The Russian conundrum at the face of the world was responded to with a renewed economic vision. Several landmark projects were laid out. The more successful were the newly-announced and much mulled over Trans Siberian Railway and the Moscow-St Petersburg industrial duopoly.
The first started work after a year of extra planning all through the line, and it was believed that economic benefits might be seen within five years, while something close to a first completion in a decade. Moscow and St Petersburg meanwhile had their local industries further expanded at state expense, particularly those supplying the military as a response to the increased threat from Britain.
New mining efforts went little noticed, though an uptick certainly occurred in the Ukraine, while the new policy on land caused controversy. New state taxes were organised that intentionally discriminated against small landowners, increasingly forcing them (those few who existed) to sell their lands to the nobility and new bourgeois. The hope that this would lead to increased production was however unfounded, though it did improve the balance of payments somewhat by increasing exports.
Their southern neighbor in Afghanistan saw no need to modify their allegiance to Britain, and instead sent out promising youths to study in that nation. More public, and outraging, was the brutal massacre of tens of thousands of minorities who were perceived as insufficiently loyal, as well as a general destruction of opposition at the time, that meant much sacrifice by the people for the Iron Emir's grandeur.
Italy underwent sharp reforms that aimed at the broad liberalisation and centralisation of the country, following the appointment of the Crispi Ministry. A known francophobe and progressive, he initially avoided much of the first outside public condemnations. Instead, Italian focus went on passing a progressive penal code that strengthened the peoples' rights but threatened to go unlistened to by the upper class.
A push for (secular) education in rural Italy saw the usual opposition by the Catholic church and worried parents, but nonetheless succeeded in increasing attendance, even if more would be necessary. The continued work on a single dialect met trouble, however. Happier was the hydroelectrification effort, which gained private funding by being backed by the state, though it still remained exceedingly unready and would take a long time.
Despite all foreign circumstances, fiscal conservatism would remain the main priority of Grover's agenda for America. Slow reform and control over the budget were what he worked on, vetoing veterans' pensions and the like while ensuring railway conglomerates worked together. At the same time, the Dawes Act divided native american land in the hopes of creating a new homesteading community, but was quite the long term matter.
So too was the much less publicised Cordite Metal Research Agency. Working on a tight budget, they primarily concentrated on theoretical and minor practical matters, including the basics of cordite-alloy production.
All this proved too little for Grover's electoral chances, which saw his defeat by Harris and the Republican party. A strong argument for tariffs and aerial infrastructure included the boondoggle of a proposed atmospheric shipyard, to build dreadnoughts in the air itself. This did not in fact come to pass yet, but airship production did look up.
French efforts were practical in the extreme, but faced important political troubles. First of all was the massive planned military overhaul, chaired by the new 'military reform commission' that Boulanger held control over. Intending to increase the size and quality of the 'professional' and 'colonial' army, most of its proposals were bogged down by the refusal of parliament to increase the budget sufficiently, in particular with the Indochinese situation, which did not endear it to the military.
Science and industry were the other part of the parcel, as a state committee was formed to review military technology and empowered to poach and hire scientists as it viewed necessary, supported by a refurbished Sorbonne. The industrial effort was more broad, seeking to increase the buying of resources from Russia- Britain's main rival at this time- in order to supplement the growth of urban population and industry. Generally speaking, this worked well, but did not do too much to change the inherent tendency of French steelmaking to increase.
Iranian plans were based around modernisation, primarily of infrastructure, but also more general. As usual, the Visitation Tour came with the hiring of excited engineers and scientists eager to work for the Guarded Domains, which generally saw the use of paved or cut roads through the best access-areas. Increasing hopes across the state was the news of two new small railroads, which were correctly perceived as a diplomatic coup.
Technologically speaking, America's advancements had one major finding. The old version of airships, propelled with various gases, could carry small ship guns, providing the capability for raider squadrons and general support of the actual investment- the dreadnoughts. Despite this, the CMRA angered several up and coming scientists, some of whom migrated to Romania.
This was because that state, despite its indebtedness, had invested in a minor chemical plant designed to product cordite. While unlikely to be able to turn it towards the great uses of greater powers, it was still a product much desired across the world, and shockingly turned a major profit. This was privately considered to be caused, within the state, by the increase in meritocracy and inteligence within the bureaucracy.
1888 Statistics
Explanation: Stability is the amount of riotousness or unity of your country, economic condition is the size and state of the economy, while conventional land/naval forces are only represented in terms of overall capacity, rather than specifically separating size, quality, and technology. The special factors portion is expected to be the most changing and evolving part of the stats this game.
Key: Awful/Poor/Adequate/Fair/Good/Excellent
Bolded: Improving
Italics: Worsening
NEVER FORGET: ASK ME ANYTHING
British Empire
Stability: Adequate
Economic Condition: Good
Land Forces: Adequate
Naval Forces: Excellent
Special Factors: Three Dreadnoughts (+2 1890, +2 1891, +2 1892), Floating Barges
Player: @Maugan Ra
United States of America
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Fair
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Adequate
Special Factors: One Dreadnought due 1890
Player: @Shynka
German Empire
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Fair
Land Forces: Good
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors: One Dreadnought due 1890
Player: @Anchises
French Republic
Stability: Adequate
Economic Condition: Fair
Land Forces: Fair
Naval Forces: Fair
Special Factors:
Player: @Valleron
Russian Empire
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Adequate
Land Forces: Good
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors: One Dreadnought due 1892
Player: @Fission Battery
Austrian Empire
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Adequate
Land Forces: Adequate
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors:
Player: @Zeller
Empire of Japan
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors:
Player: @Weygand
Kingdom of Italy
Stability: Adequate
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors: Electric Arc Furnace
Player: @Crilltic
Ottoman Empire
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors:
Player: @Todorius
Kingdom of Spain
Stability: Adequate
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors:
Player: NPC
Kingdom of the Netherlands
Stability: Good
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors:
Player: NPC
Great Qing
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors:
Player: @Salguod
Kingdom of Belgium
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Mindris
Kingdom of Greece
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Frostbyght
Princedom of Bulgaria
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: Open
Kingdom of Serbia
Stability: Adequate
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Darkeva
Kingdom of Romania
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Shrike
Guarded Domains of Iran
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player:
Afghanistan
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player:
Vietnam
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Silver Gambit
Korea
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Fancy Face
Treaty of Reaffirmation of the League of the Three Emperors 1888
The Three Emperors
Preamble
In recognition of the mutual interests and shared goals of preserving peace, stability, and the balance of power in Europe, the sovereign states of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia, represented by their respective Emperors, hereby reaffirm the League of the Three Emperors, initially established in 1873. This treaty serves to solidify the bonds of friendship and cooperation between our nations, ensuring the continued prosperity and security of our peoples.
Article I: Mutual Non-Aggression
The signatory states pledge to maintain a state of peace and non-aggression toward one another. No signatory shall engage in military action against another, directly or indirectly, through alliances or proxies. Any disputes arising between the signatories shall be resolved through diplomatic means, with the goal of preserving harmony among the three empires.
Article II: Friendly Neutrality in External Conflicts
In the event that any signatory becomes involved in a war with a great power not party to this treaty, the other signatories shall maintain a position of friendly neutrality. This neutrality includes abstaining from any military engagement against the warring signatory, as well as offering diplomatic support where possible, without direct involvement in the conflict.
Article III: Consultation and Cooperation
The signatory states agree to consult one another regularly on matters of mutual interest, particularly concerning European affairs that could impact the stability of the continent. In the event of a crisis or conflict involving a third party, the signatories shall confer to determine a unified course of action that best serves the interests of the League.
Article IV: Maintenance of the Balance of Power
The signatories reaffirm their commitment to maintaining the balance of power in Europe. They agree to oppose any attempts by external powers to undermine the stability or territorial integrity of any member of the League. The signatories shall work together to counterbalance the influence of other great powers to prevent any single nation from dominating the continent.
Article V: The Issue of Bosnia and Herzegovina
While the Treaty of Berlin allowed for sole Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, it did not specify a final disposition of the provinces. This omission was addressed in the Three Emperors' League treaty of 1881, where both Germany and Russia endorsed Austria-Hungary's right to annex Bosnia-Herzegovina at a time of its choosing – a gesture that stands reaffirmed in this current treaty.
Article VI: Duration of the Treaty
This treaty shall remain in force indefinitely until it is mutually dissolved by the signatories. Should any signatory wish to withdraw from the League, they must provide six months' notice and engage in consultations with the other signatories to ensure an orderly termination of their obligations.
Article VII: Final Provisions
Ratification: This treaty shall be ratified by the respective governments of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia and shall enter into force upon the exchange of ratified documents.
Languages: The treaty is drafted in German, Hungarian, Russian, and French, with all texts being equally authentic. In case of any discrepancy, the French version shall be considered authoritative.
Amendments: Any amendments to this treaty must be agreed upon unanimously by the signatories and shall be formalized in writing.
Signed
In the year of our Lord, 1888, in the spirit of enduring peace and cooperation among the great empires of Europe.
Ares' Shattered Spear
The Greek Army, Irregulars, and the Great Fratricide Uniforms of the Greek Army, Circa 1880 "Let me not then die ingloriously and without a struggle, but let me first do some great thing that shall be told among men hereafter."
- Homer, the Iliad
There had been bloodshed in Greece for millennia, yet the Hellenic Army itself was young.
Born in the fires of the War of Independence, the first units of the Greek Armed forces were formed in 1822. A simple infantry regiment and a small artillery battery became the ancestors of future Greek Army. In 1825, with the war against the Ottoman Empire only growing in scale and intensity, conscription was introduced as a desperate measure after the Egyptian intervention on the side of the Ottomans. However, a majority of the fighting was not conducted by the limited, uniformed soldiers of the Greek Army.
For years, Greek resistance to Ottoman occupation had relied on a caste of bandits known as Klephts. Klephts were generally men who were fleeing vendettas or taxes, debts and reprisals from Ottoman officials. They raided travelers and isolated settlements and lived in the rugged mountains and back country. When the War began, the Klephts, along with the local militias known as Armatoloi, formed the nucleus of the Greek fighting forces, and played a prominent part throughout its duration. Despite being ineffective against professional soldiers, they were the only viable military force for the provisional governments of the 1821–1827 period. The Army was too small and too underfunded, and attempts to expand it were stymied by leaders of the Klephts and Armatoloi, who feared being replaced. Many of the irregulars who participated in the War of Independence did so according to their own terms and wants, not according to any patriotic fervor. They saw the war as an economic and political opportunity to expand their areas of operation. They tended to rob and pillage Christian and Muslim travelers and villages in equal measure.
A painting depicting a single armatole in the Greek Countryside.
The war, in the end, was not won by the tiny Greek Army nor the Irregulars, but by external intervention. The British, concerned about the stability of the Eastern Mediterranean, supported the Greeks and rallied the French and Russians to intervene on the side of the rebels. At the Battle of Navarino, a combined Anglo-French-Russian Fleet devastated an Ottoman Flotilla, and slowly but surely forced the Ottomans to the negotiating table. The final battle of the war was fought by Greek Regulars, finally trained an outfitted to European standards, in 1828.
The immediate post-war period saw an attempt to keep this standard up. A drastic reorganization of the national military was undertaken: a Secretariat on Army and Naval Affairs and the Hellenic Army Academy were created, the Army engineering corps was founded in July of 1829, and a concerted effort was made to reform the various irregular forces into regular light infantry battalions. Throughout these early years, French influence pervaded the Greek regular army, in tactics as well as appearance, as most of the instructors were French. However, in the national turmoil following the assassination of Ioannis Kapodistriasin 1831, the regular army simply ceased to exist as the structure of state neared disintigration.
King Otto, the first ruler of independent Greece, relied primarily on a contingent of German Soldiers, 4000 strong, which he brought with him upon his ascension to the Throne. The royal government re-established the regular army and dissolved the irregular forces that had largely fought the War of Independence, but failed to organize or fund the army enough to keep it in line with the standards of other European armies. Major reforms were not undertaken until 1877.
All this time had not made the Klephts vanish. Irregulars and Militias still existed in great numbers, especially in areas still under Ottoman Rule or near borders with the Ottoman Empire. Irregulars played major roles in the ill-fated uprisings in Crete, Epirus, and Macedonia. Few of these open rebellions saw any success, as the Great Powers leaned on the debt-stricken Greek government in order to prevent support of the irregulars. Faced with professional Ottoman soldiers sent to crush partisans, the irregulars and bandits stood little chance. Nevertheless, they continued to exist in strength in the hinterlands and countryside of Greece and the Ottoman territories, making themselves a danger to travelers and isolated villages. Some hailed these common bandits as Greek national heroes, despite their lack of success against the ancient foe. So long as the Irregulars provided a source of soldiery against the Ottoman, the Government tended to look the other way.
There was one incident that fortold the eventual split between the Greeks and the mountain bandits. In 1870, a party of distinguished foreign visitors, British and Italian, among them a British Lord, were captured by brigands on a visit to Marathon. The captors threatened to kill their captives if demands for amnesty were not satisfied, which however was impossible to deliver, since the Greek Constitution of 1864 did not allow the king to grant amnesty to Brigands. British pressure on the Greek government to secure the release of the captives by any means, short of an attack on the outlaws (which would put the lives of the captives into danger), was strong. It is ironic that Britain and its representatives in Greece had been critical in past years of the abuse of amnesty in the hands of Greek governments, which the new Constitution was expected to stop.
Greek Irregulars in the mountainous regions were commonly little more than bandits, acting as partisans against the Ottomans while also robbing anyone they could get their hands on.
Foreign pressure led to the order to the army and police contingents in Attica to chase down the bandits, which resulted in the death of the captives before the outlaws themselves were cut down. The order to chase the band was, under the circumstances, practically unavoidable, as was the slaughter of the captives by the brigands of the time and region. Bandit "law" obliged the outlaws to put their captives to death before they died themselves. Dilessi, the village near which the clash between the gendarmes and soldiers and the outlaws took place, became synonymous with disgrace, and the incident heaped international critiscism on Greece. The incident revealed disturbing links connecting national banditry with politics, the security services, and even the justice system. The country had for too long accepted these criminals as a neccesary evil, condemned in public but tolerated for its military uses.
This would come to an end with the fall of the National Party in 1887. The desperate actions of the Greek Government had saved the nation from seemingly endless debt and near-inevitable econonmic insolvency, but meant that the traditional excesses that the Government had allowed must now be curtailed. First on the chopping block was the countryside irregulars. The national disgrace of Dilessi could no longer be ignored or papered over, especially with England's eyes now closely watching Greece. The New Party was left with the unenviable task of rooting out the bandit gangs, and sent the army to do the dirty work.
It did not go well.
While the Irregulars could not, perhaps, stand against a well-trained and well-equipped professional army, the Greek forces that marched north were neither of these things. The bloody struggles in the remote countryside were not the swift campaign for which Greek Command had hoped. It would become known as "Megáli Adelfoktonía", the Great Fratricide. Unenthusiastic Greek soldiers and desperate partisans clashed and shattered the traditional alliance that had lasted nearly seven decades.
In the end, there was no grand victory over the partisans. A quiet deal allowed them to escape to fight another day, nursing wounds and new hatred for the controlling party of the Greek Government. The Greek Army found its nose bloodied, and fresh embarressment that could only lead to a hard and depressing look at the state of the Greek Military. The Greek army was young, but it had been so neglected that many questioned whether the 200,000 men under arms could truly be called an army.
If Ares, god of war, ever looked kindly upon the Greek people, he did so no longer. The dream of a mighty Greek military with which ancient land could be reclaimed and Greek brothers liberated from Ottoman rule was proven to be just a dream. If the mighty spear of War was to be reforged, it would take time, effort, and a lot of money.
It started with taxes. Well, this bout of unrest did. But ever since 1879 and the Treaty of Gandamak, the Pashtun Emirs of Afghanistan had singled out the Hazara people for suppression. What was once taxation for autonomy became higher taxes for less autonomy, and then outright sectarian oppression. The ethnic tension between Pashtun and Hazara was worsened by religious infighting, the majority Sunni government oppressing their Shia minority.
But Abdur Rahman Khan had faced this twice before. Once, with his cousin as the figurehead with the backing of the entire Sheikh Ali Hazaras tribe. Twice, with many of the tribal chiefs who he brought to heel rising in revolt. The third time... the Islamic world took notice as the Emir preempted them.
The pronouncement of a plot against the provincial government, one meant to be a signal to the rest of the country to rise up, and the names of all the leaders involved, was met with cold confirmation. Sure, there were leaders in Hazarajat who had organized for overthrowing the Kabul-installed taxmen and clergy. But this was all too soon. Some leaders, some people, hadn't been convinced. Yet the lists of names of the conspirators, or the sentences passed against their families, roped them all in for death. For a day, Hazarajat was in bedlam, as people either attempted to flee, ran for the mountains to hide, or armed to resist the extermination they knew was coming.
But all that came was a single messenger from Kabul: The gracious and merciful Emir Abdur Rahman Khan had struck a bargain with the Guarded Domains and the Ottoman Empire: The condemned were to take what they could carry, and leave to settle in the country of their choosing. The Shi'a majority among the Hazara were expected to go to Iran, while the Sunni among the group were likley to head for the Ottoman Empire.
The truth, according to those in the West who knew were privy to the high-level diplomatic exchanges, was far more akin the game of international bargaining between powerful monarchs. The British, once word had reached them of the Emir's intentions, had utterly refused any assistance in this regard. While they would have been among fellow Muslims, throwing hundreds of thousands of displaced and homeless people into India would have caused immense strife within the Raj, strife the people in Britain would almost certainly not care for as anything other than another foreign adventure the government would tax them for. No Hazara would be permitted over the, admittedly still nebulous, border between Afghanistan and India. Upon hearing that the Guarded Domains had insisted the Iron Emir come to the negotiating table after the first wave of fleeing people reached the Iranian government's ears, the Crown gave their Protectorate permission to pursue a deal. When the Emir and his interpreters arrive, they were surprised to not only see the Shah at one point of the triangular meeting table, but a place had been prepared for the Sultan himself!
All the Iron Emir's domestic acts played into the hands of the two most powerful Islamic countries: A private project between the two monarchs was in the works, and averting a grand act of ruthless massacre would be the perfect way to kick it off. The deal the Shah presented the Emir was thus: For allowing the Hazara into his country, whether they stayed or went on to Ottoman lands, Afghanistan must commit to a grand diplomatic meeting at a later date. A conference with the highest of ambitions in mind, yet one all too relevant to the three monarchs: The reconciliation, or at least the end of outright hostilities and repression, between all branches of Islam.
The Emir, ever the deal-maker, saw an opportunity. As much did the Shah and the Sultan. For the Ottoman ruler, the chance to "demonstrate the depth of The House of Osman's magnanimity and boundless wealth" for the poor and oppressed was second only to being seen as a power player, and power broker, among the Islamic nations. For the Shah, bringing both an ancient rival and the preeminent Islamic state to meet beneath their room meant a chance to balance the scales of regional politics to a more stable equilibrium, and an increase to their own international prestige. Receiving immense financial and material aide from the Ottomans was also a good thing to have. As far as Khan was concerned, to prevent the formation of a millstone to his west and get rid of diplomatic enemies for a lower cost, was a low price to pay for simply making another trip. Who knows, it may even bear fruit?
With the stroke of three pens, what would be known as the Hazara Genocide was sanctioned by kings and princes to proceed in The Treaty of Tehran. The process was far from peaceful. There were those who chose to fight the Afghan government's decision and bravely held out as long as they could source food and ammunition. There were those who disobeyed their commander's orders and built monuments out of the skulls of the slain who 'resisted'. But almost 80,000 Hazaras families crossed the border into Iran in long, snaking lines. Guards and customs patrol at both sides of the borders did their best to check identities, log entries and belongings, and mark any who were sick to receive treatment lest a pandemic spread. But for whatever goodwill could be assigned to such cold movement of human beings, the numbers were too great for either nation to truly control. People slipped through the cracks in great streams. Such was the confusion at the sheer scale of people, that smuggling of Hazara back to their ancestral lands sprang up practically overnight. While it was official government policy, and international treaty, that these people were exiled and not permitted to return... if people go on a pilgrimage or just get a boat across the over five hundred mile wide border along the Helmand River, what was the Emir to practically do? This was Afghanistan.
The following Signatories agree to the details outlined above for the treatment and dispensation of the accused in Hazarajat, and to return for a Grand Conference to discuss the reconciliation and equal treatment of all branches of Islam.
[] Shahanshah of Iran Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, Zell'ollah, Qebleh-ye 'ālam, Islampanah @DerechteNikolaus
[] Sultan Abdul Hamid II, Ottoman Caliph, Amir al-Mu'minin, Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques @Todorius
[X] Emir Abdur Rahman Khan, Ziya'al-Milat wa al-Din @Always Late
The following Signatories agree to the details outlined above for the treatment and dispensation of the accused in Hazarajat, and to return for a Grand Conference to discuss the reconciliation and equal treatment of all branches of Islam.
[] Shahanshah of Iran Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, Zell'ollah, Qebleh-ye 'ālam, Islampanah @DerechteNikolaus
[] Sultan Abdul Hamid II, Ottoman Caliph, Amir al-Mu'minin, Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques @Todorius
[X] Emir Abdur Rahman Khan, Ziya'al-Milat wa al-Din @Always Late
The following Signatories agree to the details outlined above for the treatment and dispensation of the accused in Hazarajat, and to return for a Grand Conference to discuss the reconciliation and equal treatment of all branches of Islam.
[] Shahanshah of Iran Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, Zell'ollah, Qebleh-ye 'ālam, Islampanah @DerechteNikolaus
[] Sultan Abdul Hamid II, Ottoman Caliph, Amir al-Mu'minin, Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques @Todorius
[X] Emir Abdur Rahman Khan, Ziya'al-Milat wa al-Din @Always Late
Istanbul, Kostantiniyye, the city on seven hills and the centre of the Eternal Empire. Circa 1856
Abdul Hamid the Second's reign began with a surging wake of progressive thinking and reformism full of hope for the future. Only for these halcyon dreams to be dashed against the callous covetous cupidity of neighbouring powers. These devastating conflicts embittered the newly crowned monarch, and pushed him towards absolutism and Islamism as a response to the humiliation of dwindling Ottoman territory and sovereignty. Crutches that nourished the budding flowers of discontent across the empire in exchange for short-term utility. Ruin seemed inevitable if things continued apace despite of the Sultan's best efforts.
That was until the first grand flight of the HMS Dreadnought shook the actors on the world stage to their very cores. Urging all powers into fits of frenetic action as they sought solutions to counter the newfound threat; and just as these ships lifted themselves into the sky so too did the scales lift off of Abdul Hamid's eyes. Maybe there was still some life left to the bright-eyed hopefulness of his youth, maybe absolute centralisation and control weren't the only path to Ottoman restoration. This sentiment was reinforced by Abdul's direct experience on the potential of cordite technology at the British exhibition.
Surely there were other nations in a position not to dissimilar from his own, perhaps it was pride alone that had poisoned him against the prospect of collaboration over domination. Now while Abdul Hamid II held no great love for his Shia neighbour, nor other minor Islamic nations he recognised the need for cooperation. He could only hope that they had felt the same way towards him as he drafted proposals to organise a cross-national summit.
Beyond this the Sultan also prepared a missive to be sent to the far off lands of the Qing Empire. If the European vultures could band together to carve up the so-called 'sick men' of the world, perhaps it was time for the 'sick men' to follow suit and combine their strength in response. Surely the strength of these sidelined nations together could prove to be the impenetrable bulwark against further predation.
Yet even the mightiest archers require a bow in their hands and arrows in their quiver to protect their homeland. Yet nations across the world lack both the implement or ammunition to safeguard their homelands against the previously unforeseeable flying behemoths. Such an utter imbalance of power could only bring consternation and panic, especially so for those nations still struggling to adapt to the politics of the new age. So the natural solution was for the Sublime Empire to right this wrong and hand the newly fletched bows and arrows of restoration to their ailing hands.
It just so happened that the newly developed Dolu Airburst artillery cannon had just begun rolling out of Ottoman factories. The fact that it was a relatively simple design based on tried and tested technology, was in many respects a boon as it kept the production process relatively quick and simple. Meaning that powers with weaker industrial production could be interested in acquiring the schematics and skills to build the Dolu, with Ottoman technical assistance. For the purchase of Dolu Anti-Aircraft Burst Cannons and Austrian assistance in the Thracian region railway expansion project.
Franz Joseph Karl,
Emperor of Austria,
[] @Zeller For the official purchase of Dolu Anti-Aircraft Burst Cannons
Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, Zell'ollah, Qebleh-ye 'ālam, Islampanah,
Shahanshah of Iran,
[] @DerechteNikolaus For the official purchase of Dolu Anti-Aircraft Burst Cannons and Technical schematics for the Dolu. Addtionally, a platoon of military technical advisors will be dispatched to the Qing Empire alongside an official diplomatic Envoy. Finally, 10 scholarship places at Istanbul Technical University are to be reserved for Qing applicants.
Li Hongzhang,
Viceroy of Zhili and Minister of Beiyang, Grand Secretary of the Qing Empire,
[] @Salguod
Sublime Sharing of Knowledge The late 19th century saw a marked increase in Ottoman investment into educational institutions. Fig. Instanbul Polytechnic University
The Ottoman Empire has continued its turn towards education even more so than the previous year. With many members of the government, including the Grand Vizier and Sultan themselves, believing fervently that education will be the best tool to dig the Empire out of its stagnant decline. This attitude has permeated the halls of power to such a degree, that the Sultan himself has softened his position on many of the progressives thinkers he had exiled, and has lifted sentences on the more moderate constitutionalists provided they offered their services to the government. Afterall, many of those exiled were part of the relatively small educated elite, and their skills would undoubtedly be invaluable for the Ottoman education effort.
Exiled scholars however weren't the only people that the Ottoman Empire sought to draw into its halls of learning, the British Great Exhibition revealed the value that could be found in foreign schools of thought. Thus, the Istanbul Polytechnic Institute has been granted the funds to expand its scholarship program to 100 international students, so that foreign talent could add their own perspectives to Ottoman universities. Moreover, two dozen spots are to be reserved for neighbours and also the Qing Empire, as fellow nations that have suffered predation from rising powers. 100 Scholarship places are offered for any students interested in participating in the program. With 24 of these spaces specifically reserved for neighbors, and 10 by the Qing empire as part of a trade deal.
For the purchase of Dolu Anti-Aircraft Burst Cannons and Austrian assistance in the Thracian region railway expansion project.
Franz Joseph Karl,
Emperor of Austria,
[] @Zeller For the official purchase of Dolu Anti-Aircraft Burst Cannons
Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, Zell'ollah, Qebleh-ye 'ālam, Islampanah,
Shahanshah of Iran,
[] @DerechteNikolaus For the official purchase of Dolu Anti-Aircraft Burst Cannons and Technical schematics for the Dolu. Addtionally, a platoon of military technical advisors will be dispatched to the Qing Empire alongside an official diplomatic Envoy. Finally, 10 scholarship places at Istanbul Technical University are to be reserved for Qing applicants.
Li Hongzhang,
Viceroy of Zhili and Minister of Beiyang, Grand Secretary of the Qing Empire,
[] @Salguod
For the official purchase of Dolu Anti-Aircraft Burst Cannons and Technical schematics for the Dolu. Addtionally, a platoon of military technical advisors will be dispatched to the Qing Empire alongside an official diplomatic Envoy. Finally, 10 scholarship places at Istanbul Technical University are to be reserved for Qing applicants.
Li Hongzhang,
Viceroy of Zhili and Minister of Beiyang, Grand Secretary of the Qing Empire,
[] @Salguod
Li Hongzhang, Viceroy of Zhili and Minister of Beiyang, Grand Secretary of the Qing Empire,
[X] @Salguod
Imperial Edict in Response to the Ottoman Empire's Trade Proposal
In the fourteenth year of Guangxu, by Imperial Edict, we extend our sincerest acknowledgments to His Imperial Majesty Sultan Abdul Hamid II of the Sublime Ottoman Empire. In this era of increasing global interconnectedness, it is only through friendship and cooperation that the great civilizations of the world can thrive. The bonds between our two Empires, both rich in history and culture, stand as a testament to the potential of unity.
The proposal presented by His Excellency Grand Vizier Kıbrıslı Mehmed Kamil Pasha to our honored Viceroy Li Hongzhang, Grand Secretary and Minister of Beiyang, has been received with the utmost regard. His Imperial Majesty, the Guangxu Emperor, upon consultation with the Great Council, acknowledges the great value in the Ottoman Empire's offer of the Dolu Airburst Artillery Cannon and its associated schematics. This technology will enhance our capacity to defend the Qing realm, ensuring peace and stability in our territories.
The dispatch of a platoon of military technical advisors is likewise accepted with great appreciation, as it represents the spirit of collaboration that the Qing Empire seeks to cultivate with the Sublime Ottoman Empire. These advisors will contribute to the advancement of our military knowledge and capabilities, serving as a bridge of wisdom between our two Empires. Additionally, the offering of ten scholarships for Qing scholars at the esteemed Istanbul Technical University is graciously accepted. These scholars will undoubtedly benefit from the rich academic and cultural exchange, fostering greater understanding and friendship between our peoples.
In recognition of these shared values and objectives, the Qing Empire formally affirms its acceptance of the terms set forth by the Sublime Ottoman Empire. Let this be a new chapter in the enduring friendship between our Empires, built upon mutual respect and the pursuit of shared prosperity.
By the Mandate of Heaven, Li Hongzhang,
Grand Secretary and Viceroy of Zhili, Minister of Beiyang
I send this letter hoping you and our son are well.
Our time apart has left me many quiet nights to think. To contemplate the past and my role in how things have turned out.
I was angry to begin, and sort ways to cut you from my life. I sort to divorce you. But, that was never really the answer, for it was the wrong question.
I took a break from politics and privilege. To clear my head. I toured the lands incogneato, trying to find something I couldn't name.
Walking the land, seeing its people. I have come to appreciate the more practical considerations of life. What makes my nation turn, breathe, live. A warm meal on a cold day. A smile as you walk in the door. Holding your work in your hands, feeling the weight of your worth in the world. I didn't think I could truly learn, out in the backlands, anything of worth. I was wrong.
So deeply and truly wrong. About many things.
I have been making strides to address some of the issues I encountered out there. Listening to people, turning my eye toward more than just the military.
However it still leaves the one I wronged most deeply unaddressed.
I miss you, Natalie. In a way I never thought I could. In my arrogance and rage I know that I have hurt you. And maybe that will be the end of it. But I beseech you, please let us talk once again.
In due consideration
Milan
Husband,
I have been monitoring the situation in Serbia with an avid eye. Our son and I discuss current events weekly between his other tutoring.
I am intrigued by the efforts you have gone through. Agrarian reforms, liberalisation of the government, expansion of the bureaucracy. Truly I would not have thought you a man who would think of such things.
My time here in Russia has been quiet. The local people are warm and welcoming. Understanding of the delicate situation that brought me here. It has been a balm to my frayed nerves.
I find myself reluctant to receive you at this time. However, I would meet with you still. I would like to see how much of this new man has tempered the man I married.
I make no promises Milan, you are right, you hurt me, dishonoured our vows in public. These are grave transgressions.
Our son mentions you often. I would like him to know you, for good or ill. What happens next is yours, my husband.
Your faithful wife,
Natalie
The Queen would return to court late 1889 after a long stay in Russian Crimea.
While Russia slumbered, its actions had caused much trouble. The Tsar was primarily concerned with internal economic reform, in agriculture and railways. State investments into genetic work with seeds and new studs for the farms provoked interest from the nobility, which resulted in new agronomic treatises and was suggested to be a good investment long term. It did, however, demand the introduction of better fertilisers, better feed, and other matters that might require chemical industry and education.
Similarly, the mines that fed the small industry Russia had were also being expanded. Lacking modern tools, unlike German or British mines, they were relatively unproductive. Tariffs, however, kept them at a minimum of usefulness, and they were a strategic target for the state. This might come to an end when the railroad really took off, making transport cheaper.
And they were growing, all over the state. State investment, subsidies, and requirements meant that the major cities of Russia all began to have double track lines. This would be completed soon enough, at least the main line from St Petersburg to Sebastopol. More relevant to the affair started by Russia, the Trans-Siberian railway found even more manpower and investment put into it. Despite claims, it was not a slow project. It was simply massive.
A double track railway from Moscow to Vladivostok, taking across unmanaged cities and unsupported regions was a brutal undertaking. It would not be finished for, perhaps, decades. But it was already paying off. In many places communications had improved massively, as had the transport of that most important commodity, grain. Unfortunately, soldiers could not take the full trip yet, and it was soldiers that would be needed.
The key to the Asiatic Crisis- for in truth it was one that covered most all independent nations in Asia- had to be found in China. Weakened by disaster and the costs of a (victorious, and prestige-expanding) war, the tremendously ambitious and reforming Huangdi (Emperor) had plans for foreign policy.
While his servants worked desperately at relief efforts, saving millions from starvation even though hundreds of thousands still died, the region was turned into a centerpiece for reform. With the old infrastructure broken, new waterworks and flood prevention had to be put in. to avoid any such disaster from happening again, the Emperor promised a country-wide farming modernisation that would leave neither the nobility nor the peasantry behind. Popular as it was, inside the bureaucracy many feared the price tag and what it might mean for other necessary projects.
One of these was the new order in Korea, where the crisis would start. Korea had tried to throw off Chinese sovereignty without speaking to Japan, looking north to Russia as a possible master. General Yuan Shikai, with ten thousand soldiers, was sent towards Pyongyang in response. This was entirely in line with existing treaties, and China even informed Japan ahead of time in accordance with the Convention of Tientsin. There the trouble started.
The foreign policy that the Emperor considered necessary was a direct alliance with Japan and a major increase in the responsibilities of its vassals. Or, in other words, the founding of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, an alliance between China, Japan, Vietnam, and Korea. Japanese diplomats kept up the fiction of agreeing to this for overlong, and outwardly China seemed eager to attempt it despite the fury of Empress Dowager Cixi. in accordance with the Convention, then, Japan sent its own forces in, and agreed to the new status of Korea as a mutual protectorate.
In reality, however, the Japanese were acting perfidiously. With collusion from elements of the Korean government, they swiftly "formed" independent-thinking Korean forces and backed the Koreans when they refused to allow Yuan Shikai past the north and into the capital region. Korea- and Japan behind it- demanded its independence. In theory, Russia was also behind Korea, and the local ambassador certainly pledged support and assistance. In practice, however, the Tsar was blindsided by this adventure and hemmed and hawed over what to do. He was certainly capable of deploying large numbers into the area, but supplying them might prove different, and France had just been defeated on land for a given value of defeat.
The situation thus became a tremendous crisis, with the threat of war between China and Japan, and the possibility of a Russian participant. There was even talk of a French reentry, though that seemed unlikely given the instability ongoing in that republic. Such talk was increased by the further Japanese perfidy. Not content with puppeteering one Chinese tributary, it had also moved into Vietnam. This movement was much less overt, merely a military mission and observers, but these were also active inside French imperial Indochina. Vietnam was also attempting to flex its muscles.
Complex already, the situation turned from a crisis into a full blown panic due to British actions. Britain had expanded Hong Kong's ports with an airbase and was engaging in talks with Thai, Viet, and Cambodian elites. It had sent thousands of soldiers from the Raj and home islands to 'increase the garrison'. It had sent a Dreadnought, the HMS Victory, and a fleet to accompany it. That flying ship had witnessed all this from the air, while the fleet showed its power at sea. They were not simply there for show, but for investigation, and testing, and action.
In other words, Indo-China had fallen into crisis right at the same time that Britain had decided it was looking for prey there. Thus far, no Dreadnought had been deployed in anger. Would the Sinosphere be the first place?
China vs Japan/Korea crisis. Russia theoretically involved. France possibly involved. Britain looking to get involved.[/Summum]
I came, I saw, I conquered. Such were the words of President Boulanger upon assuming the serene office, lest anyone mistake him for a man less arrogant than the Caesars. His arrival to power had been preceded by a series of corruption scandals that had seriously damaged the legitimacy of the government and by serious damage to the face of the military in China. Society and the military both demanded a revitalisation.
Such a one came with Boulanger. President Sadi Carnot had been shot dead by an anarchist, with the secret connivance of the army. When this news came, it fell to parliament to elect a successor. The people blanketed the streets of France. Soldiers marched in columns across Paris. The legislature was sufficiently intimidated, and the Minister of War was made President by majority vote.
He began by keeping both portfolios, and filling France with promises for his platform of revanche against Germany, revisión of the Constitution, and reformatión of French society. Initially, however, policies did not massively differentiate themselves from his predecessors. Boulanger continued the industrial expansion along the north belt and the iron mines that had become so critical after Alsace-Lorraine's loss. He funded the Sorbonne and threw money at cordite research.
He did, however, change the budget. The military budget ballooned, as the vast reformation plan envisaged by Boulanger and his 'committees' was put into action. More conscription, more training, a better colonial force, investment in new technology, fortifications- the President wanted it all.
Germany witnessed these acts nervously. While France seemed to be embracing authority, the new Kaiser wanted a more liberal world. Frederick III faced off against Bismarck, but did not fight him. For now the matter would be one of testing each other, seeking possibilities, grasping towards the future.
As an effect of this, the ban on the SPD was not repealed (though it would expire very soon), even though they continued to have some de-facto representation in the Reichstag. Liberal efforts were instead placed towards more far-reaching reforms: the lowering of tariffs on Russian grain. This was in good part a sop towards sentiment in that country, which was a relied-upon ally as secret Franco-Russian negotiations for a military compact were lengthening themselves.
This event had several consequences, only two of which were predicted. Firstly, it enraged the conservatives, leading to the free trade bill only being applied as said to Russian grain. Secondly, it set the ground for a reformation and real commercialization of German agriculture. Thirdly, it left the SPD as temporary kingmakers, voting in favour of the bill that passed only through their votes.
Militarisation also increased due to this, and the general foreign policy of nations elsewhere, as conservatives rallied behind the budget and added an extra year to military service and active reserves while increasing the yearly intake of conscripts. Perhaps more importantly, they started work on several more dreadnoughts together with their prototype. All this was paid for by the people through new sumptuary and excise taxes on luxury.
Spending was the big word in the Balkans, on a multitude of projects from each government. Greece, with its focus on agrarianism, nonetheless sought a railroad project. This was related in that it was not a single line but a set of connections from Athens to the countryside. The project fell into immediate problems. First came funding (but British, Austrian, French, German companies were all eager to offer loans), then came terrain. The mountains and hills were extremely painful to build in, with minor construction already ongoing. Even so, one regional construction from Athens to the northwest and one to the Peloponnese began work, with the overall result expected to be low up the medium term and only "worth it's value" when full connections to Europe and Istanbul were established.
Similar to this was the new Romanian air fleet. Expanded airship production was now being used for transport, "holidays", and mail delivery. It was remarkably costly for services that were already generally available, but the immense prestige of air travel, even with blimps, meant that conspicuous consumption would pay for the upfront investment. It also found much success in improving the international prestige of Romania, and the national prestige of its 'air force'.
Serbia by comparison put much promise in the "Royal Office of Land Management", which sought to expand the production of their land by establishing new state tenants and de-facto homesteading. Productive or simply untouched land was bought up or swapped by the state, while common land was privatised in a slow period. More effective was the agricultural bank, which as in every nation held much promise in the long term. Provided with adequate state support and a peasant-oriented policy, it hoped to increase productivity and tooling over time.
Popular as these policies were, the King Milan Obrenovik's rule collapsed shockingly over a new constitution. Much pressed by liberal groups, with quasi-revolutionary parties holding most of parliament, and with odd personal beliefs, he signed into law a new constitution and set new elections for them. This constitution was more liberal in many ways, increasing the role of elected representatives massively, as well as their number, while keeping a strong presence for the king. It also gave widows the vote. This plan blindsided and burst against a tidal wave of outrage, and even the military was less sure. In response, the King abdicated in favour of his son, and the council of regents immediately derogated the constitution.
Technology being the driver of the world, it was no wonder that it was a major preoccupation of governments.
Italian research was focused upon communication, utilising their new electric power to harness sound waves for near-instant communication across a swathe of territory. An initial effort proved successful, but the ambition of Marconi was greater, and Italy leapt ahead in this sphere. Soon it had posts in five major cities, and was looking into military applications,
The German brothers were instead more typical, seeking out applications for cordite. Austria-Hungary started work on its first Dreadnought, supplied by large cordite factories, off on an ironclad warship. Germany used its chemical industry to revolutionise the production of cordite itself, turning it into a booming sector at cut rate prices.
It also began looking into flying railways. Perhaps inspired by Japanese news, the method of these was to bypass terrain and any other matters, creating a pure and straight line from any point to any other. These would also be much less vulnerable to infantry or the loss of territory, though at the same time the trains on them would fear catastrophe if there was any form of trouble.
Japan itself sought flying barges itself. Turning the air into a new sea had exceedingly profitable possibilities, and would remove most needs for geographic change in order to permit railroad construction. As it turned out, size was a limiter- these great container-ships needed to be larger than any normal ship in order to prove buoyant and floating with the limited amount of steel per square inch that an unarmored vessel had. All the same, the first prototype built had tremendous upfront cost, and had to be kept by the state. It might have incredible logistical advantages for troop or good transport, but its resilience and value had yet to be seen.
Over the Pacific, the United States continued to fund the CMRA's general efforts, creating a strong base for any future cordite research, but one that needed to be channelled. More success came from communications technology, in particular the move towards electricity. Nikola Tesla provided the impetus for the aptly-named Tesla Coil. This very impressive looking machine could also provide economically viable electric power, and was suggested could be used for defensive military purposes if continued along it.
Russia took to metallurgy, hiring experts from other nations with great terms, and imposing them on its native industry. This provided for better cordite-steel-alloy production, but it would undoubtedly require an industrial plan if self-sufficiency was desired.
Meanwhile, the French finished work on the first prototype of the rolling machine. The war weapon was expensive, impossible to fly, and slow. It was a tall thing that would be an easy target for artillery and Dreadnoughts. But for all this, it was a walking fort that in even small numbers could unhinge any defensive line or form a new one.
Finally the Ottomans had more relaxed hopes. They wanted to modernise their agriculture. For this, they sought wheeled steam trains without rails. Tractors for the farms that made up the base of the economy. This research was successful, improving upon existing steam tractors (or 'road locomotives') in such a manner that could be used on land. However, the cost was still too high for peasant families, and local industry would have a hard time coping with any real demand. The solution had yet to be found.
While all attention seemed to take place in Europe and East Asia, the Middle East seemed able to gasp for air. A (probably temporary) lack of great power pressure to any country let the nations of Islam attempt self-strengthening.
Afghanistan, an undoubted British proxy, wanted to establish a local arms industry. Or, rather, a local arms modification industry. Modern weapons were too expensive and complex for them, but they could reform them, cut them down, and thus gain long-term access through easier maintenance. The main coup of this was a small number of Maxim guns. These would see immediate use and testing in the deportation of the Hazara to Iran, which required fighting and firepower to enforce. Those of them who were Sunni often chose to continue onwards, to more religiously friendly nations.
Iran itself established a national bank with the aid of Belgian exiles, one under its personal and direct control. In order to fund it, the patriotic groups were looked for, but found wanting. The clergy was certainly not interested, and opposed. The bank thus had to derive in the fortunes of the nobility and those nomads that could be pressured. These troubles were, however, only teething. Innovative landlords and tobacco producers looked towards it for new credit, and it seemed likely to provide future modernisation for the country.
The Ottomans attempted similarly. With the SGEO failing, they made efforts diplomatic and internal to 'snap it up'. While negotiations proved plausible, and a basic local infrastructure was formed that would be able to take it over, it required assent from the foreign powers, which might or might not be coming.
Increased spending, rather than on policing or the military, both of which remained unreformed, went on education and agriculture. At notable cost, the Istanbul Polytechnic was anticipated to graduate two thousand students each year. Many of these were to be from other countries, sponsored by local muslim communities. As the Ottomans grew more desperate, they leaned further into the ethos of the Caliphate and the Ummah, for good and ill.
Agricultural efforts were focused on this too, using education to evade funding problems associated with large amounts of modernisation. Agro-experts would teach farmers how to work their lands better, and they would go on to seek investment. Unfortunately, there was still a simple lack of capital in rural areas. An urban movement was needed. Still, several model farms were established on "European" models, to good success.
Japan and Vietnam, meanwhile, wanted security. While Vietnam successfully improved ties with Siam, it found itself out of luck on any kind of defensive agreement. Siam's independence was based on playing off France and Britain, and it would have no trouble sacrificing its old rivals in Dai Viet for that purpose. The country of Japan, embattled in a crisis, threw cordite at the army.
Cordite, aside from its marvellous antigravitic powers, seemed like it could also provide smokeless powder. This sharp advance in small arms was looked at quickly by the Imperial Japanese Army, who began to upgrade themselves on this basis and build up arsenals.
Fear had taken the world by storm. The governments of the great powers, one and all, were going to reform. Viewed as the most in need of it was the Habsburg realm, also known as (if never in official correspondence) Austria-Hungary. A recent attempt had failed, but it had laid the seeds for a steadier and more complex overhaul. In order to obtain this, herculean coalition efforts were required.
The Iron Ring of Count Taaffe, however, was based upon these. They were nothing new. Negotiations with the Hungarians involving mild tax and tariff concessions saw the permission for Cislethanian reform, which hinged on an acceptance of reality to the minimal position. Rather than a Czech coronation, or a Croatian trialism, or anything of the sort, non-territorial autonomy was the name of the day.
Outside Austria core, the various provinces and nationalities stepped towards a more equal and equitative system of funding, representation, and agency. By parlaying for individual matters and weakening the power of majorities, some feared the end of German hegemony. But in reality, the overall system was not damaged or attacked. What came about was instead a boon to nationalities that improved their loyalty to the government and dynasty while strengthening their ability to display this. Mass politics was incoming.
These negotiations happened at the same time as military budget debates. Austria had, for a time, been the country that spent the least on its military in Europe. Now it wanted to change that. For what reason none needed to ask, as all of a sudden the naval politics that had little mattered in Austria-Hungary became all important for survival.
First of all came graft and pork barrel. Czech industrialists were easily won over. Hungarian and German liberals were more browbeaten and bought. Polish conservatives had already been. Centralisers saw much value in this. The budget thus went up, increasing the yearly conscription intake, devoting a special subsection for aerial experiments, and providing for more yearly buyings of artillery pieces. A portion of it also went to the Evidenzbureau, the intelligence service.
On the other side of the border, the liberal Crispi government was also attempting reforms. More pleased with the political system (or, rather, unwilling to actually take the radical steps of changing it), it started a politicisation of the police. They would now be loyal to the state, not to money. Each of the four police corps was gone through and shaken up. New positions were chosen, training overhauled, and new judges appointed. What was primarily noticed was the abject lack of coverage and deployment in the south, not to speak of recruitment. Corruption in general was estimated to go down, but these things always took time.
The police, with the new Penal Code on hand, found themselves very busy. Agitation was increasing all over the country. Catholics advocated a deal with the Pope by any means, and often refused to participate in the system. Venetian regionalists, while small, reappeared. Sardinian, Sicilian, mafiosi, all kinds of localist, conservative formations grumbled increasingly against the state. The foundation of the Sicilian fasci, an early workers' union, suggested the start of a new movement.
Unions rising was understandable, as liberalism came with industry and financialization. The Italian central bank, newly founded and strengthened on the back of parliament, increased minting and interest, as well as power over general bonds. This organisation improved regulation, but probably not enough to stop the next bank crash. Still, it would provide for the future.
More directly influential were the great steel mills built in the cities of the north. Estimated to soon double Italian steel production, they worked off a base of hydropower and used the new arc furnace technology to perfect steel to a screaming point. It was, perhaps, the most effective economic policy yet, but it also meant a national deficit.
English-speakers were, as always, rising in prestige. French was still the language of diplomacy and the arts, but Britain's position was beyond noticed. Their actions, and in a lesser sense those of America's, resounded in the world.
Domestically, they centered on two things: regulation and medicine. Britain loved its people. Queen Victoria loved her people. The British people were upright, prosperous, and better than everyone else. And since they were better than everyone else, they were going to live better than everyone else. A mass series of bills passed parliament in these years, from factory safety laws, to compulsory primary schooling, to pensions. These bills sought to tame the wild poor, but also to prove the rich responsible to them, to improve their lot and show the progressive reform pace of Britain allowed it to deserve its leading global role.
As for medicine, while it stayed solidly in the realms of private and charity investment, it was centralised and rationalised, and research funding poured in. Thanks to this, seven different particular advancements were made. The first two were in the field of vaccination, the second two in cholera prevention and treatment, one in a final proof of germ theory, and one in blood groups.
The seventh was more particular. It suggested that overexposure to cordite, including cordite steel alloys, had toxic results in contact. These were relatively minor but over long periods such as those of a sailor could result in liver toxicity and period fevers. No one had yet had more than a small sickness due to it, but perhaps over decades of use this might change. Either way, the "moral Prime Minister" had improved the living standards of his isles, and was set to do so more over the coming years.
Outside, action was rougher. The Belgian military had tarnished themselves beyond reasonable doubt in their cooperation with the "social democratic" coup d'etat. In order to ensure the stabilisation of the country, therefore, the British deployed their own. The HMS Dreadnought floated across the channel to Brussels, and landed a division with troopships there.
This was breathlessly bold, but it had been permitted. France and Germany, both of whom still promised Belgium guarantees, had not acted at British threats previously. They had accepted British leadership in the matter. Probably this was a wise choice, rather than opposing a grandiose and suddenly demanding superpower. Diplomatic kerfuffles could be resolved later. Humiliations could be won back. A lost war would be forever lost.
Thus the British were allowed to coup Belgium in defense of Belgium. A more traditional government was put in place, reforms rolled back. Of course, this was much better than what any other neighbour might have imposed on the country. Owing to the marriages and personalities of all Leopold's daughters (one Austria's crown princess, one France's, and one a divorcee), the nephew Albert was chosen to succeed the dead maniac. Still too young to be king, there would be a temporary and pliant regency for British interests.
The first display of this was the signing off of all rights to the Congo to Britain. Legally, this was quite disputable, owing to the accumulated treaties, agreements, and actions that had formed it. Nonetheless, it was declared and backed by the British government, which immediately set out to prove it by action. The diplomatic fallout was grave, and angered many a colonial lobby, so that Africa began to resemble something of a crisis.
At the very same time, things were brewing in the west. With American "worrying noises", the great settler colony of Canada was due for activity. Unlike expectations of the Great Railroad that would decide the fate of the country, cordite hoped to turn the world into a new sea. Air currents allowed for easy travel from North America to Europe, and British capitalists were eager to see this turned to equally easy money.
Key positions in Canada were thus turned into airship ports, beginning a process that would, over time, integrate it much more fully into the imperial economy. Resources, rather than needing to be railed and then shipped, would simply be loaded upon new grand flying boats that would begin to move them around. This was not a perfect matter- this was new technology, and had many growing pains, such as the wear and tear of high winds. But so too had the railroad been once, and no one could stand against it and win.
This Canadian investment was supported by the deployment of a Dreadnought to it, exploring and patrolling, and being a quiet promise to anyone who would threaten British interests. It was primarily directed at the United States, and though it was not classifiable as a threat or attack, it did trouble locals. In the immediate, it made the McKinley tariff plan more popular, which raised the vast majority of tariffs on imports to 50%, raising prices and scuppering many plans for trade around the world. In Britain, specifically, it lifted calls for reciprocal tariffs and for greater imperial trade and bias.
President Harrison was further working on matters of investment. Thanks to the general surplus in American budgets, and to increased revenue from tariffs, he was able to splurge on a general navy expansion bill, focused around vessels that would enhance the ability of America to defend its borders, rather than commit to adventures abroad. Even so, this included a large number of ironclads and 'battleships'.
In terms of new technology, Harrison invested in both the commercial and military sectors of cordite industry, allowing for the beginning of export of "cordite steel" to more minor countries, and in attempts to poach (as most powers were doing) British engineers involved in commercial airship production.
The military endeavour was in the flying dockyard project. The advantages of this project were numerous, incredibly costly as it might be. In particular, it would allow for as-yet unknown depths of research and construction, building special Dreadnoughts in new and improved forms. For now, however, not only did it require research, but also massive and comprehensive continuous investment. Some sarcastically suggested it would take as long as the Trans-Siberian rail, or the Panama Canal project (though the latter might have now been superseded)
What this also meant for Britain was little for now. However, together with the increasing number of Dreadnoughts being built, it set off the terrible question of a tonnage race. Britain, rather than consolidating its position at the top, might have collapsed it- if any nation could catch up in the cordite battleship business. This was an open question, and it suggested some worry as well. After all, the British Empire was worldwide, and overextended. While its advantage was still important, and unlikely to die soon, caution was still as always required. America, or Germany, or France might see the value in intervention in one of the hotspots Britain was touching upon.
Or perhaps it ought to strike while the iron was hot, subjugate Europe, and take control of all shipyards worldwide.
Of course, the iron might never stop being hot. British technology was certainly not weakening. The current projects were focused on medicine, as stated, and on the flying tankers. This last one had such tremendous value, and such immense opportunities, that it was hard to explain. It could turn all existing commerce around, balloon the trade advantage Britain enjoyed, and ignore all terrain on earth or sea. Now, it was still limited by the price tag (exorbitant at this time, and requiring government subsidies), and by air patterns, but the future seemed exceedingly bright for British merchants.
1890 Statistics
Explanation: Stability is the amount of riotousness or unity of your country, economic condition is the size and state of the economy, while conventional land/naval forces are only represented in terms of overall capacity, rather than specifically separating size, quality, and technology. The special factors portion is expected to be the most changing and evolving part of the stats this game.
Key: Awful/Poor/Adequate/Fair/Good/Excellent Bolded: Improving Italics: Worsening
+/-: Better or worse
NEVER FORGET: ASK ME ANYTHING
British Empire
Stability: Adequate
Economic Condition: Good
Land Forces: Adequate
Naval Forces: Excellent
Special Factors: Five Dreadnoughts (+2, +2 1891, +2 1892, +1 1893, +1 1894, +3 1895), Floating Barges, Flying Tradeships,
Player: @Maugan Ra
United States of America
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Fair
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Adequate
Special Factors: One Dreadnought, Tesla Coil, Aerial Dock?
Player: @Shynka
German Empire
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Fair
Land Forces: Good
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors: One Dreadnought (+1 1891, +1892, +1 1893), Flying Railroads,
Player: @Anchises
French Republic
Stability: Adequate-
Economic Condition: Fair+
Land Forces: Fair
Naval Forces: Fair
Special Factors: Steam Walker
Player: @Valleron
Russian Empire
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Adequate
Land Forces: Good
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors: One Dreadnought due 1892
Player: @Fission Battery
Austrian Empire
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Adequate
Land Forces: Adequate
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors: One Dreadnought due 1892
Player: @Zeller
Empire of Japan
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Poor+
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors: Flying Barges
Player: @Weygand
Kingdom of Italy
Stability: Adequate
Economic Condition: Poor++
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors: Electric Arc Furnace, Radios
Player: @Crilltic
Ottoman Empire
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors: Steam tractors
Player: @Todorius
Kingdom of Spain
Stability: Adequate
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Poor
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors:
Player: NPC
Kingdom of the Netherlands
Stability: Good
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors:
Player: NPC
Great Qing
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Poor+
Naval Forces: Poor
Special Factors:
Player: @Salguod
Kingdom of Belgium
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Poor
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: NPC
Kingdom of Greece
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Awful+
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Frostbyght
Princedom of Bulgaria
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: Open
Kingdom of Serbia
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Darkeva
Kingdom of Romania
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors: Airship system
Player: @Shrike
Guarded Domains of Iran
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @DerechteNikolaus
Afghanistan
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Awful+
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Always Late
Vietnam
Stability: Poor
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Silver Gambit
Korea
Stability: Fair
Economic Condition: Awful
Land Forces: Awful
Naval Forces: Awful
Special Factors:
Player: @Fancy Face
THE GOVERNMENT OF JAPAN, being aware of its obligations under treaty, was invited to the occupation of southern Korea as well as the city of Seoul and its environs as pertained to the unfolding security situation within the peninsula. As a steadfast ally of peace, the Imperial Japanese Army was dispatched to accept this invitation and commenced positions on the demarcated lines by agreement with our Chinese counterparts.
It is now clear that the security situation on the Korean peninsula has been further enflamed by the presence of Japanese troops, with the widespread looting of armouries etc. commencing upon the withdrawal of local security forces prior to our arrival. These irregular formations - erroneously attributed to the Imperial Japanese Army - are entirely in the employ of entities claiming to represent an independent Korea, a state of affairs not recognised by His Majesty the Emperor.
THEREFORE his Majesty the Emperor invites the restoration of peace upon the peninsula and believes this shall be best achieved by the summary withdrawal of Japanese land forces from Korea as well as the dispatch of malign actors in the Korean government.
We welcome the resolve and commitment of our Chinese counterparts on this matter.
In the wake of the Korean Betrayal (1888-1890) and the catastrophic foreign intervention that that movement precipitated, the imperial government reconsidered the need for tributary states. Government policy had remained that tributary states and vassals hood was easier to maintain than direct rule, however, this had already been attempted, and thoroughly rejected by Korea, when in 1888, it had tried to throw off Chinese sovereignty by first speaking to Russia, and then in 1889, by speaking to Japan.
Korea had been barred from conducting independent foreign diplomacy without Chinese approval since the 1882 coup d'état. Yet, when Korea once again began acting out of line, the Emperor, determined to uphold the sovereignty of China and its tributaries, dispatched General Yuan Shikai, along with ten thousand soldiers, to Pyongyang. This move was fully in accordance with the treaties between China and Korea. As a show of respect and transparency, the Emperor even informed Japan ahead of time, as agreed upon in the Convention of Tientsin.
In a spirit of magnanimity, the Emperor sought not to punish, but to offer greater responsibility and freedom to his vassal states. He proposed a visionary alliance—the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere—a union between China, Japan, Vietnam, and Korea that would elevate the status of all nations involved, bringing mutual prosperity and strength. Despite fierce opposition from Empress Dowager Cixi, the Emperor believed in this path of cooperation and extended an olive branch to Japan, offering to recognize Korea's new status as a mutual protectorate, thus giving them more autonomy, after the affair with the Empire of Russia was rectified.
However, Japan and Korea treacherously betrayed this noble gesture. Japan, colluding with disloyal factions within the Korean government, quickly armed "independent" Korean forces and orchestrated a refusal to allow Yuan Shikai's troops to enter the northern regions, barring their passage to the capital. Under Japan's covert manipulation, Korea shamelessly declared its independence in this measure, spurning the very sovereignty and protection that had kept it safe.
Through this it was clear—Japan and Korea had stabbed the Emperor in the back, turning what could have been a shared era of peace and prosperity into an act of treachery.
Their betrayal, however, went even deeper, as Japan's treacherous ambitions and Vietnam's disloyalty unraveled the bonds once forged through blood and sacrifice. Brave Chinese soldiers had laid down their lives to protect Vietnam, and an entire imperial fleet had been consigned to the depths, fulfilling China's solemn duty to safeguard its ally. Yet, the very nation shielded by Chinese valor now turned its back on its benefactor. Japan, unsatisfied with its role in orchestrating Korea's treachery, extended its perfidious hand toward Vietnam—a country whose continued existence was owed to China's sacrifices.
Japan's meddling did not end there. It began interfering in French Indochina, exploiting the region's instability to further its own ambitions, stoking fears of a renewed French presence. Meanwhile, Vietnam, emboldened by Japan's covert backing, dared to flex its muscles, forgetting the debt of loyalty owed to the empire that had bled to defend it.
The rise of the Guangxu Emperor had been heralded by China's hard-won victory over France in Vietnam, but while beloved by the common citizen, within the imperial court, his authority remained fragile. Although his loyal allies had assumed key government positions, their influence was swiftly undone by the iron will of Empress Dowager Cixi. Blaming them for allowing the situation to deteriorate into such treachery, she purged them from the court in one swift and decisive action.
Three weeks later, in the wake of this betrayal, Empress Dowager Cixi issued the following edict:
Imperial Edict of the Qing Imperial Government
(January, 1889)
Certain principles of morality (changjing) are immutable, whereas methods of
governance (zhifa) have always been mutable. The Classic of Changes states that "when a
measure has lost effective force, the time has come to change it." And the Analects states that
"the Shang and Zhou dynasties took away from and added to the regulations of their
predecessors, as can readily be known."
But, the Three Mainstays (Bonds) [ruler/subject, parent/child, and husband/ wife] and
the Five Constant Virtues [humaneness, rightness, ritual decorum, wisdom, and
trustworthiness] remain forever fixed and unchanging, just as the sun and the stars shine
steadfastly upon the earth.
Throughout the ages, successive generations have introduced new ways and abolished
obsolete. Our own august ancestors set up new systems to meet the requirements of the day.
Laws and methods (fa) become obsolete and, once obsolete, require revision in order to serve
their intended purpose of strengthening the state and benefiting the people.
It is well known that the actions against the nation, propounded by our rebellious subjects, were not in response to our laws (bianfa) and instead an expression worse than lawlessness (luanfa).
These rebellious subjects took advantage of the court's weakened condition to plot sedition. It was only by an appeal to the Empress Dowager to assist in the reins of power that the court was saved from immediate peril and the evil rooted out in a single day.
How can anyone say that in suppressing this insurrectionary movement that the Guangxu Emperor did anything but just or declined to sanction anything new? Or that in offering away Korea and adding to the prosperity of Asia, that we gave permission for our subjects to seek a complete abolition of the old? We sought to steer a middle course between the two extremes and to follow a path to good administration.
Officials and the people alike must know that mother and son [the Empress Dowager and the Guangxu emperor] were activated by one and the same motive. The prosperity of all of Asia.
We have now received Her Majesty's decree to devote ourselves fully to China's revitalization, to suppress vigorously those who seek to overthrow the Three Mainstays and the Five Constant Virtues in the pursuit of the new and old, and to blend together the best of what is Chinese and what is foreign to ensure the empire never falters.
The root of China's weakness lies in harmful habits too firmly entrenched, in rules and regulations too minutely drawn, in the overabundance of inept and mediocre officials and in the paucity of truly outstanding ones, in petty bureaucrats who hide behind the written word and in clerks and yamen runners who use the written word as talismans to acquire personal fortunes, in the mountains of correspondence between government offices that have no relationship to reality, and in the seniority system and associated practices that block the way of men of real talent. The curse of our country (Ch.guojia, J. kokka) lies in the one word si, or "private advantage"; the ruin of our realm lies in the one word li, or "narrow precedent."
Those who have studied Western methods up to now had confined themselves to the
spoken and written languages and to weapons and machinery. These are but surface elements
of the West and have nothing to do with the essentials of Western learning. Our Chinese
counterparts to the fundamental principles upon which Western wealth and power are based
are the following precepts, handed down by our ancestors: "to hold high office and show
generosity to others," "to exercise liberal forbearance over subordinates," "to speak with
sincerity," and "to carry out one's purpose with diligence."
In our dealings with our unruly subjects, we have endeavored to uphold the sacred precepts handed down by our ancestors. Yet, despite our adherence to these principles, our vassals have forsaken them, content to cling to corrupt practices that favor personal gain over the greater good. In doing so, they have sown chaos throughout Asia, driven by nothing but greed. In response to this betrayal, the Empire finds it necessary to depart from traditional precepts when confronting those who flagrantly disregard the established order.
The esteemed Western scholars, Matteo Ricci and Ferdinand Verbiest, Jesuits who served as imperial teachers, were known to hold dear the saying: "Whoever spares the rod hates his child, but he who loves his child is diligent in discipline." If our subjects defy the Three Mainstays and the Five Constant Virtues, they are no better than unruly children. How, then, can the imperial court neglect its duty in upholding the second of the Three Bonds—between parent and child—by failing to administer the rod of correction?
Thus, we now charge the members of the Grand Council, the Grand Secretaries, the Six Boards, the Nine Ministries, our ministers abroad, and the governors-general and governors of the provinces to contemplate deeply the dismal state of affairs in Asia. They must carefully examine, in light of all dynastic regulations, state administration, official affairs, the people's livelihood, military structure, and financial management, the heavy burden these faithless subjects will impose upon the common people—both within the empire and beyond.
We call upon all officials and subjects to reflect with the deepest sense of duty on the appropriate course of action in response to such flagrant betrayal. Consider carefully what must be done to rectify this disobedience, for the future of the empire rests on our ability to rejuvenate its strength. Through diligent study and careful observation, we shall follow a path that restores our nation's vigor, cultivates men of true talent who uphold the Five Constant Virtues, expands the empire's wealth, and rebuilds our military to meet the challenges ahead.
The first and most pressing need is to ensure the loyalty of our subjects and to install capable men who govern with wisdom and integrity (zhi ren). The corrupted officials who have distorted a system inherently virtuous must be removed, for without men of true ability, even the finest systems cannot succeed. Once the root causes of corruption are uprooted, it will become all the more essential to appoint upright and capable men to their posts. In this regard, our unruly vassals, Korea and Vietnam, can no longer be granted the autonomy once allowed by our generosity. These lands must be fully integrated into the empire to ensure unity under heaven.
Everyone, high and low: take heed!
The Empress Dowager and the Guangxu Emperor have long deliberated over these matters. Now, with our empire at the brink, the moment for decisive change has come. The future of China depends on how we carry out this transformation from weakness to strength.
The Imperial Court Responds
In response to the Edict, the Imperial Court of the Qing Dynasty has issued the following proclamation:
Qing Dynasty Military Announcement
Dated: Year 4 of the Reign of the Emperor Guangxu, 7th Month, 27th Day
On the 27th day of the 7th month, an imperial decree was submitted to the throne. The submission states:
"My humble opinion is that our nation is currently in a perilous situation. Internally, there are many offices and posts that are vacant and left unfilled. The officials are lazy and negligent in their duties. The morale of the soldiers has become complacent and weak, leading to a lack of discipline and readiness in our forces. Externally, enemy forces have pressed forward and are stationed along our borders in Korea, on the brink of launching incursions into our territory. Although our dynasty has sent forces to defend the frontier, it is evident that the numbers are insufficient, and the quality of soldiers is lacking.
In addition, the commanders and leaders in charge have failed to adequately prepare and train their troops, leading to fears that we will suffer multiple defeats and the losses of key cities and regions. There is widespread panic among the population as rumors spread of the enemy's strength and our inability to resist them. Furthermore, certain regions remain plagued by the floods, where traitorous bandits have exploited the situation to stir chaos and disobedience among the people. This has compounded the difficulties we face both in defense and in quelling internal unrest.
To remedy this dire situation, I humbly submit to His Majesty the following suggestions:
First, a comprehensive reform of the military system is necessary. We must enforce stricter discipline among the soldiers, and those who exhibit cowardice or disobedience must be punished without leniency. Officers who fail in their duties should also be removed from their posts immediately and replaced with more capable individuals.
Second, the provinces and local governments must be instructed to immediately raise new forces to support the imperial army. The training of these forces must be overseen by skilled officers, and the soldiers must be equipped with better weaponry. The production of arms and supplies should be prioritized, and the Ministry of Revenue should allocate funds to ensure the swift delivery of these materials to the front lines.
Third, the Ministry of War should conduct a thorough review of the defensive structures along the border and order immediate repairs to any areas that are found to be in disrepair. In addition, we should build new fortifications in strategic locations that will help prevent enemy advancement.
Finally, I propose that we send a delegation to our neighbor, the United Kingdom, to request their assistance in this time of need. If they are unwilling to provide direct support, they should at least be persuaded to remain neutral in the conflict, so as not to further complicate the situation."
The Emperor, upon reading the submission, expressed deep concern and immediately issued the following decree:
"Let it be known to all officials and commanders of the military: the security of the nation is at stake, and failure to act will result in severe consequences. The recommendations submitted are wise and should be implemented without delay. Provincial governors are hereby ordered to raise additional troops and prepare for the defense of the nation. Those who are derelict in their duties will be punished according to the law. The Ministry of War is to carry out a complete overhaul of the military system and to ensure that discipline is enforced among all ranks. The repair of fortifications and the production of arms should be expedited.
Furthermore, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is to reach out to the United Kingdom and request their cooperation or neutrality in this conflict. As for the soldiers, they must be trained with urgency and supplied with the necessary resources to ensure victory. This decree is to be carried out with utmost diligence. Those who fail to do so will be considered guilty of treason."
The imperial decree ends here.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Sir Robert Hart
With the Emperor's approval, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, under the gravest of circumstances, dispatched envoys to the United Kingdom, seeking either their cooperation or, at the very least, neutrality in the mounting conflict. The Empire stood at a perilous crossroads, fearing that Japan, Korea, and Vietnam might align and attempt to curry favor with British interests. Recognizing the need for a trusted intermediary, the Ministry turned to Sir Robert Hart, a man whose influence within both Western and Chinese circles had been meticulously cultivated over decades.
As the Inspector-General of the Imperial Maritime Customs Service, Hart had been instrumental in modernizing China's financial administration, particularly through his steadfast reforms that had stabilized the empire's economy and upheld its sovereignty in a rapidly changing world. His reputation as a bridge between China and the West, combined with his ability to navigate the intricacies of diplomacy, made him the ideal candidate to negotiate terms with Britain on behalf of the Emperor.
Hart, understanding the gravity of the moment, set to work immediately, invoking his extensive network and utilizing his unmatched diplomatic acumen. The foundations for an agreement between the Qing Empire and the United Kingdom were laid with strategic foresight. In exchange for British military support in the Qing's efforts to secure Vietnam and Korea, and to safeguard the empire from potential Japanese and Russian incursions, the Qing government offered a series of concessions designed to appeal to both British commercial and geopolitical ambitions.
As the negotiations between the Qing Empire and the United Kingdom unfolded, Sir Robert Hart's masterful diplomacy paved the way for what would soon become a landmark agreement. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, wary that Japan, Korea, and Vietnam might seek to ingratiate themselves with British interests, had initially approached the United Kingdom in hopes of securing either cooperation or, at the very least, neutrality. Yet, in an unforeseen turn of events, the diplomatic tide shifted with startling rapidity.
After weeks of careful and discreet negotiations, the British Foreign Office delivered a formal communication to the Qing Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The message, addressed to the Minister himself, disclosed a remarkable misstep by Japan. In an ill-conceived diplomatic overture to Her Majesty's Government, Japan had committed a blunder so grave that it only served to cement Britain's support for the Qing Empire. The letter revealed a critical failure in Japan's strategy, and its contents marked a decisive moment in favor of the Qing cause. The contents of the letter were as follows:
To His Excellency, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Qing Empire,
I trust this letter finds Your Excellency in good health and high spirits. It is with both great interest and no small measure of astonishment that I must inform you of an unexpected and, I daresay, most fortuitous turn of events.
The Empire of Japan, in a misguided attempt to sway the favor of Her Majesty's Government, has presented a proposition of such brazen impudence that it could only have been conceived in the most misjudged halls of diplomacy. Japan, with unwarranted confidence, proposed that the United Kingdom lend its might to a venture they described as the "liberation" of Korea from Qing influence, promising a swift and decisive victory. Yet, upon closer examination, their terms proved not only inadequate but grievously miscalculated. They offered no significant concessions to justify British involvement, and worse still, insisted upon the total severance of Korea from the Qing realm—an outcome entirely unacceptable to both British and Qing interests alike.
Further compounding their error, Japan's envoys took the liberty of issuing what can only be described as a veiled threat, warning Her Majesty's Government of the supposed perils in failing to adopt their vision for East Asia. It seems they have gravely overestimated their influence, mistakenly believing that such impudence might sway a power of Britain's stature—one whose dominion extends across the globe and whose reputation rests on sound judgment, not coercion.
In light of this diplomatic blunder, the United Kingdom finds itself not only disinclined to consider Japan's proposition, but rather resolute in its support of the Qing Empire's rightful position in the region. Japan's missteps have only served to solidify our conviction that the stability of East Asia lies with the Qing, not with the reckless ambitions of a nation yet untested on the world stage.
Thus, it is with the greatest pleasure that I extend to Your Excellency the formal assurance of Her Majesty's Government. We stand prepared to honor the agreements previously discussed, and our commitment to the Qing cause has never been stronger. Japan's overreach has, in the end, proven to be an advantage most unexpected.
Please accept my heartfelt congratulations on this diplomatic triumph, brought about not by force of arms, but by the folly of your adversaries.
I remain, Your Excellency's most obedient servant, Sir Thomas Wade (retired)
Former British Minister to China
Writing in consultation with Her Majesty's Government
British Support Secured
The letter from the British Foreign Office was received with immense satisfaction within the halls of the Qing court. Japan's brazen arrogance, coupled with Britain's resolute stance against their reckless ambitions, had fortuitously solidified the Qing Empire's strategic position. Sir Robert Hart's diplomatic finesse, combined with Japan's grave missteps, had borne remarkable fruit. Not only was China's diplomatic standing reinforced, but the British commitment also guaranteed vital military support as the storm of conflict loomed in East Asia.
With Britain now ideologically and politically aligned with the Qing Empire, the final negotiations concluded with swiftness and precision. The painstakingly crafted agreement was formally sealed, with the Qing Empire offering a series of carefully calculated concessions to secure the indispensable military backing of the United Kingdom:
Expansion of the Treaty Port System
In a show of goodwill and strategic cooperation, the Qing Empire agreed to expand the Treaty Port system, granting the United Kingdom exclusive rights to key locations in newly annexed territories:
Vietnam: Treaty ports in Haiphong and Da Nang.
Korea: Treaty ports in Busan and Incheon.
These ports would grant British merchants several privileges, including:
Extraterritoriality: British citizens would be governed under British law, ensuring the protection of their rights and interests.
Unrestricted Trade: British merchants would be free to trade without hindrance, facilitating commerce across the region.
Permanent Business Rights: Long-term operations by British firms were guaranteed, fostering sustained economic influence.
Preferential Trade Status
To further entice British involvement, the Qing Empire extended the most favorable terms to British merchants:
Most-Favored-Nation Status: British traders would enjoy the most privileged treatment in both Vietnam and Korea, ensuring they held a competitive edge over other foreign powers.
Reduced Tariffs: Lower tariffs on British goods in the newly annexed territories would create advantageous conditions for British enterprises.
Resource Concessions
In addition to trade privileges, the Qing Empire granted Britain exclusive resource extraction rights in key areas:
Mining Concessions: British companies were awarded 15-year concessions to explore and extract minerals such as coal and copper in resource-rich regions of Vietnam and Korea. However, the Qing prudently reserved the rights to gold and silver deposits.
Agricultural Leases: British firms secured 15-year leases on vast tracts of agricultural land in Vietnam's fertile Mekong Delta, with the primary focus on cultivating the valuable commodity of rubber.
Infrastructure Development
Understanding the importance of modernization, the Qing Empire sought British expertise to overhaul its infrastructure:
Railway Contracts: British companies were granted contracts to construct and operate key railways, including:
Hanoi to Saigon in Vietnam.
Seoul to Busan in Korea.
These contracts included mineral rights along the railway corridors, ensuring that British firms would reap additional rewards during construction. Additionally, a major domestic line from Beijing to Guangzhou would be built by British companies, though the Qing retained operational control, and the project notably excluded mineral rights.
Telegraph Network: A British consortium received the exclusive rights to build and operate telegraph lines in Vietnam and Korea for an initial 10-year period, with a similar arrangement for the telegraph network within the Qing Empire itself. The British agreed to provide competitive rates and fair wages for Chinese laborers involved in the project.
Military Cooperation
To cement the strategic alliance, the Qing Empire offered Britain the use of vital military assets in the region:
Naval Bases: The Royal Navy was granted a 10-year lease to establish key naval bases at:
Cam Ranh Bay, Vietnam.
Jeju Island, Korea.
These bases would serve as essential resupply and maintenance stations for British naval operations in East Asia, with lease terms subject to renegotiation.
Diplomatic Assurances
In recognition of Britain's global influence and shared regional interests, the Qing Empire made the following diplomatic commitments:
Recognition of British Sphere of Influence: The Qing Empire formally acknowledged British influence over Burma and Malaysia, pledging non-interference in these areas, thereby securing Britain's regional control.
Legal and Administrative Guarantees
To safeguard British citizens and enterprises, the Qing Empire extended further legal protections:
British Consular Courts: British nationals in Vietnam and Korea would have their legal matters adjudicated in British consular courts, operating under British law—a continuation of the system already in place in China.
Thus, with the signing of this landmark agreement, the Qing Empire's position was not only safeguarded but also significantly strengthened through Britain's steadfast support. The intricate diplomacy of Sir Robert Hart, combined with Japan's diplomatic folly, had strategically positioned the Qing Empire to embark on a rightful campaign of territorial unification and annexation, aimed at securing its borders and restoring regional stability
Imperial Proclamations to Korea
In light of these favorable conditions, the Imperial Court issued the following proclamations to Korea:
Qing Dynasty Official War Proclamation
To all loyal subjects of the Great Qing Empire:
The empire is faced with external threats and internal turmoil, as the imperial court remains concerned with the situation in Korea. For many years, Korea has been a tributary state under our empire's protection, yet recent foreign encroachments have endangered its stability. Western nations, with their aggressive expansionist policies, seek to undermine our influence and bring harm to our vassal states. Worse still, the treacherous Japanese, who presented themselves as allies in the defense of East Asia, now pursue their own imperial ambitions, manipulating the Joseon Dynasty to forsake their virtue and threaten our interests in Korea.
It is therefore the duty of the empire to defend Korea, not only for the sake of maintaining the long-standing relationship between our two nations but also for the greater stability of the East Asian region as a whole.
Our military, already deployed along the eastern frontier, must be strengthened to protect our interests. The imperial court has thus decreed that additional forces shall be mobilized to secure Korea and repel any hostile foreign powers attempting to intervene in Korean affairs. Moreover, the empire shall work to reform the administration of its armed forces to ensure the continued success of its military campaigns. The army must be modernized and equipped with the latest weaponry, and its ranks filled with disciplined and loyal soldiers who will defend the nation without faltering.
The foreign powers, though technologically advanced, cannot compare to the might of our united empire. It is with this in mind that the empire calls upon all of its loyal subjects to do their part in supporting the war effort. Officials are to oversee the drafting of able-bodied men into the army, while ensuring that the production of arms and supplies is increased to meet the demands of our forces in the field.
Furthermore, the empire will not tolerate insubordination or cowardice in the face of the enemy. Any officer or soldier who fails to carry out their duties will be severely punished. The empire also expects full cooperation from the provinces in securing the necessary funds and resources to sustain the war effort. The local authorities must take responsibility for the defense of their regions and maintain order in the face of any internal strife.
The empire's objective is clear: to protect Korea and preserve the stability of East Asia. Let every man, woman, and child be mindful of the gravity of the situation and commit themselves to the cause. The empire shall prevail, and all foreign threats will be repelled. Let the empire stand united, and victory will be assured.
Proclamation of the Qing Empire to Korea
On the first day of the eighth month, by the command of Heaven, the Great Qing Empire has raised its army to hold Korea accountable for its wrongdoings. Korea, being a vassal state of ours, has paid tribute to our country since ancient times and has never rebelled. However, in recent years, the Korean king has become ignorant and unrighteous, trusting unworthy people, and rejecting the commands of our country. Now, internal chaos has erupted, and innocent people suffer while wicked factions manipulate power, corrupt ministers accept bribes, and the state's governance is in disarray, causing the people's hearts to lean towards rebellion. It is thus our responsibility to protect and oversee this vassal state.
Now, in obedience to the Emperor's command, a large army has been dispatched to Korea to suppress the disobedient, punish the rebels, pacify the people, eliminate the wicked factions, restore the dignity of the Heavenly Court, and rectify the state's governance, so that the Korean king and his ministers may once again follow the correct path, aligning with the will of our universal sovereign. If the Korean king and his ministers have any self-awareness, sincerely repent, and follow the will of our Great Qing, they shall be treated leniently, preserving their status as a vassal state, and may be spared punishment, allowing the preservation of their nation's fortunes. But if they persist in stubborn resistance and disobedience, their crimes will be severely punished without mercy and the Joseon Dynasty, along with its bloodline, will be utterly annihilated, their legacy erased through the brutal sentence of nine familial extermination, leaving nothing but dust in the pages of history.
To the people of Korea, you should understand that the arrival of the Qing army is not for invasion but for your salvation from peril. If you show loyalty, our army will uphold righteousness, protect your lives, and safeguard your land. There is no need for fear. However, those who side with the rebels shall face the punishment of extermination, and should thus act prudently and carefully. The people should follow the mandate of Heaven, welcome the arrival of the army, and ensure the safety of their families and homes.
This proclamation is issued to make Heaven's will clear, so there should be no doubt.
@Fancy Face - The choice is yours: Unconditional surrender or witness the complete annexation of Korea by the Qing Empire.
Imperial Proclamations to Vietnam
In light of these favorable conditions, the Imperial Court issued the following proclamations to Vietnam:
Qing Dynasty Official War Proclamation
To all loyal subjects of the Great Qing Empire:
In times of turmoil and betrayal, the sacred bonds that hold the empire together must be defended with unwavering resolve. Vietnam, once a loyal vassal under the protection of the Qing, has chosen the path of treachery, forsaking the Three Mainstays that define the natural order: the bond between ruler and subject, the bond between parent and child, and the bond between husband and wife. Even more grievously, they have shattered the Five Constant Virtues—humaneness, rightness, ritual decorum, wisdom, and trustworthiness—that have guided the empire and all under heaven for countless generations.
When the French forces threatened to subjugate Vietnam, it was we, the Great Qing, who rose to their defense. At great cost to ourselves, we spilled the blood of our soldiers, emptied the imperial treasury, and endured the sorrow of our people to secure Vietnam's freedom. We asked for nothing in return. We demanded no tribute, no wealth, and no dominion over their lands. Instead, we fulfilled our sacred duty as protectors, securing Vietnam's sovereignty against foreign invasion, all in accordance with the principles of loyalty and benevolence that bind an overlord to his vassals.
Yet how has Vietnam repaid this sacrifice? By spitting in the face of the very empire that saved them. They have conspired with Japan, a nation that has already violated its own treaties with the Qing, and they have turned their backs on the bonds of loyalty that should have remained unbreakable. Their betrayal is not just an affront to the Great Qing Empire, but to the moral order of the world. They have abandoned their obligations, defiled the virtues of rightness and trustworthiness, and chosen to side with foreign aggressors in pursuit of their own selfish gain.
This betrayal demands retribution. The Vietnamese rulers, who have forsaken the natural order, will face the consequences of their actions. Just as a parent disciplines a wayward child, the Qing Empire must now correct its disloyal subject. The law is clear: those who defy the sacred bonds between ruler and subject and fail to repent shall face extinction, their familial lines cut off to nine generations, as is the just punishment for such grievous treachery.
Our sacrifices on behalf of Vietnam have been great. Thousands of Chinese soldiers and sailors gave their lives in defense of a land that has now turned against us. The wealth of the empire was spent to rebuild their shattered cities, and our people endured hardship so that Vietnam might stand strong. Yet now, in return for our generosity, we are met with deceit. Vietnam's rulers, driven by greed and self-interest, have forsaken their loyalty to the Qing, aligning themselves with Japan, a nation that seeks to sow chaos and discord across Asia.
The Qing Empire, as the defender of order and stability in East Asia, cannot allow such treachery to go unpunished. It is the duty of the empire to uphold the Three Mainstays and the Five Constant Virtues, to restore harmony where it has been broken, and to ensure that the moral fabric of our society remains intact. Vietnam has proven itself unworthy of the protection and favor we have bestowed upon them. Their rulers will be made to answer for their betrayal, and their land will be brought under firm control to prevent further treachery.
The imperial court decrees that the full might of the Qing military shall now be unleashed upon Vietnam. Our armies, strengthened and disciplined, will march south to restore order, and to eradicate the corruption that has taken root in the Vietnamese court. The rulers who have betrayed the empire will be brought to justice, and the moral order will be restored. Their families, tainted by treachery, will face extinction, as is right and just.
This war is not only a matter of military necessity, but a moral imperative. The sacred principles handed down by our ancestors demand that we act to preserve the bonds of loyalty and the virtues that sustain the empire. Vietnam's betrayal has disrupted the harmony of East Asia, and it is the Qing Empire's responsibility to restore that harmony, for the benefit of all.
All officials of the empire are commanded to support this righteous cause. Able-bodied men must be recruited into the army, and the provinces must provide all necessary resources to sustain the campaign. The loyalty of our people is crucial in this time of crisis, and any sign of disobedience or cowardice will be met with swift and severe punishment.
Let all loyal subjects of the Great Qing Empire know that this war is just, and that victory is certain. We have sacrificed much to protect Vietnam, and now we will ensure that our sacrifices were not in vain. The treacherous rulers of Vietnam will be brought low, and the honor of the Qing Empire will be restored. The empire shall prevail, and the moral order will once again reign supreme across the lands.
The Empress Dowager and the Guangxu Emperor have long deliberated on this matter. The time for decisive action has come. The betrayal of Vietnam shall not stand, and through our strength, the Qing Empire will emerge stronger, more united, and more resolute in its defense of the sacred principles that have guided us for millennia.
Loyalty, virtue, and justice will prevail. Victory is assured.
Proclamation of the Qing Empire to Vietnam
On the first day of the eighth month, by the mandate of Heaven, the Great Qing Empire has raised its army to hold Vietnam accountable for its grave transgressions. Since ancient times, Vietnam, as a loyal vassal state of ours, has paid tribute to the empire and enjoyed our protection. However, in recent years, the rulers of Vietnam have strayed from the path of righteousness, ignoring the ancient bonds of loyalty, trusting in corrupt and unworthy individuals, and defying the rightful commands of the Great Qing. Their actions have brought chaos and suffering upon their own people, as wicked factions rise to power, ministers accept bribes, and governance collapses, leaving the hearts of the people turned towards rebellion.
It is the sacred duty of the Great Qing Empire to protect its vassals and to maintain the moral order that binds ruler and subject. Therefore, in obedience to the Emperor's command, a great army has been dispatched to Vietnam to suppress the disobedient, punish the rebels, and restore order. The wicked factions will be rooted out, the dignity of the Heavenly Court will be restored, and the governance of Vietnam will be rectified so that the rulers may once again follow the righteous path, in alignment with the will of our universal sovereign.
To the king and ministers of Vietnam: if you possess any awareness of your own wrongdoing and sincerely repent, submitting once again to the will of the Great Qing, you shall be treated with leniency, considering your status as a vassal state. The empire is magnanimous, and if you show true remorse, your nation's fortunes may yet be preserved. However, if you persist in stubborn defiance and continue to resist the rightful authority of the Great Qing, the consequences will be severe. The crimes of your disobedience will be punished without mercy, and the royal bloodline of Vietnam will face the sentence of nine familial extermination, erased from history without a trace.
To the people of Vietnam, you should understand that the arrival of the Qing army is not for invasion but for your salvation from peril. If you show loyalty, our army will uphold righteousness, protect your lives, and safeguard your land. There is no need for fear. However, those who side with the rebels shall face the punishment of extermination, and should thus act prudently and carefully. The people should follow the mandate of Heaven, welcome the arrival of the army, and ensure the safety of their families and homes.
This proclamation is issued to make Heaven's will clear, so there should be no doubt.
@Silver Gambit - The choice is yours: Unconditional surrender or witness the complete annexation of Vietnam by the Qing Empire.
NOTICE FROM THE FOREIGN MINISTRY
OF HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN
THE GOVERNMENT OF JAPAN, being aware of its obligations under treaty, was invited to the occupation of southern Korea as well as the city of Seoul and its environs as pertained to the unfolding security situation within the peninsula. As a steadfast ally of peace, the Imperial Japanese Army was dispatched to accept this invitation and commenced positions on the demarcated lines by agreement with our Chinese counterparts.
It is now clear that the security situation on the Korean peninsula has been further enflamed by the presence of Japanese troops, with the widespread looting of armouries etc. commencing upon the withdrawal of local security forces prior to our arrival. These irregular formations - erroneously attributed to the Imperial Japanese Army - are entirely in the employ of entities claiming to represent an independent Korea, a state of affairs not recognised by His Majesty the Emperor.
THEREFORE his Majesty the Emperor invites the restoration of peace upon the peninsula and believes this shall be best achieved by the summary withdrawal of Japanese land forces from Korea as well as the dispatch of malign actors in the Korean government.
We welcome the resolve and commitment of our Chinese counterparts on this matter.
In response to Japan's notice, the Imperial Court has issued the following proclamation across East Asia:
Imperial Proclamation to the People of East Asia
To the loyal subjects of the Great Qing Empire and the peoples of East Asia,
Japan's treachery, along with the betrayal of Korea and Vietnam, has shattered the peace and unity that our region has long enjoyed. With insidious ambition, Japan seeks to tear apart the fabric of East Asia, threatening the stability that the Great Qing Empire has safeguarded for generations. Let it be known: the Qing Empire will not allow such treachery to stand.
For generations, the Great Qing Empire has been the shield that guards East Asia from the chaos of foreign interference and internal discord. We have acted not as conquerors, but as stewards of peace, maintaining order and prosperity for all. While Japan spreads discord through deceit, the Qing Empire upholds the honor and harmony of our region.
Japan, driven by greed and desperation, sought to involve the United Kingdom in its dishonorable schemes. They attempted to convince Britain to sever Korea from its rightful place within the Qing sphere, hiding their true intent behind false promises of "liberation." Yet, the world saw through their deceit, and Her Majesty's Government, recognizing Japan's duplicity, rejected their treacherous plan outright.
This diplomatic failure is proof of Japan's dishonorable intentions. They sought to exploit Britain for their own gain, but their ambitions were exposed, and Japan was humiliated. Their reckless schemes have only strengthened the bonds between the Qing Empire and its allies, showing the world that true peace lies with the Qing, not with Japan's imperialist ambitions.
Even now, Japan retreats from Korea, attempting to mask their failure with the pretense of diplomacy. From the moment they set foot on Korean soil, Japan violated the terms of their invitation, betraying the trust of the Qing Empire to impose their will on our vassal nation. Under the guise of peace, Japan conspired with factions within Korea, raising illegitimate forces to spread rebellion. Now, they hypocritically call for the removal of so-called "malign actors" in Korea's government, yet it was Japan who armed and supported the factions responsible for the unrest. Their true aim is clear: domination through deceit and destabilization.
The Great Qing Empire, as the rightful guardian of East Asia, has always acted with transparency and honor. When Korea violated its obligations, we responded with restraint, dispatching General Yuan Shikai and ten thousand loyal soldiers to Pyongyang, fully in accordance with our treaties. Japan was notified of this action, as required by the Convention of Tientsin, and invited to assist, yet they chose betrayal. They armed rebels, blocked Qing forces from restoring peace, and brought violence to the peninsula.
To the people of East Asia and the world, the truth is now undeniable: Japan is not a force for peace, but an aggressor that seeks to spread chaos for its own gain. Their ambitions extend far beyond Korea, into Vietnam and French Indochina, where they exploit instability to further their imperial designs. Now, as their plans fall apart, Japan retreats under the false guise of diplomacy, hoping to evade responsibility for the chaos they have unleashed. But the world will not be deceived. Japan's retreat confirms their failure and exposes their true nature as imperialist aggressors.
To the rulers of Japan: Your Emperor has hidden behind hollow proclamations, your government clings to failed dreams of conquest, and your soldiers flee from battles of their own making. Where is your honor? If you truly believe in your cause, then meet the Qing Empire on the battlefield and prove your worth. Or will you retreat further, leaving your people to bear the shame of your cowardice?
The Great Qing Empire demands justice. Japan must take full responsibility for the chaos it has caused in Korea, Vietnam, and the wider region. You are left with two choices: either face the Qing Empire in open battle, where you will answer for your treachery, or make reparations for the destruction you have caused and withdraw entirely from Korea and Vietnam. There is no middle ground, and the consequences of refusing both will be known to all under Heaven.
To the governments of Korea and Vietnam: You have forsaken your treaties with the Great Qing Empire and have allied with Japan's treachery. Such betrayal will not go unanswered. Unconditionally surrender to the Qing Empire and reaffirm your loyalty, or your governments will be dissolved and replaced, as they no longer act in the interest of your people, but in the service of foreign aggressors. Should you choose defiance, know that imperial justice will be swift and unforgiving.
To the people of Korea and Vietnam: The Great Qing Empire does not come as a conqueror, but as your shield, your protector. We have shed blood to secure your future, to ensure peace and prosperity. Under the Qing's protection, you will know stability and justice. Japan and your leaders' reckless ambitions can offer you nothing but discord. Stand with the Empire, and you will share in the peace of a united East Asia. Stand against us, and you will face the swift justice of an empire that does not tolerate betrayal.
Let it be known: Japan's reckless ambitions have been thwarted. Their failed attempts to manipulate foreign powers, their deceit in Korea, and their retreat expose the collapse of their imperialist agenda. The Great Qing Empire, with the favor of Heaven and the loyalty of its people, stands firm in defense of East Asia's peace and stability.
To Japan, I say this: If you truly believe in your cause, if there is any honor left in your nation, face the Qing Empire on the battlefield and let the world witness your resolve. Or admit your defeat, pay reparations, and withdraw entirely from Korea and Vietnam.Should you fail to do either, the Qing Empire will not respond with force, but will cement your lack of honor in the annals of history.
The Great Qing Empire marches with the mandate of Heaven and the strength of its people. We will not be provoked into a senseless war, but neither will we allow deceitful powers to disrupt the peace we have built. Justice will prevail, and none shall stand in our way.
@Weygand - The Great Qing Empire offers you a choice: either face the Qing Empire on the battlefield to defend your actions, or withdraw all forces from Korea and Vietnam and offer reparations for the chaos you've caused. If you fail to act, the Qing Empire will not respond with force, but your nation's dishonor will be known across Asia, and your legacy forever marked by cowardice.
The Rise of the New Qin Shi Huang
As the imperial proclamations echoed through the vast expanse of the Qing Empire, a powerful tide of sentiment surged among the populace, casting the Guangxu Emperor in a divine and legendary light. Particularly among the commoners, who had suffered through devastating floods and famine, there emerged a belief that the Emperor was not merely a mortal ruler, but the reincarnation of Qin Shi Huang, the first unifier of China. It was widely believed that the Emperor had returned to forge a new era of strength, unity, and prosperity, as Heaven's chosen vessel.
The parallels were striking. Like Qin Shi Huang, who had united the fractured warring states and set in motion monumental changes to the nation's infrastructure, the Guangxu Emperor was seen as a visionary with boundless ambition. His determination to rebuild China through internal reform and a bold foreign policy evoked comparisons to the first emperor's legacy. The Emperor's victories, particularly the hard-fought triumph over France, expanded China's prestige and reinforced his image as a ruler destined to restore China's grandeur.
Across the empire, the Emperor's promises of agricultural modernization, new waterworks, and flood prevention measures were seen as divine providence. From the nobility to the commoners, the Guangxu Emperor's dedication to the welfare of the nation was embraced with fervor. His tireless efforts to provide relief during natural disasters and protect the empire from foreign threats did not go unnoticed. In the eyes of the people, the Emperor's sacrifices and his devotion to the nation elevated him to a near-mythic status—he was not just a ruler, but the embodiment of Heaven's will on Earth.
As word of the Emperor's firm stance against the treacheries of Korea and Vietnam spread, and as news of his uncompromising resolve toward Japan's betrayal reached the ears of the people, the belief that the Guangxu Emperor was a new Qin Shi Huang grew ever stronger. His audacious plans to reshape the political landscape of East Asia, through the annexation of Korea and Vietnam, only strengthened this conviction. To the masses, the Emperor's vision for a unified and prosperous China—one that would lead all of East Asia—was seen as divinely inspired.
Despite the sacrifices that would be required to annex Korea and Vietnam, the people believed these hardships were necessary steps toward China's rebirth. The Middle Kingdom, once again, was asserting its rightful place as the center of civilization, and the Emperor, the Huangdi, was seen as the chosen instrument of Heaven's mandate, destined to lead not just China, but all of East Asia into a new era of prosperity and order. In cities and villages, whispered stories circulated that the Emperor's reforms were guided by Heaven itself, restoring the natural order that had been thrown into chaos by foreign invaders and internal strife.
As China prepared for war against Korea and Vietnam, the empire's resolve hardened. The public, filled with newfound confidence in the Emperor's leadership, marched forward with certainty, convinced that victory was inevitable. In their eyes, just as Qin Shi Huang had forged an empire from fractured states, the Guangxu Emperor would reunify East Asia under a new, benevolent order, restoring China to its rightful place at the pinnacle of global power.
The Bureaucracy's Unease and Growing Fears
While the Guangxu Emperor basked in public adulation, hailed by the masses as a modern Qin Shi Huang, a starkly different atmosphere gripped the Qing bureaucracy. Behind the walls of the Forbidden City, high-ranking officials viewed the Emperor's ambitious vision with deep trepidation. His sweeping reforms, though rooted in a desire for national rejuvenation, risked overstretching China's already fragile resources. Recent victories against France and the looming specter of conflict with Japan, Korea, and Vietnam had come at an immense cost, leaving the imperial treasury perilously drained. The burden of war had been compounded by the enormous relief efforts required to rebuild after catastrophic floods, further straining the empire's financial reserves.
The Emperor's bold promises of agricultural modernization and flood prevention were lauded by the common people but viewed with alarm by cautious bureaucrats. Such projects, though critical, threatened to divert vital resources away from other pressing needs. The modernization of the military, the strengthening of border defenses, and the expansion of the navy were all crucial undertakings that could not afford to be sidelined. The prospect of integrating Korea and Vietnam into the empire as fully governed territories posed another challenge—managing their defense, administration, and loyalty would stretch the already overburdened bureaucracy to its limits.
Despite these serious concerns, the bureaucracy found itself in a position of silent compliance. Empress Dowager Cixi's iron grip on power, especially after the betrayals of Korea and Vietnam, left little room for dissent. Reform-minded ministers who had once championed the Emperor's vision had been swiftly purged, leaving the remaining officials too wary to voice any opposition. To criticize the Emperor's policies, however well-meaning, was to risk swift dismissal—or worse.
Yet, a glimmer of hope arrived in the form of an unprecedented political overture: rumors swirled of a state visit from Queen Victoria, who would arrive in Peking aboard a British dreadnought. Such a visit held the promise of immense diplomatic benefits, solidifying the Qing Empire's relationship with the United Kingdom and elevating China's standing on the world stage. British military backing, along with the promise of low-interest loans, offered a financial lifeline that could fuel the Emperor's reforms and military ambitions without plunging the empire into fiscal ruin. With this newfound support, the empire could continue its march toward modernization and reform, all while maintaining stability.
And yet, the bureaucrats remained uneasy. Though British loans and military assistance might stave off immediate financial collapse, the Emperor's relentless pursuit of his vision left little room for doubt. His grand ambitions, backed by the authority of the Empress Dowager and buoyed by foreign support, effectively silenced any challenge. Opposition was not just futile—it was perilous.
Caught between fears of imperial overreach and the potential triumph of international recognition, the bureaucracy could only watch in anxious silence. As the empire stood poised on the brink of war and sweeping reform, the officials entrusted with managing its affairs could only hope that the Emperor's grand designs would not lead to the very overextension they so feared—a path that could spell the empire's downfall.
The Qing Empire's fate had been, for some time, seemingly inevitable to the governing class of the Empire of Japan. The Korean Crisis, when it came about, was undeniably an embarrassment for the Japanese, but primarily buffeted by factors beyond their control: the sudden bellicose doctrine of the British, the arrival of a large portion of their army in Hong Kong, and the ever-looming threat of their newfound technological supremacy in the sea and air presented a complication that Imperial government was, initially, confident in its ability to navigate.
Prior exchanges with London had been by and large friendly, but detached. A common enemy, Russia, and its gradual extension into the east seemed the basis for a mutual friendliness, if not outright alliance, overtures that had been nearing fruition before the discovery of Cordite.
Staggered, then, was the Foreign Minister Inoue, when he went to the British expecting a negotiation and instead found them demanding bribes. Japan - not a resource-wealthy nation - had expected some limited gains in Korea, but grounded its intervention principally in ensuring the peninsula was secure from foreign influence. Furthermore, the premise of the whole Restoration project had been fortifying the Japanese people against such blatant European exploitation: whatever attempt at negotiations could be made, the Emperor curtly killed them with a simple phrase:
"We desire peace that is humiliation greater than victory that is servitude."
Japan's summary withdrawal from Korea to the triumphant heckling of the Qing court was just as the Emperor recognised it would be. Yet when the full roster of the British demands so readily acquiesced to by the Qing became public, another mood entirely took the court in Tokyo: Sinophobia that bordered on contempt.
The Qing Emperor, prostrate before London, now sought to subjugate Asia and sell it - as his own Empire had been - to European powers. The idea of the 'Whore Empire' (売春婦帝国) - a Euro-Asian super-polity encompassing the mainland - became now the symbol of everything Japan had to avoid.
Previous concessions to Japanese tradition and attempts at synthesis were rapidly becoming abandoned as Meiji modernisers found new urgency to their endeavours. All previous priorities fell by the wayside as matters began to turn to the Army and the Navy's favour.
No reply was made to the Qing's demands or their challenge.
"We believe London knows our stance on these matters," was all Inoue would later tell friends.
The Japanese-German Treaty of Friendship & Understanding @Anchises
RECOGNISING the existing good relations between the governments of the German Empire and the Empire of Japan,
WISHING to expand upon and formalise these bilateral ties,
STRIVING for the benefits of peace and strong mutual relations,
HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY and HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN agree in principle through their Foreign Ministers the following:
[1.] The formal establishment of a German consulate in Tokyo and a Japanese consulate in Berlin.
[2.] The dispatch of an industrial delegation from GERMANY to JAPAN to advise on matters of economic modernisation.
[3.] A statement in principle from both powers committing to the eventual renegotiation of certain treaties between the Empire of Japan and the French Republic, the United Kingdom and the United States.
SIGNED,
[X] INOUE KAORU
Marquess
Foreign Minister for His Majesty The Emperor of Japan
[ ]
Foreign Minister for His Majesty the Emperor of Germany
