Lanzhou's ambitions for centralized authority, taking away valuable state resources and revenue for their own personal gain as the de-facto rulers of Qinghai province and it's surrounding regions. Though appeased for now, they must be dealt with hastily and swiftly, less trouble continue to plague the area.

[] [Military] Standardization and reorganization requires extensive effort to pull off in the best of times, and certainly the Republic cannot count on itself to be in the most stable of positions to enact such a broad sweeping change of it's militaries. As it hosts not only it's formal NRA divisions, but also those of other warlords and even constituent provinces. Efforts in this direction will surely stir great feelings of displeasure for all parties involved.

[] [NRA] The threat the NRA continues to pose for the Republic's democracy continues to be painfully felt, their presence made known with every failure the legislature creates. For all that is admired of their revolutionary zeal, their tendency to lean on their more authoritarian nature suggests a larger, more systemic issue that shall need to be redressed, less it strangle the Republic in its crib. This will face massive resistance from the NRA, naturally.

[] [Our Opposition] It is no secret to many within the Party, that those who stand outside of its organizations wish to see it toppled in favor of their own ideologies and parties in turn. As those in overwhelming control of the strings of power within the government, we may consider certain means to weaken or outright destroy those who stand in the way of the KMT's vision.
-[] Liu Xiang's Clique
-[] Feng Yuxiang's Clique
-[] Yan Xishan's Clique
-[] The Republican Party
-[] The Communists

[] [Succession] The Republic has always relied on President Sun to provide a sense of stability for the Party's rule. However, the Doctor is but mortal as well, and preparations must be made to address who shall succeed the Father of the Revolution should it come to pass that the Presidential Office is... vacated.

[] [The Opium Trade] The worst epidemic to plague the national people, we should endeavor to do all that we can to deal with this problem immediately, less it plague us further. This will require an immense amount of effort no matter what we choose to do, but will no doubt be fruitful in the end, regardless of our choice.​

---

Pick ONE Faction.

[] KMT - Mainline
[] KMT - Revolutionary Group
[] KMT - Independents
[NPC] Republican Party (Favors: [Demobilization], [Land Reform])
[NPC] Chinese Communist Party (Favors: [Demobilization], [Labor], [Fengtian])
[NPC] Communist Party of China (Favors: [Demobilization], [Labor], [Chinese Diplomacy])

---

A/N: A slight modification on the action limit, any actions that receive supermajority support from the legislature will count as a free action, though this is limited to 5 total actions for any given turn.

48 hour moratorium, go nuts.

 

[nachtingale]

---

After War, Peace.

Replacement Conscripts of the 5th Division Joining a Marching Exercise.​

The end of the war had not meant the end of mobilization, with the natural unrest that had come from the annexation of long-held Taiping lands in Western China contributing to a significant need for pressure to be placed by, if not by local forces, then by direct intervention from the central government's own forces. Indeed, episodes of violence would flare up fairly commonly, with several attempted uprisings by former Taiping officials launched against the new governing institutions being established by the Republic throughout the first year of the end of hostilities. Lanzhou's clear intentions to "Republicanize" Sichuan and Guizhou would also lead to many disgruntled and literate officials choosing to leave the service early, joining and strengthening the many, many Taiping resistance groups throughout the basin.

These attacks would result in relatively few casualties on the part of Republican forces, the local resistance disorganized and in constant conflict with both Lanzhou's troops and between their fellow resistance groups, though it would nonetheless underline the pressing need for the Republican troops to maintain a severe grip on the former Taiping territories. This would be supplemented by Governor Liu Xiang's generous assistance to local NRA forces, at times deploying his own personal army to assist with anti-resistance activities rather... rigorously.

The occupation had, however, required the full mobilization of an entire generation of NRA troopers, not merely those of the professional standing army, but including the freshly minted conscripts of the Taiping War, the best and brightest of the Republic's newest citizens. This has, rather predictably, not proven a very economical decision on the part of Lanzhou, as the Northwestern economies have begun to stagnate in the face of manpower shortages caused by the mobilization, only somewhat supplemented by the recent influx of jobseekers from other parts of the country.

Furthermore, though the horrors of the West China War still remain fresh within our armed forces, morale has already begun to slacken amongst the conscripts within the NRA, most exemplified by the Luzhou Incident's near-catastrophic ignition. Though anger subsides for now, it is clear to both the Army and the Party that something must give, either the government or the people. The army is, however, quite adamant that a full demobilization would be impossible to achieve, unless ground be ceded in terms of Taiping occupation and reconstruction, either in the slow rolling of reforms, or with additional assistance elsewhere.

With pressure mounting on the Party to implement some form of a plan for demobilization, it has moved to assent to the voices of both the people and the opposition, agreeing to work on a deal that may be satisfying without being far too debilitating to the function of reconstruction. However, with the Party's internal schisms slowly intensifying, the lack of legislative authority to push this matter within has led to some seeking support on this matter from outside of the Party. This does come with its own sets of challenges however, as we will be bound on some level to the whims of our opposition on this matter, with both the Communists and Republicans offering their own visions for demobilization and the future of the Sichuan occupation.

The question remains with the Party, however,​

---

What is to be Done?

On Demobilization.

[] [DEMOB] Issue a General Demobilization.	[] [DEMOB] Organize a Piecemeal Demobilization.	[] [DEMOB] Stall Demobilization.
The cries for peace and prosperity of the conscripts has been heard, and must be answered. An immediate demobilization will assuredly win us huge favors from the population at large, helping us in securing our position in future elections, but will be very taxing on the remaining NRA forces in Sichuan, something which will no doubt be of some annoyance to the NRA High Command.	Though the people clamor for immediacy, there may be some wisdom in moderation. Less popular than an immediate release of the conscripts, the slow demobilization would allow the professional NRA units to deal with their stretched duties for the time being, allowing them some capacity to deal with further local resistance, though this is still of some annoyance to NRA High Command.	Demobilization must occur, though stalling its progress for another year or two could be under consideration as well. The training of the next class of reservists would be complete in 1917, allowing us to cycle currently mobilized units for newer units, managing conscript unrest. This is fairly unpopular with the population, though it is viewed more favorably by NRA High Command. (Will Require 90% of KMT Delegates Voting in Favor.)

On the Occupation. (Do NOT vote if Stalling Demobilization.)

[] [OCCUPY] Agree to the Communist proposal.	[] [OCCUPY] Agree to the Republican proposal.
~​ The Communists have proposed a plan for replenishing the Sichuan occupational forces, that being the reduction of the manpower of the border guards. Arguing that the northern and western borders are relatively unlikely to see any real tension with our neighbors, the manpower cuts would not be as risky as once thought. In addition, the expansion and maintenance of the People's Militia programs (PMP), alongside the expansion of the NRA in-general, would need to be pursued with haste. ~​	~​ The Republicans have proposed their own plan for the occupation of Sichuan, a far more compromising plan with the local Taiping resistance. The most notable part of the plan would be a proposal for reconciliation with the Taiping resistance militias, either through bribes or temporary promises to supplement the loss of NRA conscript manpower. Additionally, it would require a half-reversal of the current Republican policy of a complete transformation of Taiping bureaucracy, allowing for the maintenance of some of its aspects on the margins.​ ~​
NRA High Command is Suspicious of the Plan, though the proposal has received Wang Zhaoming's support due to its advocacy for the PMP. RevGroup Votes Count as 1.2 Votes.	NRA High Command is somewhat interested in the proposal, and its more moderate overtures have earned it Song Jiaoren's approval. Mainline Votes Count as 1.4 Votes.

---

Pick ONE Faction.

[] KMT - Mainline
[] KMT - Revolutionary Group
[] KMT - Independents

---

A/N: 48 hour moratorium.

 

[nachtingale]

Spoiler: Winning Votes

[X] [DEMOB] Organize a Piecemeal Demobilization.
[X] [OCCUPY] Agree to the Communist proposal.

[X] Chinese Diplomacy
[X] Fengtian

---

Success and Frustration.

The Last of His Kind: Lanzhou Garrison Officers Arresting a Slave Merchant.​

Nearly half a decade of effort had been spent by the Lanzhou government in hunting down and eliminating the slave trade in the Northwestern territories of the Republic, the rampant increase in the immoral business of trading human lives following the collapse of general government authority and the rise in organized crime supporting the slave trade had made it very clear to the Party that a thorough effort would need to be launched.

The resulting operations and arrests launched against the slave trade would earn Republican forces much acclaim from the regular citizenry, glad to see some effort made to restore law and order in and around the lands governed by the Lanzhou government. Popularity for the Party would see a substantial rise, as anti-slavery efforts continued against the most obvious sores within the country, and they are expected to continue to ensure that no one citizen may remain in bondage to another.

On the other hand, however, the trade would find itself a safe haven in the Ma Clique, whose own familial operations in an assortment of illegal activities would continue to flourish in their own fields. While not spared from the central government's gaze, they would find safe harbor with allies in the KMT bureaucracy, managing to evade a great deal of the investigations targeting their businesses through those connections.

[Increased Internal Stability and KMT Popularity.]
[Relations with the Ma deteriorates.]
​

First Ones Home.​

Colonel Lai looked on as the members of the 63rd Battalion made their way onto the trains that were collected around Chengdu Railway Station, meeting up with several other battalions that would make the short trip between the old Taiping capital and Mianyang to the Northeast. It would be little comfort for the conscripts, he mused, but at least they got to enjoy some time on the rail before making the arduous march back north.

They'd managed to convince the other conscripts that their turn would be soon, at the very least, the 63rd having been chosen by virtue of their ranks being the most depleted, no doubt a pattern that was followed by the rest of the NRA's command. The Colonel could tell though, it was a very unhappy compromise, with the conscripts grumbling about their misfortune whilst the officers were already complaining about how little manpower they had to work with. Taiping insurgents continued to sap Republican forces, and morale was taking a beating. Thankfully though, they hadn't had any reports of fragging for quite some time now.

A small blessing.

He wondered what was going on in Lanzhou, no doubt that the Party knew what they had to deal with. He'd heard rumors that they were going to replace the conscripts with fresher replacements once training for the next batch was done, but that was still years away, and who knows what could happen between now and then. There was talk of reinforcements coming from the border units, and it would be somewhat of a comfort for the occupation forces.

At least Governor Liu had troops to spare if they ever needed them, but then there were the rumors...

One of his staffers approached him, interrupting Lai's thought as he turned to face the other officer, saluting him before speaking, "Sir, General He's here again, he wants to know if you can spare a regiment for another operation in the west."

The Colonel sighed, it was going to be another long week.

[Demobilization Begins, Expected to Finish at the End of Turn 9.]
[Economy and Party Popularity Increases Marginally.]
​

---

​

Between Nanjing and Mukden.

Pro-Fengtian Propaganda: Defend Our Borders from Nationalist Tyranny!
​

The fluid nature of the Chinese warlord states have led to a dramatic shift in the Republic's diplomatic priorities, most importantly those within the Chinese subcontinent, especially given the collapse of the Taiping and the collapse of the Qing monarchy's position inwards to their Northeastern bastion in Manchuria.

That same collapse has remained an open sore on the Republic's resources however, as a refusal to negotiate with Mukden or Tokyo has led to no progress being made towards any sort of formal peace between Lanzhou and Mukden, instead both sides engaging in a continuous war of attrition along the Northeastern corridor, especially with the contentious occupation of Jinzhou by Republic forces during the Third Russo-Japanese War.

With neither side willing to back down, the situation on the border has continued to degrade, skirmishes continuing to escalate in scale and scope along the frontline. As frustrations mount and calls for more severe action on both sides grow, something must be done should the Republic wish to avoid full scale war in the Northeast.
​

[] [FENGTIAN] Organize a Major Expedition.	[] [FENGTIAN] Organize Another Diplomatic Conference.	[] [FENGTIAN] Withdraw from the Jinzhou Salient.
The solution to the skirmishing is simple, bring the largest hammer to bear against our opponents to dissuade them from ever attacking us again. This will require a considerable amount of resources to accomplish, and whilst it enjoys support from the NRA, should the expedition fail to achieve its goals, our Northeastern frontier will be seriously compromised.	With the continued degradation between us and Mukden, surely neither side has the appetite to continue the unending war on the border? This would ensure a more permanent peace, and is supported broadly by the moderate faction of the KMT, viewing the continued war a distraction from the Nanjing government. However, should this conference fail again, our prestige will surely be damaged.	The main point of contention between us and the Fengtian government continues to be the occupation of Jinzhou, providing invaders from China a perfect jumping-off point to further intrude upon Manchuria. By pulling back towards the Shanhai Pass, we would be able to reduce our commitments in the Northeast, as well as lessening the Fengtian government's aggression.

With Germany's new government's more pro-Republican stances as well, pressure has been ramped up against Zhang Zhongchang's Shandong Clique, with their German patrons expecting more concessions to be made towards the Lanzhou government from Jinan. We may be able to seize on this chance to push for larger demands, though what exactly these demands should look like is of great debate, and success is not necessarily guaranteed.
​

[] [ZHANG] Invite them to the United Front.	[] [ZHANG] Integrate them as an autonomous province.	[] [ZHANG] Push for complete annexation.
Should the Shandong Clique accept our offer to join the United Front, it would provide us with some amount of public legitimacy. Jinan's armies and industry would also be ready to aid us in our other endeavors immediately, though this will allow Zhang time to consolidate his power within the United Front. (Favored - KMT Mainline votes count as 1.4 votes.)	Should the Shandong Clique accept our offer to accept them as an autonomous province, we would be able to gain a decent amount of public approval. However, the integration and realignment of the Shandong government to Republican standards will require a great deal of effort, and such may not be welcomed by Jinan.	It is quite unlikely for the Shandong Clique to accept complete annexation, and the troubles of integration may make it too much of a hassle to be considered. However, should this succeed, we would enjoy a considerable boost in national prestige, alongside a great deal of public confidence in the matter.

Elsewhere in China, matters of diplomatic import are few and far between, though there is room for additional action to be taken.

100 word limit for additional diplomatic actions taken.
​

---

Pick ONE Faction.

[] KMT - Mainline
[] KMT - Revolutionary Group
[] KMT - Independents
[NPC] Republican Party (Favors: [Diplomatic Conference/Jinzhou Withdrawal], [United Front])
[NPC] Chinese Communist Party (Favors: [Major Expedition/Diplomatic Conference])
[NPC] Communist Party of China (Favors: [Major Expedition], [Annexation])

---

A/N: 48 hour moratorium, feel free to ask any questions regarding the vote.