War Plan Orange IC Thread

Shebe Zuu · Jan 23, 2025

War Plan Orange
Turn 1 - January 1st, 1989

United States of America - @Astra Myst
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics - @Scrivener
Confederation of South Africa - @Furrybacon
Republic of Indonesia - @Theaxofwar
French Third Republic - @RobespierreLives
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland - @tankdrop24
People's Republic of China - @Bucephalus
German Reich - @SirLagginton
United Arab Republic - @Korona
Argentine Republic - @Frostbyght
Republic of the United States of Brazil - @Thalmann
Republic of Vietnam - @Nanolyte
Japan - @Archon of Ghosts
Nordic Confederation - @Etranger
Spanish Empire - @Cathari
Polish Republic - @Aedan777
Republic of China - @Shrike
Union of Arab States - @Comrade Max
Kingdom of Italy - @Vald
Republic of Turkey - @DanBaque
Republic of the Congo - @Silver Gambit
Democratic People's Republic of Korea - @Easter
Republic of India - @Secondskink
Japanese People's Republic - @Haruhi is Waifu
Republic of the Philippines - @ArvisPresley
Kingdom of Romania - @KnightDisciple
Republic of Cuba - @Nerdorama
Tsardom of Bulgaria - @Cybandeath

Orders for Turn 1 will be due Sunday at 11:59 PM

Furrybacon · Jan 23, 2025

The Confederation of South Africa

Est. 1952, Recognized 1957

Overview

European Colonization of Africa began long before the Berlin Conference of 1884. British Presence in Cape Town began in 1795, when they occupied it from the Dutch, and would remain until 1957. In the end, it would take five years of bloody war to finally secure an end to the one hundred and sixty two years of brutal white supremacy and capitalist autocracy. Of course, resistance against the Empire can be seen through the entire period of English Rule, but it would be the Independence War that finally brought an end to the struggle and a new era for Southern Africa.

Securing their new state against the waning might of the British Empire, the Confederation of South Africa is the predominant power in Africa and the self-assumptive head of the wider resistance struggle against European Colonization. For three decades now, its politics have been dominated by the socialist party known as the African National Congress, which in term has had the mandate to widely define its political make-up and geopolitical allegiances. Its influence, industrialization programme and ability to project force has seen the Confederation ascend to the ranks of a 'Great Power', a position that they can be somewhat self conscious about.

The Confederation is a bicameral confederal republic, one which has elected the socialist ANC to a clear if not supermajority for all of its existence. Although other parties exist, they have never been able to consistently challenge the African National Congress hold. Its member states include South Africa, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Zambia, though through its treaties and political influence it enjoys close relationships with Mozambique, Cameroon, Gabon, Somalia, Ghana, Niger, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Rwanda, Togo, Benin, Mali, and the Central African Republic.

The Long War against European Colonization remains an important part of South African politics - a considerable part of the African National Congress' mandate coming from their efforts and success in supporting it. This focus, however, as well as the entrenchment of the ANC has lead to a number of gaping and unaddressed wounds in South African Society, particularly along ethnic lines. In particular, Zimbabwe has recently withheld its revenue from the national government, citing dissatisfaction with its distribution as well as perception that the Nguni tribes have a favorable position within the Confederation versus the Shona, who are a majority in Zimbabwe. With ethnic and internal tensions on the rise, South Africa seems troubled going into the twilight years of the 20th Century.

Trouble has also risen further afield. The 1984 Angola Coup hangs above the heads of the Confederation Government like an unspoken and unresolved embarrassment. Formerly an ally to the Confederation, it's lackadaisical approach to the Long War and the Confederation's shrugging approach opened the door for a Congolese backed Coup and the drastic shift from South African orbit. The loss of a fellow socialist government to the up and coming Congo Republic has deeply embarrassed the Confederation in the 3rd International, undermined their unique electoralist approach to marxism, and heightened the ideological divide in African Resistance movements.

Going into the 1990s, South Africa is still a contender on the world stage, hoping to use its industrial might and political programs to overcome its contemporary issues while working to accomplish Victory in the Long War. However, the true test may yet prove to be not the conflict against European Empires, but as a participant in a new World War.

War for Independence

Liberation for South Africa began in the aftermath of the Pacific War against Japan and the beginning of Western intervention in the Chinese Civil War. The National Party, a white supremecist, pro colonial party, took power in 1948 amidst mass disenfranchisement and anxiety about the British Empire. The Americans had made it clear they were, at best, aggressively disinterested if not actively hostile to the reclamation of European Colonial interest in the Pacific, and were clear that attitude extended to any Colony that managed to secure its own freedom. Hoping to reinforce South Africa's loyalty to the Crown - and turn it into a cache to arm the Chinese Nationalists less more godless Communists seize power - the National Party would institute an aggressive policy of racial hierarchy called 'Apartheid', which included the criminalization of the African National Congress, while inviting more British troops to base there. While this was expensive, and unpopular among the troops who wanted to go home after the Pacific War, it made London and Praetoria confident in their hole on the Horn. The ANC, in response to this, launched and organized a campaign of mass civil defiance. In the wake of violent repression by British and Apartheid Troops, culminating in the foundation of the uMkhonto weSizwe (Spear of the Nation) by Nelson Mandela in the aftermath of a massacre of striking dock workers in Cape Town, in 1951. The ANC was suffering from considerable state repression, and even considered decamping the territory, but in 1952 voted to stake their claim by founding the Confederation of South Africa as the legitimate government in the hopes that America's disinterest in Colonialism and Soviet promises of arms would be able to repel the British and National Party. The War for Independence had Begun.

Drawing on a wide coalition of Socialist, Communist, Anarchist, Social Democrat, and even Liberal resistance strains from across the ethnic groups under British and National Party Rule, and on the growing continent wide resistance to European Colonial Rule, the ANC opened up a campaign of guerilla attacks to seize the stockpiles once meant for the Republic of China and cause general havoc in the colony. British Reprisal attacks struggled to land hard blows on the guerilla army, but did manage to inspire further resistance through increased reprisal and tighter restrictions. The war seemed to turn in Imperial Favor when GCHQ's Special Branch was able to secure the assassination of several high-ranking ANC party men, like Nelson Mandela, in 1955, but by then the ANC's Combat Branch, armed by Soviet machinery and even Jets - the No. 2 Squadron of the SAAF finds its origins here - was able to openly hold territory and contest hard positions from the British Empire. The end was in sight when, in 1957, the ANC managed to lay siege and occupy the city of Vanderbijlpark, cutting it off from Johannesburg and holding it against multiple counterattacks by South African Police and Armed Forces. In a particularly stunning display that earned Number 2 Squadron its fame, the Siege of Vanderbijlpark was accomplished in no small part thanks to their ability to contest the skies for the whole battle from a series of makeshift airstrips spread across the countryside. With no small amount of international pressure, particularly from the Soviet Union and United States, the South African Union and British Empire were forced to negotiate a withdrawal from the Colony and suffer its loss. The Confederation of South Africa was in affect.

While the Imperial forces withdrew, bringing with them a flight of White settlers who feared reprisals both real and imagined, the ANC began to build the Confederation. Against expectations for the Socialist Party, the ANC would found what appeared to be a western-style democracy, but one that would quickly become dominated by the ANC's various socialist tendencies with very little room for capitalist strains. Major Works programs were set in motion - such as the Hydroelectric Dams network - to kickstart South Africa into a status where they could stand on equal footing as a world player. Treaties being damned, South African military personnel would quickly be seen advising, arming, and openly fighting alongside the growing wave of resistance across Africa.

The end of British rule did precipitate an extended wave of what the ANC refers to as 'Revolutionary Enthusiasm' across the country, what the rest of the world recognizes as a period of extrajudicial violence. While the official record of this recounts violence aimed mostly at the 'symbols of colonialism', ethnic violence was rampant until clamped down on by trusted soldiers of what was about to become the South African Ground Forces. The violence was more than just African on European or Afrikaaner, but also between tribal and local ethnicities. The failure to adequately address the roots of these outbursts, instead suppressing them till the tide wore out and trying to cover the holes with Socialist rhetoric, is a direct cause of what would become the 1989 Zimbabwe Tax Crisis.

African National Congress

A coalition of various ethnic interest groups and strains of Socialism founded in 1912, the ANC is the predominant party apparatus in the Confederation, easily securing at least comfortable majorities - if not supermajorities in both the Senate and the Parliament since the Independence War. The ANC does not have a set Marxist orthodoxy in the same way as other communist governments in the 3rd International, an outgrowth of its construction as a united front coalition against the British Empire. It does openly call for and act towards the end of European Colonization and the progression of Socialism in some stretch, but in what way that appears can vary. The ANC's elections see high involvement and competition, being seen as the preliminary battleground for any legislation and leading to the joke of the Confederation having a 'Tricameral Legislature'. As different strains of socialism - and not that anyone would admit it, but as different ethnic groups - wax and wane in prominence, the ANC's character is altered to fit, thereby altering the overall direction of the state apparatus.

The ANC is currently headed by Oliver Tambo and Orton Chirwa, assuming in wider government the roles of Prime Minister and Chief Councilor respectively. Veterans of the ANC and Independence War, the pair have spent much of their career around and intermittently in the halls of power. Both, however, are old, with Tambo at 71 and Chirwa at 70, and while both seem to be in decent health, the question of their succession looms large going into the twilight of the 20th century.

While the ANC enjoys a hegemony on the state apparatus, there are a number of internal issues which they have failed to fully reconcile with in the time since the Siege of Vanderbijlpark. Issues with corruption, ideology, and national direction aside, the largest is the perception and relations of different ethnicities in the Confederation. Chiefly amongst these, elevated by the ongoing Zimbabwe Tax Crisis, is the perceived privileges of the Nguni tribes over the Shona peoples, who make up a majority of that highly productive region.

Confederation Governance

The Confederation of South Africa is a bicameral confederal republic, with a significant culture and economic model influenced by various strains of African Socialism. With its capital in Johannesburg, the Confederation has spent the last thirty years playing catch-up to assert itself as a dynamic and growing power on the world stage.

Power in the Confederation Government rests between the twin legislatures of the Parliament and the Senate, led by the Prime Minister and the Chief Councilor respectively. In duties, the Prime Minister is seen as the head of Government, elected from the various constituencies within the Confederation, and assumes authority over most domestic legislative matters and the day to day operation of the State. Senior MPs are appointed to head Government Ministries, the big three being the Military Affairs, Economic Affairs, and Civil Service Ministries. Conversely, the Senate has two representatives from each of the constituent members of the Confederation, who among themselves elect a Chief Councilor as the speaker of their body. The Senate assumes authority for most external matters, and for the issues between members of the Confederation.

The ANC in 1989 enjoys a comfortable majority in both houses, though its Parliament majority is very slim. Though officially in opposition, the Economic Freedom Fighters, an more 'mainstream' communist party that enjoys support from the 3I, regularly works with the ANC for common causes - such as the 3I and the Long War - and to outmaneuver the more 'right wing' parties - namely the Democratic Alliance and Patriotic Faction, and the Freedom Front. The Democratic Alliance is the largest true opposition party. Left wing by western standards, they are Market Socialists largely drawing from the large batch of Cooperatives which make up much of the South African Economy and from a growing class of Afrikaaner socialist youths who reject the reactionary freedom front. The Patriotic Faction is a right wing populist organization and the more mainstream of the two 'outright reactionary' parties - the other being the Freedom Front, the Afrikanner special interest party which still maintains rejoining the Commonwealth as one of their party goals. Both the Patriotic Faction and the Freedom Front parties are very minor in terms of representation, but have stuck around under South Africa's democratic structure.

Economically, the Confederation uses a mixture of State Monopolies in the Soviet styles with batches of local cooperative industrial programs. The centerpieces of the Confederation are its Hydroelectric dam network and its growing aerospace industry. Still dependent on Oil, the Confederation is looking into trying to identify means in which to break that dependency.

Third International

Socialism has enjoyed a long period of political domination in South Africa, winning elections with a wide margin and being able to pursue a considerable agenda and align the State with the wider project of the 3rd International. That period, however, has not absolved South Africa from accusations of bourgeois electoral liberalism and reactionary revisionism from the more ideological sections of the Socialist International. Hardened Communists of the Soviet Orthodoxy are critical not only of South Africa's government structure, but of its commitment to the 3I, citing that continuance of the Long War against Colonialism, while noble, can take center stage over the wider global proletarian revolution. So far, the Confederation has withstood these rhetorical reprisals, able to be confident in its geographic importance, perception of independence, and general success in the African Continent. The Angola Crisis has crushed this confidence, exposing the ANC to more pointed criticisms on their model, particularly their hegemonic position in Africa.

Despite this, South Africa's position within the 3I, and their general allegiance thereof, is not really up for debate. The Confederation relies on the Soviet Union for a lot of material, technical, and military expertise, and its leaders in the ANC do genuinely believe in the International Project. Anger around the Angola coup has reinforced this paradigm, and as the anxiety for war - for World War - grows, the Confederation maneuvers to assert its commitment to international Revolution.

Confederation Ministry for Military Affairs

The Confederation Ministry for Military Affairs is the Armed force of the Confederation. It consists of four branches, the South African Ground Forces, South African Air Forces, South African Naval Forces, and South African Space Forces - however the SASF only exists on paper as a reflection of the Confederation's long term ambitions. It is a direct descendant of the African National Congress Armed Branch from the Independence War, but has largely departed from the Party Congress as its own state institution, which makes it largely unique in the 3rd International. In line with "western" democratic traditions, the Armed Forces are seen as a largely apolitical servant of the state, however thirty years of generally popular and dominant ANC rule has firmly moved the median of Military Personnel into Socialism as a rule.

The SAGF is the Army of the Confederation, and its largest branch. At present, it spreads its divisions across 2 Army Groups and is made of 18 Divisions, though only 8 are active at this time. SAGF has slimmed down as doctrine moves from massed formations of lightly equipped but highly motivated soldiers that lead the Confederation to victory over the British Empire and towards well drilled and equipped quality units better suited for the current tempo of the Long War. By doctrine, it has been formulated into four kinds of divisions. Frontier Rifles as Light Infantry, Motor Rifles as Mechanized, Armored Cavalry as Tank, and finally Armored Rifles as dedicated power armor divisions. One of the Frontier Rifles has been designated [Maritime] following their actions on Madagascar in the 60s and works alongside the Navy's amphibious branch. Doctrinally, SAGF relies on and promotes unit initiative and "interdependent actions". Materially, it draws heavily from Soviet machinery, though operates a few home grown designs and modifications, such as the Caracal Wheeled Tank-Destroyer or the T72-S2. Since 1980, the Service Rifle of the SAGF has been the SR4 in 7.62x39 The SAGF is particularly proud of its Powered Armor Forces, and doctrinally believes that Powered Armor is the future of infantry warfare. Seeking an edge in the Long War against Colonialism and to assert itself as a modern industrial power, the CSA has undertaken the most extensive power armored project in history, mass producing the streamlined Impi Pattern Armor to become, ideally, the standard for all SAGF infantrymen. This has required major industrial and doctrinal development, but enjoys political backing and popular appeal. Under the public portion of Force Composition 1994, SAGF isn't expected to see major expansions in Bayonet strength, but will continue the process of armoring its personnel and pursuing easy modifications to the Impi.

The SAGF assumes most of the responsibility of helping insurrection movements across colonized Africa arm, train, and fight - though Number 2 Squadron earns a lot of the glory for that. This posture has done a lot to inform SAGF doctrine, as their emphasis on small unit initiative better fits with guerilla forces, and the proliferation of power armor is meant in large part to make those small units as powerful as possible.

The South African Air Force is not the largest branch of the CMMA, but it is the most prestigious, particularly the exploits of Number 2 Squadron - the largest film franchise in South Africa is a series by the same name with no fewer than eight movies. The Air Force traces its origins back to the Soviet Union Volunteers that brought its first airframes and Trainers for the Independence War. Used to being on the backfoot materially, the Air Force put a lot of stock in the skill of its pilots and in the boldness of its Operations, considering itself the world's foremost experts of landing modern military hardware on makeshift strips. A joke within the SAAF is that the No. 2 Squadron can "get out of their own plane to build their own runway and before landing." this tradition of 'Cowboy' Flying has run into a clash with the Confederation's ambitions of being a world power. The twin Air Cruisers of the Confederation - the Shaka Zulu and the Cetshwayo kaMpande are not especially popular with the traditional fighter pilots of the SAAF, seen as a departure from their homegrown advantages and openly questioned for their value in the Long War. Nonetheless, the presence of two air cruisers has greatly increased the overall geopolitical power of the Confederation. Under the public portion of Force Composition 1994, the Air Force is expected to see the largest material growth, particularly in its Fighter Corps - both to appease the traditionalists around No. 2 Squadron and to better protect the Air Cruisers while projecting power across Southern Africa and the Cape. The SAAF primarily flies Soviet airframes, such as the SU35, but have homegrown designs for their Maritime patrol craft and Helicopters. The growing South African Air Industry is angling to take a role in the expansion plans for SAAF.

The South African Naval Forces have received much of the government's attention of late, rising to a muted but respectable blue water force with a balanced composition of Surface, Amphibious, and Submersible Assets. They're focused on projecting force around the Cape and the Mozambique Channel. Possessing no direct linkage to the Independence War, the Navy has developed a reputation as something of a bulldog, willing to bark at larger fleets in the hopes of asserting themselves the kind of reputation the Army and Air Force Enjoys, generally by trailing at distance foreign warships who pass the horn or getting a little too close to Tanzanian Waters. Under Force Composition 1994, the Navy expects another round of expansions, though smaller in number than the Air Force.

Finally, the South African Space Forces are very young, and the Confederation is somewhat self conscious of any perceptions of it as a farce. Force Composition 1994 calls for the introduction of Defensive Satellites to be placed under SASF command, but it remains clear that the Space Forces are largely a prestige project for the Government to demonstrate itself against other countries.

Force Composition Plan 1994 is the Government's ongoing military expansion and development program, aiming to fully transition the CMMA into a modern fighting force capable of projecting force.

The Long War

South Africa takes a presumptive leadership role in the ongoing fight against European Colonization, which in the face of the increasing dynamism of the Congo can cause tensions and disagreements. The African Union is the Confederation-Led series of alliances and treaties between Post-Colonial Nations and Insurrections which take their direction from Johannesburg. The 1950s saw a surge of Colonial uprising against Europeans, emboldened by the American attitudes and the successful South African Independence War. Even as the Congo rises in station, the commitment to the Long War remains generally popular, especially as its effects - and consequences - get further away from Cape Town.

The actual start of the Long War is disputed, and depends largely on who you talk to and their ideological position - some going as far back as the Zulu Wars to give it a start - but it's generally agreed to have been well under way when the British Empire withdrew from South Africa in defeat. It refers to the series of rolling insurrections, uprising, guerilla, and open conflicts that have seen the European Empires gradually pushed out of Africa. With the success of the South African Independence war in legitimizing the use of arms against Colonial Powers, large swathes of Africa have seen the end of Colonial rule and the establishment of their own governments, who in turn contribute to the Long War. These countries, of late, have fallen into line with one of the two frigid ideological blocks - the Congolese Lead and western backed African Resistance Front and the Confederation lead and Soviet backed African Union for Liberation - which have increasingly found themselves at odds. With the Angola Coup as a flashpoint - escalated by other rebellions and global tensions, many fear the Long War might be bogged down by a bloody one amongst African Nations over the ideological future of the continent.

The Angola Situation

By the mid 1980s, the ANC had grown lax. The Long War was moving north rapidly, and South Africa was enjoying the privileges of regional hegemony. Angola was one of the first colonies to follow South Africa into insurrection and was an ally in the Confederation's orbit, but was under a notably corrupt regime which had become more focused on the enrichment of the entrenched party over the Long War. Spotting an opportunity to elevate their rising star, the Congolese would organize a military coup of the Angolan Government with, alleged, US backing. The 1984 coup was a shock to the ANC in Johannesburg, and a deep embarrassment. The Confederation had failed utterly to keep its sphere, had failed to maintain a universal governing commitment to the long war, and had been forced to see the Congo as more than just a junior partner.

Talked down from rolling the SAGF through Angola in response, both in order to regain tempo in the Long War and in recognition that the CMMA was just not materially prepared for that kind of conflict at this time, the SAGF began to arm insurgents while supporting a 'legitimate' government in exile, propagating the ongoing Angolan Civil War. The Material realities of the CMMA's readiness would be one of the impetus for the ongoing Force Composition Plan of 1994, which has been heightened by the tensions sharpening betwixt the United States and Soviet Union. Further, the Confederation has backed rebels in Chad and Uganda - client states of the Congolese Republic - while the Congo arms insurgents in Burundi and Rwanda. Increasing trouble between the different ideological pools of the Long War bodes poorly for peace in Africa, but as diplomats are ready to point out, there is still room to negotiate against and down new and current escalations.

Shrike · Jan 24, 2025

The Tiānlì Agreement

Celestial Power, Clean Air

The Republic of China and the German Reich have signed the Tiānlì (Celestial Power) Agreement, the first international solar power sharing treaty in history. This groundbreaking bilateral compact will see the advanced Thor power satellite deliver solar energy to a newly constructed receiver array in Yunnan Province during hours when the German groundside stations are in Earthshadow. It is anticipated that this will effectively double the Thor system's daily capacity at little more than the cost of the Yunnan ground station. Other benefits being touted include no need to build further coal-fired power plants and consequently a reduction in atmospheric pollution.

German customers are already looking forward to a reduction in their monthly bills as some of the cost of amortizing the Thor system will be paid for out of foreign electricity sales, while in the Republic of China the flagship clients are several major industrial concerns already planning to run energy-intensive processes during daily shifts when the Thor beam is directed at Yunnan. Contracts for grid-level power storage in Yunnan and other provinces have been tendered, though environmental reviews have delayed any announcements as of press date.

[X] Deutsches Reich @SirLagginton

SirLagginton · Jan 24, 2025

Shrike said:
The Tiānlì Agreement

Celestial Power, Clean Air

The Republic of China and the German Reich have signed the Tiānlì (Celestial Power) Agreement, the first international solar power sharing treaty in history. This groundbreaking bilateral compact will see the advanced Thor power satellite deliver solar energy to a newly constructed receiver array in Yunnan Province during hours when the German groundside stations are in Earthshadow. It is anticipated that this will effectively double the Thor system's daily capacity at little more than the cost of the Yunnan ground station. Other benefits being touted include no need to build further coal-fired power plants and consequently a reduction in atmospheric pollution.

German customers are already looking forward to a reduction in their monthly bills as some of the cost of amortizing the Thor system will be paid for out of foreign electricity sales, while in the Republic of China the flagship clients are several major industrial concerns already planning to run energy-intensive processes during daily shifts when the Thor beam is directed at Yunnan. Contracts for grid-level power storage in Yunnan and other provinces have been tendered, though environmental reviews have delayed any announcements as of press date.
[/USER]

[X] Deutsches Reich

"It is with great pleasure that I sign this historic agreement with our partners in the Republic of China to export Germany's great bounty in solar energy to the Chinese power grid. To borrow from the words of our illustrious ex-Chancellor von Bülow, we may have our place in the Sun, but that should be no obstacle to sharing our place in it. The Tiānlì Agreement shall ensure immense cost savings in energy bills to consumers in both the Reich and the Republic, paving the way for a greater standard of living. I earnestly hope this heralds our societies taking bold steps forward together." - Kaiser Alexander I during the signing ceremony in Taipei

Frostbyght · Jan 24, 2025

ARGENTINA ANNOUNCES ANTARCTIC APPRAISAL

In a press conference today, Argentine President Jose Lopez Rega announced a new initiative: During the coming Antarctic Summer, Scientists and ships of the Argentine Navy will begin a mass survey of all claimed territory in the Antarctic Region. Recent boosts in the Argentine economy have catapulted resource extraction and refinement to the forefront of national priorities, and now seeking to continue and expand that sector, expertise and funding will be directed towards a comprehensive search for natural resources in areas claimed by the Argentine government. President Rega called this endeavor "A mighty step forward for Argentina and her people."

"The ever-growing economic goals of the Republic require bold exploration." Said Economics Minister Cavallo, speaking after the President had concluded his remarks, "Our prospectors shall seek the untapped riches of the last continent. It will no doubt be difficult, but if man can conquer space, can he not also conquer the Antarctic?"

As part of the Survey, extant bases at Laurie Island, Hope Bay, and May 25th Island are planned to undergo expansions in order to handle the large influx of ships and personnel that will soon be arriving. The Ministry of Economics estimates that the population of Argentine Antarctic bases will quadruple over the next two to three years, as the full scope of the Survey is realized. Engineers are already en-route to determine ideal locations for new bases and docks, and initial planning is underway for the construction of heavy-duty runways.

When asked what roll the Navy will play in this expedition, Chief of the Naval General Staff Carlos Marrón declared that "The Navy will primarily be involved in an defensive role, providing security for civilian transports and in the case of unexpected crisis, Search and Rescue operations will be overseen by Naval Officers." Despite these assurances, there are some in the government who believe that the military should be taking a more proactive role in securing Argentinian claims in the Antarctic, few of which are recognized internationally. Anonymous sources within the military hint that the Navy may be only the first branch of the Argentine armed forces to be involved, with the others still in the planning stages for their own inclusion.

Whether this survey will lead to any major findings remains to be seen, but the government remains optimistic. President Rega's closing statements indicated that Argentina sees the Antarctic mission as "Merely a first step towards securing Argentina's place on the global stage."

SirLagginton · Jan 24, 2025

Deutsches Reich

As the turn of the millennium neared the German Reich had effectively reoccupied the zenith of power it enjoyed in the years before the Great War. By most reckonings the world's third largest economy after Great Britain's disastrous restructuring of its government assets, Germany has established itself as the pioneer in space by virtue of technological ingenuity and early investment, achievements that its citizens point to with great pride.

However where the Deutsches Reich has seen undeniable success economically and technologically, from a geopolitical perspective it remains in a precarious position. The belligerent policies of Alexander I's father, Ferdinand I, had succeeded in organising a rival power bloc to the Entente in the form of the Alliance of the Three Crowns. However it had notably failed in breaking the envelopment of Germany from all directions, which continued to be a source of great anxiety to German leadership. While the German military had been reconstituted into a world class force since rennouncing the military restrictions imposed by Versailles and served as a deterrent to careless imposition on the Reich, the spectre of a reenactment of the Great War remained.

In a marked contrast to the reigning Kaiser at the height of Germany's imperial power, Alexander I's great-grandfather Wilhelm II, Alexander I had come to the throne in 1985 bearing a deep skepticism of colonialism, having grown up witnessing the deleterious impact of France's Long War in Africa on its society and the formation of the hostile alliances that surrounded Germany. His ascension was the final nail in the coffin for German Weltpolitik and in several ways represented a return to Bismarckian foreign policy before it, as beyond all else he was wary of throwing away all of Germany's hard-won gains into the furnace of another ruinous war.

Instead he advocated for a continued sustained investment into the space program, which he viewed as a critical step in securing German energy independence. Though he had been left strong foundations in the German space program by his father and the administration of the Weimar Republic before the Imperial restoration, it was under his decade long reign that the German space program's culminating achievement would be completed, the immense Thor solar array.

To the ironic chagrin of the newly ascended Kaiser, the reinstatement of his family back to the throne proved to be a symptom of something uglier within the undercurrent of the public consciousness. One of his father Ferdinand I's first acts as Kaiser was to oversee the Third Anschluss. Though a remarkable foreign policy achievement that realised one of the long held dreams of the German people, Italy's attempted interference and the incendiary reaction by the German public exposed a accelerating trend of radicalisation within the commons. The perceived mistreatment of German minorities across the border in addition to the lack of access to an overland route to East Prussia led to ever more belligerent rhetoric from Germans from all walks of life. German voices were joined by Greek and Ethiopian ones to the south, themselves with grudges against the New Rome for infringements upon their sovereignty. East was Poland, which German revisionists perceived as a nation that had benefited unfairly at the expense of the German people, and was even now participating in programs to culturally dismantle the heritage of ethnic Germans within their border.

Even as the newly crowned Kaiser's government looked to chart new routes to prosperity with the Tiānlì Agreement in another historic first to export large amounts of solar energy to the Republic of China, they've had to step with increasing care in the domestic theater, which seemed to wait only for a spark to set it all alight…

The Lighthouse Agreements

In the months to follow the Tiānlì Agreement, other dependents of fossil fuels would approach the German Reich on the issue of solar energy exports, prompting further state visits by Kaiser Alexander I to both the Republic of India and the Spanish Empire to sign a series of agreements that, along with the Tiānlì Agreement, would come to collectively be known as the Lighthouse Agreements.

Though these agreements would effectively occupy all of Germany's extant generation capacity (in addition to the power it has conserved for its own use), the promised flood of foreign currency into the Reich's coffers along with cheaper energy bills for the German citizen made this as far as the Kaiser was concerned, a vindication of his policies. Solar receivers are under construction around the world globally as German engineers arrive to assist in the construction of receivers capable of withstanding the Thor's prodigious power transmitters, while in Spain and India, new timetables for the implementation of power intensive industrial processes are being negotiated at a breakneck pace as German power supplies are set to be delivered.

[X] Spanish Empire @Cathari
[X] Minister of Energy Arif Mohammad Khan @Secondskink

Frostbyght · Jan 24, 2025

VULTURES OVER THE ANDES
Aircraft of the Argentine Air Force

AIR SUPERIORITY FIGHTERS
McDonnell Douglas F-4 Phantom II

The workhorse of Argentina, the Phantom was an early benefit of American patronage for the Argentine Air Force. Armed with a 20mm Vulcan Cannon and capable of over Mach 2 Flight, the Phantom formed the main aerial power of Argentina during the Second War of the Pacific, sweeping aside outdated Chilean Aircraft. The most numerous plane in the Argentine inventory.

FMA IAe.43 Pulqui III

After the failure of the Pulqui I and extremely limited success of the Pulqui II in the Mid 1950s, Argentine engineers turned to foreign designs for inspiration. Taking notes from the generally successful MIG-21, the FMA (Fábrica Militar de Aviones) sought to create a natively-produced Supersonic Fighter. The Pulqui III would require a twin-engine configuration to barely reach Mach 2. Limitations in funding and design experience would mean that the IAe.43 would never quite measure up to contemporary aircraft from more developed Air Forces, but nevertheless has proven itself a valuable addition to the arsenal of Argentina, and a precursor of better things to come.

Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-25

The current cream of the crop for the FAA, a few dozen MiG-25s were purchased before the outbreak of the Second War of the Pacific. Most never saw combat, but a few entered service just in time to eliminate remaining Chilean resistance in the last days of the conflict. Saved for the elite of the Argentine Air Force. Capable of Mach 2.8, it serves as a fast interceptor for defense of Argentine airspace. The few Argentine Aces tend to fly these planes.

FMA SAIA 90

The latest offering from the FMA and perhaps the only Argentine Airplane to meet expectations rather than be a manifest disappointment, the SAIA 90 "Hornero" was designed to be operate in tandem with Project Rosario. Neither were ready in time for the Invasion of Chile. Taking inspiration from the up and coming German Air Force, the SAIA 90 was developed in tandem with engineers from Dornier. The final product was a supersonic, single-seat Air Superiority Fighter capable of Mach 2.25 and designed to fight head to head with other 4th Gen Aircraft. The Project never underwent full production, and currently languishes as a single squadron overshadowed by designs imported from the superpowers.

ATTACKERS
Douglas A-4 Skyhawk

The oldest airframe in Argentine Service, several squadrons of A-4s were purchased from the United States in the early-60s. Subsonic, single-seated, and limited in armament, it was the main attack aircraft of the FAA after the retirement of propeller bombers in the 1950s. Serving faithfully, these aged planes nevertheless fared poorly when pressed into service against the Chilean Army. Suffering major attrition during ground attack missions, only a few score remain in active duty. Some have been retired to become trainer aircraft, and the rest are slated to be phased out by 1990.

Sukhoi Su-24

Part of the modernization programs of the late 1970s, the Su-24 was chosen to make up the main bulk of Argentine Attacker Squadrons. The aircraft has a variable-sweep wing, twin engines and a side-by-side seating arrangement for its crew of two. Far more capable than the older designs, it was invaluable in destroying Chilean fortifications and bases during the War. The most numerous attacker in Argentine service.

FMA IA-63

Conceived as a home-grown design to fill the need for a light attacker for use in the jungles of central South America, the IA-63 was another joint project between FMA and Dornier. Intended for use on smaller runways with limited infrastructure, the airframe was designed to be light and easily serviced. While this limits the capacity for carried armament it was considered an acceptable trade-off. Unfortunately, budget limitations and preferences for imported designs led to a limited run of production, with less than 50 Airframes completed by 1989.

RECON AND TRANSPORT
FMA I.Ae 38 Naranjero

The IA 38 was an experimental cargo aircraft based on research by Reimar Horten. The design was developed to meet a 1950 requirement for an aircraft to carry citrus fruits (and in particular, oranges) from the west of Argentina to Buenos Aires, there being no rail links (except to San Luis, Mendoza and other cities) while the roads were inadequate for heavy trucks. As the project developed, it gained the interest of military planners who saw the value of a transport plane capable of carrying soldiers and supplies to remote regions. A militarized version was introduced in 1962 and a small fleet of these monoplanes remain in service.

Tupolev Tu-22 (R Variant)

Originally designed as a Supersonic Bomber for use by the Soviet Airforce, the Tu-22R was a stripped down variant intended for use as a reconnaissance and naval patrol craft. Carrying a crew of 3, and armed with anti-ship cruise missiles, it had a range of around 5,000km. However, due to design failures and issues with both ejector seats and the weapons systems, it saw more use in a recon role than as a Maritime Patrol plane.

AERIAL WARSHIPS
Viaje-Class Aerial Cruiser

Refitted from American Voyager-class Aerial Cruisers, these recent additions to the Argentine Airforce came into service mere months before the opening stages of the Second War of the Pacific. Originally intended merely as escorts for the Rosario, they ended up involved in much of the main fighting against the Chilean Fleet as Rosario failed to be completed on time. Armed with SAM launchers, Advanced CIWS Turrets, and ground-attack capabilities, they stand as the heaviest regular units in the Air Force.

Project Rosario

Designed as an invasion platform for the inevitable assault on Chile, the Rosario is practically an airfleet on its own. With a wingspan of more than 500m, it can carry a flight of escort fighters and transport soldiers and their equipment across a continent in record time. Armed with bomb bays, SAMs, CIWS Guns, and AA Cannons, the Rosario-class Aerial Assault Battleship is the pride of the Argentine Air Force. Rumors say that the Argentine Government is looking into producing a sister ship to the original, but lacks the budget to do so for the foreseeable future.

Cathari · Jan 25, 2025

The Lighthouse Agreements

In the months to follow the Tiānlì Agreement, other dependents of fossil fuels would approach the German Reich on the issue of solar energy exports, prompting further state visits by Kaiser Alexander I to both the Republic of India and the Spanish Empire to sign a series of agreements that, along with the Tiānlì Agreement, would come to collectively be known as the Lighthouse Agreements.

Though these agreements would effectively occupy all of Germany's extant generation capacity (in addition to the power it has conserved for its own use), the promised flood of foreign currency into the Reich's coffers along with cheaper energy bills for the average citizen made this as far as the Kaiser was concerned, a vindication of his policies. Receivers are under construction around the world globally as German engineers arrive to assist in the construction of solar receivers capable of withstanding the Thor's power transmitters, while in Spain and India, new timetables for the implementation of power intensive industrial processes are being negotiated at a breakneck pace as German power supplies are set to be delivered.

[X] Spanish Empire

"Once again, the Germans remain our steadfast friends. It is thanks to their breakthroughs in space exploration that we may share in this moment. With new energy, we come closer to restoring our days of glory." - Blas Piñar López

Archon of Ghosts · Jan 25, 2025

The First Steps of a New Era

In the cold days of January, Japan mourned. The Shōwa era had come to an end after over 60 years, with its namesake ruler dying in the early hours of the 7th. With Emperor Shōwa's health fading over the past months, his death was not unexpected. And yet, the emperor had become a constant for post-war Japan, a link that tied the current government to those before the Pacific War. Now, that pillar was gone.

Within the Liberal-Democratic Party, its factions had pursued their customary clashing over policy goals and geopolitical stances, but chose to bury the hatchet to ease the transition period to the heir, now-Emperor Akihito. Yet the moratorium merely intensified the tensions. The regnal name of Heisei, with the intended meaning "Peace Everywhere", espoused the idealism that could come with the dawn of a new millennium just a decade away, yet it also brought up the inconsistencies in Japan's relations abroad, and notably made Hokkaido stand out, still under occupation by the Soviet and Beijing Pact puppets of the so-called "Japanese People's Republic".

The LDP factions debated as to whether the Emperor intended for them to seek reunification, diplomatically or militarily, or if it was a message to seek reconciliation and recognition of the puppet state. Should peace be promulgated by example, or enforced? Was it to seek a grand international accord, or for Japan to take a new direction? While the truce kept the appearance of civility and calm governance to the public, Prime Minister Takeshita's grand "Naichi Development Plan" announcement in February, seeking to secure Japanese economic growth and reunite the party factions, instead drew criticism from hardliners for allocating the nation's financial reserves in an uncertain transitional period. Furthermore, his light diplomatic efforts aimed at improving relations with SEATO members came under scrutiny in April as the Emperor announced an expression of remorse to the Republic of China, addressing the suffering of their people at the hands of Japanese occupation. Becoming instead the focal point of the split across the factions and wings of the LDP, with some factions wishing to follow upon their head of state's example, and those wishing to maintain a denial of Japanese war crimes, the party's cohesion stands at a tipping point as the debates circle around the heart of the issue: the Pacific War.

Even with the death of Nobusuke Kishi 2 years ago and his disgraceful resignation in 1960, the looming ghost of the founder of the LDP and his forgiveness of war criminals has firmly tied the issue into one questioning the very identity of the LDP. While officially recognising their guilt in the Pacific War, major factions have downplayed, ignored, or refuted the crimes of war that occurred throughout the war, and occasionally justified their actions during the war. Now, as the issue picks up steam throughout the internal debates and factions solidify their stances, a confrontation within the LDP seems inevitable. Yet as they clash, the Takeshita Cabinet has remained aloof on its definitive stance even as it prepares for a formal announcement in May, the season of blooming in occupied Hokkaido.

Across the party, there are hopes that it is aimed at a unifying message, to try and salvage the majority of the LDP for the next elections, but most expect that the days of a unified LDP are coming to a close, regardless of what the announcement will be about. Instead, some are gathering their factions and preparing for what comes next, even as they maintain a face of unity to the public. Should factions break off from the LDP, it very well might begin a complete split of the party, or even herald its dissolution. While Noboru Takeshita knows he will not make it another term, he prepares to make his defining mark on the closing days of the 20th Century, and declare what the Heisei era's start will mean to the rest of the Western Pacific.

Scrivener · Jan 25, 2025

PRAVDA

MOSCOW, JANUARY 1ST

The Soviet Academy of Science reported today that the Venera 18 spacecraft will arrive at Venus on January 18th, which coincides with the arrival of the twin VeGa probe missions on January 6th and 7th respectively. Both VeGa probes will be commanded not by Earth-based tracking stations but by the cosmonauts onboard the Venera 18, who will utilize the probes to observe their planned "landing" zone in Venus's upper atmosphere.

Venera 18 is only one in a long lineage of missions to Venus launched by the USSR, and it is far from the last; further Venera missions, such as the planned Venera 19 mission this spring, will bring further parts required for the planned floating Aeropolis on Venus. General Secretary Anatoly Lukyanov in a speech before the Council of Ministers predicted that Venera 18 and its mission to extract and refine Ammonia-Emulsion (A-E) compounds would secure a new, environmentally friendly future of growth for the Soviet economy free from the shackles of obsolete oil production.

The Venera 18 mission will be the first attempt in the history of mankind to colonize another planet…

Frostbyght · Jan 26, 2025

The Buenos Aires Agreement

As part of the continued development of the Argentine Economy, the Ministry of Economics has sought out foreign partners to supply national needs. Though resource extraction and refinement is rapidly growing there is another segment of Argentine production that cannot be put by the wayside. Agriculture remains one of the largest sectors of employment and production, and the continued modernization of Argentina's vast fields is considered of grave importance.

As such, seeking to improve the availability of modern farming equipment, and to establish improved trade relations with powers beyond the typical Argentinian Sphere, representatives of both the Republic of Argentina and the Kingdom of Italy met to determine a mutually beneficial exchange of goods.

Terms of the agreement state the following:
- Argentinian Agricultural products shall be exported to Italy at reasonable prices, including beef, soy, and cereals.
- Italian vehicles, primarily Tractors and Automobiles, shall be exported to Argentina at reasonable prices.

Done in Beunos Aires, January 1989.

[X] Representatives of the Argentine Republic
[] Representatives of the Kingdom of Italy. @Vald

Frostbyght · Jan 26, 2025

Argentine-Japanese Naval Agreement, 1989

Changes in national priorities in previous years have forced monetary and military resources away from the Argentine Navy, and allowed for institutional rot to set in. The current status of the navy must be resolved for the security of the people and honor of the Peronist Government to be assured.

In order to establish good practices for the Naval Forces of Argentina, and rebuild the strength and force of our fleet, Argentina turns to the expertise of its Pacific neighbor, Japan. The Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force shows the level of professionalism and strength sought by our own forces.

As such, the Government of Argentine commissions the Japanese Government to provide:
- Naval Officers and Experts to act as trainers for Argentine Crews and shore bases.
- A unit of Destroyers to reinforce the Argentine Navy's patrol and escort capabilities.

To pay for this commission, the Argentine Government agrees to grant the Japanese Government and approved businesses reduced prices on Industrial Metals and Oil Exports. Profits from these sales will go towards funding the new naval constructions and the trainers, with the remainder passing onto the Argentine Government as usual.

Done in Buenos Aires, January 1989.
[X] Argentine Republic
[] Japan @Archon of Ghosts

Archon of Ghosts · Jan 26, 2025

Frostbyght said:
Argentine-Japanese Naval Agreement, 1989

Changes in national priorities in previous years have forced monetary and military resources away from the Argentine Navy, and allowed for institutional rot to set in. The current status of the navy must be resolved for the security of the people and honor of the Peronist Government to be assured.

In order to establish good practices for the Naval Forces of Argentina, and rebuild the strength and force of our fleet, Argentina turns to the expertise of its Pacific neighbor, Japan. The Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force shows the level of professionalism and strength sought by our own forces.

As such, the Government of Argentine commissions the Japanese Government to provide:
- Naval Officers and Experts to act as trainers for Argentine Crews and shore bases.
- A unit of Destroyers to reinforce the Argentine Navy's patrol and escort capabilities.

To pay for this commission, the Argentine Government agrees to grant the Japanese Government and approved businesses reduced prices on Industrial Metals and Oil Exports. Profits from these sales will go towards funding the new naval constructions and the trainers, with the remainder passing onto the Argentine Government as usual.

Done in Buenos Aires, January 1989.
[X] Argentine Republic
[] Japan @Archon of Ghosts

[X] Japan

"With tensions as they are across the Western Pacific, Japan is happy to announce this cooperation with the Argentine Republic, in a mutually beneficiary treaty that seeks to encourage the safekeeping of national waters and trade lanes. We hope the rest of the Pacific sees this as Japan's desire to maintain stability and encourage further economic growth for all that are willing to join our initiative." - Hiroshi Mitsuzuka, Minister of International Trade and Industry

Thalmann · Jan 26, 2025

"The fatherland he had wanted was a myth."

Affonso Henriques de Lima Barreto, The Sad End of Policarpo Quaresma

THE CRISIS OF DEVELOPMENTALISM

Brasília - the meta-síntese.

As the 100th anniversary of Brazil's existence as an independent nation-state dawned, the nation seemed to realize that the Brazilian 20th century had not truly begun, two decades after 1900. The nation yearned for the same thing it had in 1889, when the Empire fell. Renovation. Coffee had become stagnant and none of the hopes and dreams the populace had for the new Republic materialized. Culture was hopelessly elitist, education unimpressive and reserved for a certain elite, the economy rural and the state a tool of a certain class that was increasingly faltering. All of those things had to change.

Seizing popular discontent as a mandate, military rebellions sprang up and dissident parts of the ruling class, spearheaded by Getúlio Vargas, took the reins of the Brazilian state, with the same promise that Marshals Floriano Peixoto and Hermes da Fonseca had made when they challenged the coffee class throughout the First Republic:

"Only with Revolution,
Radio and Parabellum,
can we enact change
in this Brazil green-and-yellow!"

Old ideas, new and dangerous to the old Empire, were discarded into the dustbin of history for even newer ones. Eugenics and whitening policy was replaced with Gilberto Freyre's 'racial democracy' - racism, it seemed no longer existed. Miscigenation turned from a path to whiteness into the essence of being 'Brazilian' - the product of the meeting of many races. Not that the rich men and rulers of the nation were any less white, of course. Popular culture, soccer and samba, which the Old Republic's oligarchs turned their noses at, were also enthroned as symbols and the connecting tissue of Brazilian identity.

Coffee, the latest in a series of drugs that had been the lifeblood of Brazil's export-based economy, gave out after Getúlio's last-ditch attempts to save it. It could no longer finance the state, nor sustain Brazil's economy. Instead, the moneyed classes of Brazil pivoted towards another sector, that had slowly but surely been growing since confidence in coffee was first shaken: industry.

Brazilian capital, that had once conquered foreign markets with their coffee, now conquered the internal market. The metropolis of São Paulo became the nation's manufacturing hub as it slowly began to supply its own demand. First, the basis of industry and some consumer goods - steel, food processing, textiles. Then, more durable and valuable consumer goods - cars, domestic appliances. And finally, by the 1970s, capital goods. Machinery for the factories, or EMBRAER's aircraft. The success of this policy was clear in the increasing wealth of capitalists and labourers, of rising urbanization and quality of life. Onwards and onwards the new Brazil marched, with spectacular growth - until it all came crashing down.

The CIA World Factbook map of Brazil's economic activities. Brazil is no longer just a great expanse of farmland.

All the new culture - cinema, literature - and new ideas in economy and sociology were the expression and foundation of a model for Brazil, espoused by Vargas and then his petebista successors. Of a Brazil that was no longer rural and agricultural, but rather industrial and urban. All the superstructure was sustained by the infrastructure of Brazilian industry. And so, when the economy faltered, it was not just one of capital's periodic recessions, nor was it a mere economic affair. It was a crisis of Brazilian nationhood itself, as proposed by Vargas and the PTB. What it promised, was no longer being delivered.

There were three great issues that plagued the Brazilian economy.

The first was that national industry had captured as much of the internal market as it could have. That is not to say Brazil was an autarchy - far from it. But what was imported was industrial machinery that Brazil did not yet have the capacity to produce, or foreign industrial goods, French, British and American, that were of higher quality than national production, enough that going through the tariff walls was worth it for wealthier Brazilians.

The second was that Brazil's industry was technologically backwards and it was unfortunately poorly set up to repair that issue. Brazilian conglomerates had started on the shift to new technologies, but it was a very slow shift, made slower by the general economic malaise.

The third, and greatest of them all, was the same problem that had broken the back of coffee less than a century before. Having conquered the internal market, Brazilian firms looked outwards, making use of their devalued currency to export cheap consumer goods to their economic partners. When their economies faltered, Brazil's own followed as exports were disrupted and prices fell.

While not a voice heard by the populace, it seemed that the prediction of Brazil's trotskyist tendency, that industrialization was naught but a new form of underdevelopment and continued dependence on the imperial core, was validated, while the thesis of an alliance between proletariat and bourgeoisie espoused by communists and developmentalists alike seemed a farce.

The Bovespa, São Paulo's stock exchange, amidst the crisis of Brazilian capital.

But, to the gurus of nacional-desenvolvimentismo, Brazil's developmentalist model, this was not yet a death knell to developmentalism. The search for new markets was an expected part of the development plan, which Brazilian diplomacy had sought to accomodate. As far as they were concerned, the plan had not failed, but rather been failed. It was only a matter of getting it back on track, of continuing to modernized and develop Brazil's industrial sector.

This was the promise of the Simon Administration to the Party and the people. So far, alas, it had mixed results. The Minister of Planning was none other than the Celso Furtado, reprising his role in the Goulart Administration. The author of The economic growth of Brazil, one of the most important brazilian developmentalist texts and widely seen as architect of Brazil's economic boom of the 1970s, was undoubtedly the best man for the job. If he failed, however, one could only dread to think what might come to pass.

President Simon's Minister of Planning, Celso M. Furtado.

Vald · Jan 26, 2025

Good evening, Italians!

Introduction: The planet Earth appears, vivid blues and greens against the infinite void of space. Loud bombastic music begins to play as earth spins, continents drifting into view, the territories of the Italian Empire blaze in bright highlighted red. Earth stops spinning, arriving at such an angle as to show off all the Empire's territories at once. A superimposed Roman Eagle fades in. The music swells. Eventually both eagle and earth fades out, while the logo of RAI - Radivisione Italiana - takes their place, bombastic music continues as an announcer begins to speak.

Announcer: "Citizens of Italy! Bringing you this broadcast, the Ministry of Popular Culture greets you! Today we celebrate the strength, unity, and glory of our great Italian Empire. From the heart of Rome to the farthest reaches of our dominion, every day our civilization shines ever brighter."

The screen transitions to images of bustling cities, grand parades, and industrial progress interwoven with military footage: fleets of battleships, legions of soldiers, and the roar of jet aircraft overhead. Finally there is Il Duce standing on a balcony, waving magnanimously to cheering crowds below.

Announcer: "Our power and unity send a clear message to the world: Italy is not just a nation: it is a force, a destiny. Under the unwavering guidance of Il Duce, we march forward, securing the eternal grandeur of our people and earning the admiration of the world—but also provoking its jealousy! Enemies gather outside our borders, desperate to see our Empire falter, to see us divided. Let us then never forget: the strength of our Empire lies not only in its might, but also in the vigilance of its patriotic people. If you witness any subversive activity - be it communist, anarchist, or otherwise anti-Italian - report it immediately to the authorities. Withholding information of a crime is a both a crime in itself, and deeply unpatriotic!! Remember, only together can we ensure the safety of Italy for her children and preserve our Imperial Birthright!."

Images of smiling families with children wearing the black uniform of the Youth Organisation (GIL) of the Fascist Party. The screen fades back to the logo of RAI, as the music gradually quiets.

Announcer: "And now, we bring you the news from across our great Empire and beyond. From the streets of Rome to the farthest provinces, the pulse of Italy beats strong. Stay with us as we report on the latest victories, the triumphs of our people, and the endeavours that carry us into an ever-brighter future."

Transition to the news studio.

"Good evening Italians! I am Mateo Rinaldi and this is todays news..."

"A sense of Jubilation and joy permeates the Empire's overseas provinces. As Eritrea and Albania respectively celebrates a century and half-a-century as part of the Italian Empire. In Eritrea, Governor Guillet, together with representatives of The Party and the Italian-Eritrean Friendship Association, has proudly welcomed Il Duce to oversee the commemoration of the centennial anniversary of the Treaty of Ucciali, marking Eritrea's liberation from Ethiopia and its inclusion into the Italian Empire. Grateful settlers and loyal natives alike joining together, hand-in-hand, in the streets of Asmera to give thanks for the beacon of light that Italian civilization provides in an otherwise troubled region. The presence at the celebrations of a number of political refugees and former slaves, fleeing Amha Selassie's despotic regime in Ethiopia in ever greater numbers, providing a stark contrast and a reminder of the chaos and repression occurring just beyond the Empire's border, where the steadfast vigilance of Italian forces ensures the safety and security of all the people of Eritrea. Il Duce's visit also marks the 34th consecutive year in which living standards and productivity of the province has expanded beyond the expected and mandated quota. Truly proving the superiority of Fascistic Corporate Economics. Tune in later to hear Il Duce's speech before the people of Asmera, and when our reporter on location interviews refugees from Ethiopia, hearing their tales of going from forced labour in the plantations of Addis Ababa, to being card-carrying members of The Party and working on the expansion of the Asmera-Massaua Railway line."

Images flash across the screen of Eritrean streets packed with celebrants, local leaders saluting as Il Duce addresses the crowd, followed by close-ups of celebratory parades and Italian flags waving in the wind

"Meanwhile in Albania, the Albanian Fascist Party has likewise extended an invitation to His Majesty the King, and His Excellency Il Duce, who are both expected to make an appearance at celebrations in Tirana. The festivities in Albania will be going ahead this summer without delay. Though security measures are to be heightened following last weeks attempted terrorist attack in Korce, bravely foiled through a combined operation by local police and the Organization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism. Even as the possession of Soviet and German weaponry by the terrorists continue to raise questions about foreign support for the infamously brutal Epirot-Communist-Separatist-Organization. Police and intelligence organizations assure us that the situation is under control, and that any further attempts to disrupt the peace will be promptly dealt with. Nonetheless, on behalf of The Party and Security Forces, we here at Radiotelevisione Italiana encourage the general public to remain vigilant, and to report any suspicious activity immediately..."

Images of Albanian streets, adorned with vibrant decorations, followed by footage of citizens preparing for the festivities. Security forces stand quietly in the background, while proud faces of both Italians and Albanians fill the frame, brother-peoples united in celebration

"In the sphere of foreign relations, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Allesandro Pavolini, has announced the finalization of a comprehensive new trade agreement with the Argentine Republic. The Argentinians, having recognized the superior quality of Italian Fascist-Corporate goods and labor - vastly more efficient than that of less industrious peoples, whose productivity is hindered by their inferior political systems - have committed to importing Italian automobiles and advanced machinery. This landmark agreement is being hailed by prominent corporate leaders as a major step in expanding Italy's economic influence abroad, underscoring the global demand for Italian innovation and craftsmanship. The agreement is expected to further strengthen Italy's industry and manufacturing capabilities, facilitating the opening of new factories and creating thousands of jobs for Italians across the Empire. Shortly after the signing of the agreement, FIAT has already announced plans for the expansion of its facilities in Torino and Tobruch. In conjunction with the unparalleled economic prosperity that Italy continues to enjoy, these developments stands as a powerful testament to Italy's leading role as a global economy, and is a reflection of the productivity and labour of the Italian worker, guided by the unity and strength of the Fascist Syndicates."

Images of Italian businessmen shaking hands with Argentine officials, with glimpses of ships carrying Italian goods across the ocean

"Continuing in the sphere of automation and transportation... In the Chamber of Fasces and Corporations, a new package for the expansion of infrastructure on the mainland has been unanimously approved. This initiative will see a thorough expansion of the autostrada from north to south, with accompanying railway lines for the transportation of goods and the autolessi. Once again providing jobs for thousands of Italians, and promising further vitalization of the local economy in the south. As Italy is tied ever further together by road and rail, we at Radiotelevisione Italiana seek to remind you, that while train remains a valid means of transportation, the patriotic aspect of car ownership cannot be denied. As Italians it is both our duty, and our privilege, to indulge in this patriotic and fascist sport, which helps both the worker and the state by supporting the automobile and petroleum industries. Don't forget to participate in the National Party's upcoming raffle, where one lucky citizen will win a brand-new automobile, a true symbol of our shared journey into a prosperous future. Together, towards the future, by car, the Fascist way!"

Images of construction workers laying down the new autostrada, railway tracks stretching across the landscape, bustling construction sites and workers enthusiastically building Italy's future. They wave as a car carrying a happy family drives by and fades into the sunset

"In the world of cinema, the highly anticipated film Duce: Dawn of a Nation, directed by Vittorio Mussolini and starring himself in the lead role as his father, Benito Mussolini, has just been released to an overwhelming reception. Audiences nationwide are flocking to theaters to witness this monumental cinematic portrayal of Italy's rise under Mussolini's leadership, as told by his son. The film is being hailed as a historic piece and an unprecedented success, with critics from the National-Fascist Association of Entertainment and the general public alike praising its gripping narrative, historical authenticity, visually stunning production, and, of course, Vittorio's commanding performance as Il Duce. The director-actor delivers a portrayal that is both powerful and historically authentic, capturing the essence of Mussolini's greatness while showcasing the triumph of the National Revolution. Likewise the film has been met with thundering applause at the Venice Film Festival, garnering widespread acclaim from international critics and guests, proving the superiority of Italian Cinema. With a sequel already in development, the movie has been designated as mandatory viewing and part of the school curriculum. A move that has been applauded by members of the Grand Council of Fascism, most prominently Silvio Berlusconi, who in his dual role as Director of Istituto Luce, and Mediaset Corporation, has acquired the exclusive distribution rights for the film. We are obligated to remind you that you must register with your local Dopolavoro Cinema for a mandatory Sunday screening of Duce: Dawn of a Nation within the next six months. We owe our gratitude to the Ministry of Popular Culture and the National Council of Corporations for organizing patriotic recreational activities for all our citizens..."

Scenes of packed theatres, audience focused as Vittorio Mussolini takes them through his fathers life. Cut to students in classrooms, watching the film with undivided attention. Finally, footage of Vittorio on the red carpet at the Venice Film Festival. Behind him, Silvio Berlusconi waves confidently to the crowd

"And now, for what I am sure you have all been waiting for... Excitement is mounting as tomorrow, Serie A will witness a thrilling matchup between AC Milan and AC Tripoli. AC Milan, with its storied legacy of victory, will be facing the rising force from the Empire's Fourth Shore on the latters home pitch. The match holds significant weight, as the victor will progress to the semi-finals of the league and thus move one step closer to winning the prestigious title as champion of Serie A. Fans are eagerly anticipating what promises to be an intense and competitive game. AC Milan looks to maintain their strong position, while AC Tripoli aims to prove their worth against one of the country's footballing giants. The match is expected to draw large crowds both in the stadium and across the Empire through television, as the two teams face off in a highly anticipated match, which we are sure will go down in history..."

Images of two passionate fanbases. AC Milan's supporters waving flags and scarves, while AC Tripoli's crowd, proud and determined, cheers in their green and black colours. The camera shifts to the teams warming up on the pitch: AC Milan's seasoned players, walking with confidence, and the rising stars of AC Tripoli, eager to prove themselves

"And now on to the weather..."

Secondskink · Jan 26, 2025

SirLagginton said:
The Lighthouse Agreements

In the months to follow the Tiānlì Agreement, other dependents of fossil fuels would approach the German Reich on the issue of solar energy exports, prompting further state visits by Kaiser Alexander I to both the Republic of India and the Spanish Empire to sign a series of agreements that, along with the Tiānlì Agreement, would come to collectively be known as the Lighthouse Agreements.

Though these agreements would effectively occupy all of Germany's extant generation capacity (in addition to the power it has conserved for its own use), the promised flood of foreign currency into the Reich's coffers along with cheaper energy bills for the German citizen made this as far as the Kaiser was concerned, a vindication of his policies. Solar receivers are under construction around the world globally as German engineers arrive to assist in the construction of receivers capable of withstanding the Thor's prodigious power transmitters, while in Spain and India, new timetables for the implementation of power intensive industrial processes are being negotiated at a breakneck pace as German power supplies are set to be delivered.

[X] Spanish Empire @Cathari
[ ] Republic of India @Secondskink

"... therefore we are pleased to announce the construction of new Solar Recviving station in the state of Maharashtra to provide power for both industrial and public use, it is this goverments hope that this station will be the first step in ensuring a truely resilant and modern national electric grid for the people of India. We intend to bring the light of electricity to as many Indians as possible over the coming decade and it is with great happiness that I sign this Agreement with the German Reich and set us onward to a better tommorow..."

[X] Minister of Energy Arif Mohammad Khan

Vald · Jan 26, 2025

A Good Fascist

It is Monday. Anna wakes up early, she has had a good weekend, forest trip with the girl-scouts, she is excited for school, she likes to learn things, she likes school. The sunlight filters through the curtain, illuminating her small orderly room. She puts on her school uniform and checks her bag to make sure all is where its supposed to be. She looks up. The sunlight is now illuminating the posters on her wall, one of them has a smiling family under a Fasces, with the words "Loyalty builds a better tomorrow" written on it.

Downstairs, the apartment is quiet. Her father is sleeping on the couch, he always does that when he gets home late from the factory, and he always gets home late from the factory. Before it was so he didn't wake her mother up, but now, well, habits...

"Good morning, Papa!" Anna says cheerfully.

Her father grunts in response. "Morning, Anna", his voice coarse, tired, but in a way also gentle.

Anna hesitates. He hadn't smiled in weeks, not since mother left. He had been unable to explain why. Her teachers said it was because her mother had been bad, she hadn't gone to the proper schools, and had bad thoughts. So she had had to go away until she learnt how to behave. The neighbour, Mrs. Grazzi had put it more kindly: "Your mother isn't bad, Anna. She just didn't know the right way to think. That's why she chose to go away, to go to a special school to learn. One day she will come back smart, like us. Like you."

Anna clung to those words. Her father was different though. "She's not coming back, Anna. Don't wait for her". And he wouldn't explain why. It made her confused; the teachers said she would be back, Mrs. Grazzi said she would be back, so why didn't her father?

--

Its Tuesday. At school, Anna listens attentively as her teacher, Miss Belucci, points to a chart on the wall.

"Does anyone remember what we do if someone does bad things?" she asked.

Several hands shot up. Anna's too.

"Yes, Luca?"
"We call the number!" the boy said eagerly.

"That's right," Miss Bellucci said. "The number is there to help us. Sometimes people don't know they're doing bad things. Sometimes they need help to learn. By reporting them, you're helping them and The Party. Remember, reporting someone isn't betrayal, its love."

Anna wrote the number carefully in her notebook. The teacher's words echoing in her head.

--

It's Wednesday. That evening after school, Anna is surprised to come home to find her father on the couch.

"Papa, why aren't you at the factory? why aren't you at work?"

"I don't work there anymore, Anna. I have to find a new job"

"But why, Papa? You have always worked at the factory"

Her father sighs... "Always doesn't last forever, Anna"

Anna goes to bed confused, sad. She wants to help her father, but she doesn't know how, doesn't understand what's wrong with him.

--

It's Thursday. For the first time ever Anna skips school. School is important, but so is family, that's what The Party says. And she wants to understand her father, so she knows how to help him. She sticks around the living room, pretending to do homework. She notices he mutters to himself, words she doesn't understand, words like "Propaganda", "Tyranny", words the teacher said was dangerous.

"Papa, why do you say Mama isn't coming back?" she asks cautiously.

He sighs, rubbing his chin. "Because she won't, Anna. They took her because she… she didn't-" He stops himself and shakes his head.

"Didn't what?"

"She didn't believe in The Party, so they took her, they took her and they lied about it! Said she didn't want to be with us, that she chose to leave" he says, bitterness creeping into his voice.

Anna feels her stomach twist. That wasn't what the teacher said. It wasn't what Mrs. Grazzi said.

"But The Party doesn't lie," Anna says firmly.

Her father's eyes darken. "You're too young to understand."

But Anna did understand. Her father wasn't like the others. He didn't believe. He was confused, just like her mother had been.

--

It's Friday. Before school, Anna wakes up even earlier than usual. She has been thinking. Miss Belucci has never lied to her, she's a teacher after all, its her job to tell truth and facts. Mrs. Grazzi is kind and old, always helpful and keeping an eye on people in the neighbourhood, why would she lie? And The Party? Anna knows The Party doesn't lie either, how could it? But her father… one time, he told her Mama wasn't upset after they argued, even though Anna could hear her crying in the other room. If he lied about that, maybe he's lying about other things too.

She goes downstairs. Her father is sleeping on the couch, snoring deeply, he looks tired. Anna makes her decision. She picks up the phone, her hands trembling slightly, and dials the number from her notebook. A calm voice answers.

"Civic Support Line. How can we help?"

"I think my papa needs help," Anna said, her voice small but steady. "He lies and says bad things about The Party."

The voice on the other end was warm. Reassuring. "You did the right thing, child. We'll take care of him."

Anna goes to school, but is unable to focus on anything. She gets scheduled for detention after not paying attention during history class, where they watch some boring new movie about the first Duce, and she does poorly on a quiz about Corporate Economics. When Anna comes home she goes to sleep early.

That night she wakes to the sound of heavy boots on the wooden floor. Her father's voice, raised in protest, cuts through the silence. She peers out of her room to see men in black uniforms leading him away.

"Anna," he says, sudden realisation in his eyes, his voice breaking. "Why?"

Anna steps forward, clutching the doorframe. "You'll come back smarter, Papa. Like Mama. I did this to help you."

The men pull him away, his voice fading into the night.

--

It's Monday. Anna walks to school, her steps lighter, a smile on her lips. She has had a good weekend. She's stayed at Mrs Grazzi's apartment, it was nice there, and she's hoping she will be allowed to stay longer. Until her parents come home. She imagines her father, smiling and strong, ready to be good and smart and honest. In class, Miss Belucci praises her.

"Anna is a shining example of loyalty," she says. The class claps.

Anna smiles, proud. She had done the right thing. Mrs. Grazzi said so, her teachers said so, and most importantly, the men from The Party had said so.

And The Party wouldn't lie.

Would it?

Bucephalus · Jan 26, 2025

Always Remember August 1st: The People's Liberation Army's Reforms of 1989

As 1989 dawned, the People's Liberation Army found itself at a doctrinal crossroads.

Since the founding of the new China in 1949, Soviet influence over the PLA's military education and doctrine had been strong, as Russian advisors transformed it from a guerilla-based army to a force capable of all-out conventional warfare. The end of Chairman Mao's rule in 1971 with Soviet backing, and the gradual passing of the veterans of the Long March had only exacerbated the influence of the so-called 'Moscow clique' within the PLA; primarily consisting of officers whom received further education in the Soviet military academies of Frunze and Malinovsky.

However every action would generate its own opposition reaction, and the Moscow clique's dominance would be increasingly challenged by a younger generation of officers supported by the emerging third generation of CPC leadership; informally termed the 'Baoding clique' after the storied military academy of the Ground Force. The Baoding clique in essence argued for a shift away from Soviet doctrine towards it being one of many influences for a new one adapted to the Chinese context, synthesising it with the old lessons of the pre-1949 period and a with it a reflection of the PRC's current geopolitical realities, rather than one suited for the clash on the plains of Central Europe the Soviet Armed Forces were primarily geared to fight.

While some Soviet influences would be retained, such as the planned gradual mechanisation of most of the PLA's infantry divisions, the reformation of the ground force structure would focus on three key areas; the restructuring of the existing Military Regions (Beijing, Shenyang, Lanzhou, Jinan, Chengdu) into new Theatre Commands (Northeast,Central,Southern,Northwest and Southwest), expansion of the PLAGF's power armoured corps, and the planned mass production of the prototype Type 85 tank. Given the mountainous terrain of the potential theatres of operation the PLA envisioned itself fighting in, the shift in focus towards constructing a force better suited for operations in such regions was regarded as critical to victory, with many within the PLA particularly placing hope in the new tank, envisioning it to complement and replace the existing Type 65 (a Chinese-modified version of the Soviet T-64) in the light(er) tank role. The Air Force and Navy would also see the procurement of major big ticket platforms; the PLAAF would receive funding for additional squadrons of J-11B 'Yinglongs', while the PLAN would begin construction of a new aircraft carrier to complement the existing Liaoning along with escorts.

Enjoying the fruits of the northern Chinese economy's rapid development after the so called 'lost decades' of the Sunshadow virus and Cultural Revolution, the PLA would use the subsequent increase in budgets to continue to prepare for Chairman Deng's 'People's War Under Modern Conditions'. Beijing was determined to establish the PRC as the clear second pillar of the socialist world next to the Soviet Union, and a strong military would be central to such ambitions.

Bucephalus · Jan 28, 2025

Excerpt from Friday, 3 March 1989 News Roundup

CMSA launches Tianhe Core Module, First Component of Tiangong Space Station

The Tianhe Core Module, core of the Tiangong Space Station

The Chinese Manned Space Agency announced the successful launch of the Tianhe Core Module today from Jiuquan Satellite Launch Center, an occasion closely watched by numerous observers both domestic and internationally. Carried on a Long March 5B rocket, the Module reached its intended orbit at 0542 hours Beijing time and deployed successfully. The Tianhe Module is the first of many for the Tiangong Space Station, and when its inaugural crew rotation docks with it will mark the first permanent presence in space for the People's Republic.

First announced during the 7th Five-Year Plan in 1986, the Tiangong station will mark a new era for the CMSA as a platform to expand interactions with other members of the socialist community in space, as well as the starting step towards permament civilian orbital development and habitation for the People's Republic. The first tranche of crew are expected to arrive at the station in end-April as part of the Shenzhou 11 mission, consisting of taikonauts Liu Chenggong, Sun Ziyu and Li Mingde, all originally fighter pilots with the PLAAF......

Furrybacon · Jan 28, 2025

Deputy General Mphahlele Sisulu, retired, was a Pilot from the Number 2 Squadron, SAAF. An Ace too, with nine confirmed air-to-air kills during his combat service between the years of 1962 and 1986. Three years ago, they'd told him he'd gotten too old to fly, and the State offered him a cushy job with Denel Manufacturing Solutions as a technical advisor. Privately, Sisulu, regretted signing the paperwork - he was only 48 when he stopped flying in the SAAF, and if he hadn't been hopped up on painkillers after some damn fool technician t-boned his UAZ while drunk he'd never have fallen for the additional zero. So what if he still limped - he knew he had at least three more splashes in him. Mphahlele especially regretted retirement when he had to let someone else fly him anywhere.

"It's too cramped in here." he mumbles, causing the Director of production at an Aircraft faciulity, Kaya Radebe, to roll her eyes. She was consumed in her notes, and had been from the moment they left the airfield at CMMA headquarters south of Johannesburg. South Africa was hardly the most socially progressive country, so Radebe had had to work hard to get, and stay, where she was. In many ways, the outcome of this meeting would be more make or break for her than anyone else on the plane - and not just because her colleagues were a party man diplomat and a decorated fighter pilot. She would not permit herself to make a mistake.

"You sneak naps in fighter cockpits, I don't want to hear it." she replies, causing the General to grin. "Besides, we're almost in Buenos Aires."

"Still not fully comfortable with this." The ANC party-man Amogelang Gumede voiced, perhaps for the last time he'd be allowed too. He was dressed in an impeccable Italian suit, which both the General and the Director thought abrogated him from having any moral objections to the Argentinians. "The Chilean invasion, while materially impressive, unsettles me." The Diplomat was aware of his colleagues' disdain for his threads. He could justify it too himself by pointing out that he was dressing to the standards of his audience, which he was, but there was a unquiet voice in his head that reminded him that this fitted suit did, in fact, feel very nice to wear. Even if it was made by the Italian Colonizers.

"The Argentinians have built a comparatively large and powerful Air Force. They have much to teach us in the economy of scale with regard to the production of air frames, and have been able to do that with several of their own designs." The director recites, maintaining the air of clinical, frankly masculine, aloof confidence that was required to keep the job she earned. "Both the fighter traditionalists" - the General grunted, a staunch pilot through and through, - "and the geopolitical projection interests" - the Partyman nodded, his mind jumping to the Air Cruisers - "will benefit by seeing how the FMA was able to spruce up the Argentine aerospace industry to where it is today."

"Of course." "Naturally" the other two replied in unity, as the capital of Argentina came in over the horizon.

"Of course, there's also the Hydroelectric and Antarctic elements." Gumede noted. "I believe that there should be an Argentine plane landing in Johannesburg about now with their engineers. I hope Director Swart has fun with them." The party-man continued, taking a potshot at the Democratic Alliance aligned chief engineer of the Gariep Dam who'd been something of a putz in the lead up to the signing of the Southern Hemisphere Technical Exchange Programme.

"Who was getting banished to Antarctica again?" The General asked. "It was Baard wasn't it?"

"Yes. They plucked some poor sonofabitch Long Range Combat Group from I think the 4th Rifles to pull security." Radebe smirked. "Imagine getting a state vacation and it's to the coldest place on Earth."

"No." The Partyman countered. "Imagine wanting that to happen. Having that be a goal. Making waves in the ANC - and then watching as Baard is appointed to lead the expedition." Chuckling echoed through the cabin.

There was a knock at the door to the sectioned off Cabin where the three senior leaders were chatting, and a young staffer poked their head in. "Landing in ten, Comrades."

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Southern Hemisphere Technical Exchange Programme

An engineering exchange program between Argentinian State Aerospace Company (FMA) to the South African State Aerospace Cooperative (DMS) for the purposes of assistance in operational scaling.
An engineering exchange program between the South African Hydroelectric Authority Company and the relevant Argentine Dam Authorities for the purposes of assistance in Hydroelectric Implementation.
An exchange of information and methodology in the survey of Antarctic territories.

[X] - Confederation of South Africa

[ ] - Republic of Argentina @Frostbyght

Frostbyght · Jan 28, 2025

Furrybacon said:
The Southern Hemisphere Technical Exchange Programme

An engineering exchange program between Argentinian State Aerospace Company (FMA) to the South African State Aerospace Cooperative (DMS) for the purposes of assistance in operational scaling.

An engineering exchange program between the South African Hydroelectric Authority Company and the relevant Argentine Dam Authorities for the purposes of assistance in Hydroelectric Implementation.

An exchange of information and methodology in the survey of Antarctic territories.

[X] - Confederation of South Africa

[ ] - Republic of Argentina @Frostbyght

"That'll be their plane now."

"Too late for regrets, but I cannot help be cautious about our choice of friends."

"What's wrong with being friendly with the preeminent power in Africa? Really, they're the only African nation worth talking to in terms of economics and engineering. Not to mention they share our opinion of the French and English. Who else would you have chosen? The Congolese? The Ethiopians?"

"Bah, perhaps you're right. Still, they are a bit tied to Moscow, aren't they? And the Antarctic project..."

"We have some very good friends in Moscow."

"Had. Just as we had friends in Washington."

"And we still do, in both places. Hell, everywhere. From Tokyo to Washington. Now from Moscow to Johannesburg. It's all politics, and you remember what the Padre said, hmm? About politics?"

"Oh, you wish to quote Perón at me? You dog."

"'Politics are not an end, but a means for the well-being of Argentina: which means happiness for our children and greatness for our nation.' A wise man, the Padre. Let the Superpowers fight about ideology, we have our own struggles to win. Our own greatness to forge. Wise words."

"Hmph. Wise indeed. Let's hope we are following in his wisdom."

The Argentine Republic welcomes cooperation with our brothers in struggle across the Atlantic. Let our unified efforts bring prosperity and honor to our peoples, in the pursuit of an ever-brighter tomorrow.

[X] - Republic of Argentina

Thalmann · Wednesday at 3:04 PM

THE CHARM OFFENSIVE

In early 1989, Brazilian diplomacy was in full swing. President Simon left VP Miguel Arraes as Acting President to go on a tour of Europe, where he would meet with foreign dignitaries and hatch out deals with the grandees of the Old Continent.

The Treaties of Caracas

Simon's first destination was Brazil's ally of the 20th Century, Britain. Having already been in talks with the Lawson Government beforehand, Simon signed an agreement with the United Kingdom granting the Royal Navy docking rights in Brazilian ports, in exchange receiving a significant concession towards restoring Brazil's desired peace and stability in South America.

In Venezuela, the Brazilian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Saraiva Guerreiro, paid Caracas a visit and got from his counterpart two great victories. The British signed a treaty with Venezuela acknowledging the Arbitration of 1899 to have been in error, and that the territory of Essequibo belonged to the Republic of Venezuela. A major win for the Venezuelan government, which it used to justify their pivot in foreign affairs.

Brazil, meanwhile, signed a trade agreement with Venezuela, exporting their industrial goods, from machinery to sweatshirts, while importing Venezuela's own oil production. Brazil also began importing energy from Venezuela, connecting the Federal Territory of Rio Branco to the Venezuelan power grid. Profitable for Venezuela and Brazil both.

With these coups in diplomacy, Venezuela's departure from the Argentine sphere was expected, and their later entry into the Community of American States ultimately unsurprising.

[X] The Republic of the United States of Brazil

[X] The Republic of Venezuela

[ ] The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland @tankdrop24

Agreements with Central America

Saraiva Guerreiro's foreign tour did not end at Caracas. He continued to head north, visiting his counterparts and even heads of state in Santo Domingo, Haiti, Panama, Costa Rica, El Salvador and Guatemala. All were offered similar agreements, with similar favorable results in negotiations.

They would open their markets to Brazilian industry and, in exchange, Brazil would import the agricultural and mineral products that made up the bulk of their smaller economies. Oftentimes, those were not necessary or significant for the Brazilian economy; they grew enough of their own bananas or coffee. But the Simon Administration considered the diplomatic and economic ties made with these agreements worth it.

Brazilian firms had also made the commitment to establish branches in these nations, generating jobs and economic dynamism for their new partners and clients.

[X] The Republic of the United States of Brazil

[X] The Republic of Guatemala

[X] The Dominican Republic

[X] The Republic of Haiti

[X] The Republic of El Salvador

[X] The Republic of Costa Rica

[X] The Republic of Panama

The Mexico-Brazil Bilateral Agreement

Nor did Saraiva Guerreiro's foreign tour end in Guatemala City. He went further north still, and represented the Brazilian government in signing a trade agreement with Mexico. Brazil would sell Mexico capital goods such as machinery and steel, the latter of which Brazil was the largest producer of in Latin America, producing more than double Mexico's output, while trade between their two diversified economies was bound to lead to growth and prosperity for both. Another notable plank of the agreement was a student exchange program between Brazilian and Mexican universities, in the hope of fostering greater dialogue and exchange between nations.

[X] The Republic of the United States of Brazil

[X] The United Mexican States

The Italy-Brazil Bilateral Agreement

Meanwhile in Europe, President Simon continued his tour in Europe, publicly signing with the Duce a trade agreement with the Kingdom of Italy. Their terms were simple. Brazil would export tropical goods, such as coffee and cocoa, some which was in fact the excess goods imported from Central America, beef, which both Brazil and other members of the CAS were great producers of, and soybeans, which had been a growing agricultural business in Brazil since the 1970s.

Meanwhile, Italian automakers would export their products to the large Brazilian market, though on some conditions. While the parts could be imported, italian cars had to be assembled in Brazilian plants, which the automakers would have to partner with Brazilian capitalists to establish as subsidiaries. Additionally, Italy will fund scholarships for Brazilian students, to allow them to study in Italian or Brazilian universities and to conduct their research, with Italy being given the right to vet candidate institutions proposed by Brazil.

[X] The Republic of the United States of Brazil

[X] The Kingdom of Italy @Vald

The Hispano-Brazilian Treaty of Cooperation and Commerce

Another destination of President Simon's tour was Spain, which had opened friendly negotiations with Itamaraty (Brazil's foreign ministry) not long before the trip was organized. Once in Spain, he signed an agreement with President Piñar's government, in regards to trade, research and education. Brazil would export chiefly their prodigious quantities of iron ore, industrial machinery and tropical goods such as coffee, cotton and sugar (including what Brazil imported and reexported from Central America). Spain, meanwhile, would contribute with exports from their pharmaceutical industry, which would supplement Brazil's own homegrown sector, olive oil, wine, as well as Spanish industrial machinery, supplementing what Brazil's own industrial sector couldn't make for now.

As to education and research, Brazil and Spain agreed to a studen exchange program between their respective universities, as well as the creation of the new Amazonas Foundation, a Spanish research institute dedicated to studying the Amazon Rainforest. Any scientific and technological advancements to arise from their research would be shared between the two nations.

[X] The Republic of the United States of Brazil

[ ] The Spanish Empire @Cathari

The Berlin Agreement

Simon's final stop in Europe was the German capital of Berlin, where he celebrated a landmark agreement with the Reich. Brazil would export raw materials and tropical goods to the German Reich, such as bauxite, manganese, coffee, sugar, cotton, bananas, soybeans and beef. As with the other export agreements, Brazil would also reexport goods acquired from their Central American partners, on top of the already prodigious national production. In addition, German buyers would have privileged access to Brazilian iron and rare earth metals.

This concession had a simple reason: Germany agreed to withdraw their investments from Argentina, and relocate them to Brazil. This move would be subsidized by Brazil, with these firms receiving fiscal breaks and legal aid until they could reestablish themselves on the (much larger) Brazilian market.

[X] The Republic of the United States of Brazil

[ ] The German Reich @SirLagginton

SirLagginton · Wednesday at 4:27 PM

Thalmann said:
The Berlin Agreement

Simon's final stop in Europe was the German capital of Berlin, where he celebrated a landmark agreement with the Reich. Brazil would export raw materials and tropical goods to the German Reich, such as bauxite, manganese, coffee, sugar, cotton, bananas, soybeans and beef. As with the other export agreements, Brazil would also reexport goods acquired from their Central American partners, on top of the already prodigious national production. In addition, German buyers would have privileged access to Brazilian iron and rare earth metals.

This concession had a simple reason: Germany agreed to withdraw their investments from Argentina, and relocate them to Brazil. This move would be subsidized by Brazil, with these firms receiving fiscal breaks and legal aid until they could reestablish themselves on the (much larger) Brazilian market.

[X] Deutsches Reich

"...In ever-evolving market conditions, we must prepare to be flexible with our investments if the Reich is to remain the leading economy of Europe. This deal with Brazil not only offers cheap raw materials with which to fuel the demands of our growing economy, but also relocates our investments in South America under generous terms after Argentina's regrettable declaration of military-industrial cooperation with the rogue state of South Africa..." - Chancellor Otto Graf Lambsdorff

Cathari · Wednesday at 4:31 PM

The Hispano-Brazilian Treaty of Cooperation and Commerce

Another destination of President Simon's tour was Spain, which had opened friendly negotiations with Itamaraty (Brazil's foreign ministry) not long before the trip was organized. Once in Spain, he signed an agreement with President Piñar's government, in regards to trade, research and education. Brazil would export chiefly their prodigious quantities of iron ore, industrial machinery and tropical goods such as coffee, cotton and sugar (including what Brazil imported and reexported from Central America). Spain, meanwhile, would contribute with exports from their pharmaceutical industry, which would supplement Brazil's own homegrown sector, olive oil, wine, as well as Spanish industrial machinery, supplementing what Brazil's own industrial sector couldn't make for now.

As to education and research, Brazil and Spain agreed to a studen exchange program between their respective universities, as well as the creation of the new Amazonas Foundation, a Spanish research institute dedicated to studying the Amazon Rainforest. Any scientific and technological advancements to arise from their research would be shared between the two nations.

[X] Spanish Empire

"...We can learn much through God's creations, especially in a garden as bountiful as the Amazonas. We may have... differences, but together we will prosper above the communists and their godless, unsound 'theories.'" - Blas Piñar López

RobespierreLives · Wednesday at 6:01 PM

Barbe des combats, Jean Dubuffet, 1959

La Politique dans la République Moderne

"J'existe, c'est tout. Et c'est si vague, si métaphysique, cet ennui-là, que j'en ai honte."
- Jean-Paul Sartre, La Nausée

The Third Republic in the year of 1989 is in many ways an anachronism with its main political structures stems from the Constitutional Laws of 1875 - as a combination of the principles of a constitutional monarchy and a republic, giving the President of the Republic, in theory, broad powers, and unaccountability to the chambers or the people. Said office being ceremonial is only by tradition as President Grévy promised to never utilize the power to dissolve the legislature in 1879 by saying: "Subject with sincerity to the great law of the parliamentary regime, I will never enter into battle against national wishes expressed by its institutional bodies", essentially creating a parliamentary democracy. Created in the aftermath of the War of 1870 and the fear of another Louis-Napoléon, and a resurgence of the monarchist right (although their power faded after the May Crisis of 1877). The conditions and reasons for the establishment of the Third Republic were no longer existent over a century later and the calls for a fourth republic and to rationalize parliamentarism - mainly from the left - are not unjustified, and even some from the right and center have joined in. No consensus to write a new constitution has been achieved however, and thus the centenarian Constitutional Laws of 1875 (with amendments of varying degree) trudges ever forwards.

The modern French Republic is one seemingly haunted by the hot desert sands of Northern Africa, and in more than one way. For one, the French armed forces are still fighting what seems to be an endless war against what is presumed to mainly foreign agitators. Secondly, Jean-Marie Le Pen, a war hero from his time in the 1er Régiment Étranger de Parachutistes, and well known right-wing agitator and founder of Front National, is the recently elected President of the Republic. The election is said to have been engineered by Jacques Chiraq and his allies in the Chamber of Deputies and Senate in an effort to drive Le Pen into an essentially powerless position to stem any further agitation. Le Pen's reasoning for accepting a ceremonial political position remains unknown, but some believe that he'll use the position to propel his own political organization into prominence in French politics. The decision was also heavily criticized by most of the opposition, and parts of the center-right, but nevertheless in a combined session of the Assembly and the Senate Le Pen was elected as president. While a hero to specific parts of the population - most notably radical pied-noirs, his service in the infamous paratrooper corps make some question what he exactly did in Algeria.

Chiraq and Mitterand seen together, 1987

The largest political parties in the National Assembly in France after the 1988 parliamentary elections are the Rassemblement pour la République and the Parti Socialieste led by Jacques Chiraq and François Mitterrand respectively. Mitterand is a giant in French politics that cannot be ignored, either by his political opponents or his political allies with an impressive political career spanning four decades, several stints as a minister and as a president of the council proper from 1978-1980, and again from 1983-1986. His time as president was marked by inter-left disagreements and socio-economic woes that allowed the right under Chiraq to win the 1988 elections. Despite this he remains popular with the French public. The Opposition bloc led by Parti Socialiste range from the far-left Parti Communiste Français to the more center-focused Parti Radical de Gauche and Le Verts.

President of the council Jacques Chiraq is the shining beacon of hope for the French right, and as the protege of both the legendary Raoul Salan - also simply called 'le Général' - and of Georges Pompidou the right has good reasons to trust his political instincts. His Rassemblement pour la République - a successor to Salan's party Rassemblement du Peuple Français - has been firm in its promises to the public: Economic revival, peace in the colonies. As most mainstream politicians, Chiraq maintains that Algeria and Lebanon are France, and that French as indivisible is imperative. Their position in regards to the broader French possessions - the protectorates of Morocco and Tunisia, and the colonies of Djibouti and Senegal - is more vague. While only in the first year of his government, the left has already confirmed in their belief that Chiraq's government is detrimental to France for their support of Jean-Marie Le Pen's presidency.

While only in the first year of his government, the left has already been confirmed in their belief that Chiraq's government is detrimental to France for their support of Jean-Marie Le Pen's presidency. To his supporters and members of his electoral and legislative alliance Chiraq is simply seen as cementing the (somewhat muddled) legacy of General Salan. The alliance of Rassemblement pour la République is a broad centrist and right alliance ranging from Salanists to christian democrats and assorted centrists, but notably not Le Pen's Front National.

The National Assembly of the French Republic
After the 1988 Elections:

(Left to right: PCF [84 seats], PS [140], PR [16], CNIP [2],
RPR [258], PRG [21], PSD [54], CDS [20], LV [14], FN [29], Others [32])

List of Presidents of the Republic (since 1936):

Albert Lebrun: 1932-1946
Vincent Auriol: 1946-1960
Michel Debré: 1960-1967 [Did not seek re-election].
Maurice Schumann: 1967-1974 [Did not seek re-election]
Alain Savary: 1974-1988 [Died in office]
Jean-Marie Le Pen: 1988 - [Incumbent]

Map of the French Metropole:

War Plan Orange IC Thread

Unserious, Unsane, Unsure where I am

Overview

War for Independence

African National Congress

Confederation Governance

Third International

Confederation Ministry for Military Affairs

The Long War

The Angola Situation

Temporarily embarrassed kulak

Shadow Cabal Caerbannog Bun-Bun

Not Dead Yet

Shadow Cabal Caerbannog Bun-Bun

Not Dead Yet

Servant of Rome

The Femme In Yellow

PRAVDA​

Not Dead Yet

Not Dead Yet

Servant of Rome

Unserious, Unsane, Unsure where I am

Not Dead Yet

Shadow Cabal Caerbannog Bun-Bun

PRAVDA