You are Sovnarkom, the supreme executive authority of the world's first worker's government. Guide an alternate Soviet Union in which Soviet Democracy has been preserved, and Central Europe is on the verge of Revolution.
To Secure this Beachhead of Worker's Power: A Soviet Union Quest.
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Introductory Post
New
Curby
recovering analytic philosopher, still sensitive
- Location
- Most Serene Republic of Unwashed Brooklyn
- Pronouns
- He/They
What is this?
A quest set in the world of The Widening Gyre, an alternate history timeline which explores a different Great War in which an America led by William Jennings Bryan stays neutral, causing the conflict to last a year longer. In the timeline, this ultimately leads to successful socialist revolutions in Italy, Germany, and elsewhere, but this quest will start in 1918, when the Great War is still ongoing and it looks as if Germany might be on the verge of victory.
Do I have to read that whole thing?
Absolutely not! I will fill readers in on the most pertinent details here. If you are curious for more details about the Soviet situation, you can read this post.
What are the main differences between TTL and ours?
American non-participation in the war has had a lot of downstream effects. The socialist labor movements in France and Britain are both stronger. Italy left the war in the middle of 1918, and has been wracked by internal instability since. In Germany, a much more totalitarian form of military dictatorship has emerged in response to a failed worker's revolution in late 1917. Most of its leaders managed to escape to Russia, but the antiwar centrists who led the way in ousting Ebert and Scheidemann in 1917 have been placed under house arrest. In East Asia, China never joined the war as an ally, and tensions are quickly increasing between them and Japan. America is still committed to neutrality, but pro-war Republicans have made gains in recent elections, and there is talk of impeachment.
I will discuss Soviet Russia more below, but the largest difference right now is the manner in which the Soviets seized power: not with a Bolshevik coup, but after an attempted counterrevolution is foiled by the red relief army of the "red aristocrat" Alexei Brusilov. This, along with Franco-British weakness, has led to a much weaker white movement.
How will this work?
In this quest, you will have control of Sovnarkom, the highest political body in the Soviet Union. Sovnarkom will meet every week. The actions you take will effect the extraordinarily volatile capitalist world-system, but if you are not careful, they might also invite reaction and intervention from foreign powers. At any point, you may submit an information request to the Soviet Bureaucracy, and I will offer a synopsis of the information that would likely be available. In addition, a section will be updated with every entry on "The State of the Revolution", with quantitative measures that will effect future choices, updates, and dynamics. It is probably best to pay attention to this! Over time, I will likely add new parameters and metrics.
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Yet all is not well. The vindictive Treaty of Warsaw has been harshly criticized by a combination of left-SR's and left-communists. Lenin, the bolshevik leader and chairman of Sovnarkom, refused to direct Brusilov's army to conquer Petliura's German client state in Western Ukraine, fearing a resumption of hostilities. This enraged the opposition, who began plotting to call into session the Soviet Executive Committee, who they hoped would vote into power a government composed of left-SR's and left-communists. Yet they were quickly outmaneuvered by Lenin, who ousted the left-communist leader Nikolai Bukharin from his leadership position before securing the support of Julius Martov's left-Mensheviks, allowing him to form a new government of centrist bolsheviks and democratic socialists.
It now falls to you to determine how to make good this new windfall of political capital. Already, peasant unrest is proliferating throughout Central Russia in response to increasingly harsh grain requisitions. You have no allies abroad, though both the Germans and the Franco-British Entente have expressed interest in a diplomatic settlement. In fact, there is real evidence that Britain funded the left-communists, whom they hoped would seize power and return Russia to the war. It might be possible to make a deal with them that would strip the remnants of the white forces of their funding, but it would almost certainly mean re-entering the war.
Germany likely presents a more logical alliance partner. While they hold onto historically Russian lands in the Baltics, Poland, and Western Ukraine, a diplomatic settlement might lead to at least some of these being voluntarily ceded. The food situation in Germany is growing more and more desperate, which means that they are likely willing to make sizable concessions in return for grain shipments. On the other hand, this would likely require further grain requisitions, which would only exacerbate rural unrest. And some Bolsheviks believe that sending grain to Germany would prop up a dying regime on the verge of social revolution.
A mass worker's revolt led by Rosa Luxemburg did occur in late 1917 in Saxony and Berlin, but it was harshly repressed. Now, the entirety of the previous leadership of the Social Democrats has either been arrested or fled here, to Soviet Russia. Even right-wing social democrats like Ebert and Scheidemann have gone into "inner emigration", refusing to cooperate with the government. The party is now ostensibly led by a social-nationalist clique on its far-right, but few workers recognize their authority. Reports from Germany indicate that a clandestine movement of worker's councils has formed, though it is difficult to gauge the size or strength of this network.
Some of the Mensheviks suggest trying to procure technical and industrial assistance from America. Though most consider President William Jennings' Bryan to be a Bourgeoisie idealist, he has kept America out of the war and even hosted a conference of pacifist socialists. He has expressed concerns about the "Bolshevization" that the war might bring on, but also issued scathing denunciations of European Imperialism. He might be willing to agree to the resumption of trade relations, and perhaps even a set of foreign loans, but such a move would likely further alienate the left-communist faction.
Current Composition of Sovnarkom
Foreign Policy
Britain is currently led by Bonar Law's Tories, which have the ideology of British Conservatism. Relations are…Poor (25/100)
Germany is currently led by Ludendorff's military dictatorship, which has the ideology of Proto-Fascism. Relations are…Skeptical (30/100)
America is currently led by William Jennings Bryan, governing in coalition with progressive republicans and northern democrats. These have an ideology ranging from technocratic social liberalism to populist industrial democracy. Relations are currently Mediocre (40/100).
Relations with the Ukrainian Soviet Republic are Good (65/100)
The Ukrainian Soviet Republic's level of autonomy is High (75/100).
Tensions on the western frontier are Boiling (85/100, relations with Germany -5 per turn)
Political
The government's support among the Urban Working Class is…Robust (75/100)
The government's support among the Urban Middle Class is…Middling (50/100)
The government's support among the Russian Peasantry is Weak (30/100)
The standard of living for the Urban Working Class is…Impoverished (25/100)
The standard of living among the Urban Middle Class is…Insecure (35/100).
The standard of living for the peasantry is…Impoverished (20/100)
The power of the Bolsheviks is predominant (50/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Bolsheviks are…Beloved (90/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Bolsheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)
Right now, the Bolsheviks are dominated by the Leninist Center, which holds 75/100 of the party's political capital, ahead of Kamenev's right-bolsheviks (15/100) and the left-communists (10/100).
The power of the Mensheviks is influential (15/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Mensheviks are…Trusted (65/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Mensheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)
Right now, the Left-SR's are acclaimed (80/100) by the peasantry, their power is significant (10/100) and they are mistrustful (35/100) of the present government!
Military
The size of the Red Army is mediocre (40/100)
The morale of the Red Army is good (65/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the Red army is pathetic (15/100)
…Leading to an Army strength (size + morale/quality times .5) of Weak (787.5/5000)
Right now, the Red Army keeps around 70% of its forces in the west, giving us a western frontier strength of 551
The size of the German Army is large (80/100)
The morale of the German Army is waning (35/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the German Army is robust (70/100)
…Leading to an Army Strength of (4025/5000) Very Strong
Right now, Germany keeps around 20% of its forces in the east, giving them a western frontier strength of 805, to which should be added the Austrian Eastern Army Strength of 905, the Western Ukrainian army strength of 150, and the Finnish Army strength of 60, giving a total of 1920.
Right now, the likely result of a confrontation with Germany would be Abysmal (0/100) (Formula: German Army Strength - Soviet Army Strength/10.)
On the Matter of Relations with Germany (Pick 1)
[] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.
[] The Middle Way: The People's Commissariat for Social Welfare Alexandra Kollantai proposes a "middle way". She presents a plan to gradually wind down fighting in the west without coming to an explicit, formal detente with Germany. She contends that this will allow the Soviet state to consolidate itself without requiring it to give aid to Ludendorff's military dictatorship. Rykov speaks at length against this plan, arguing that the fledgling Ukrainian Soviet Republic would likely collapse without the continued flow of Soviet aid. Reducing our aid to partisans in the Baltics, Ukraine, and Finland would likely lead to a worst of both worlds scenario: a strengthened Germany with no reason to negotiate, because we have voluntarily removed our largest sources of leverage.
[] Once More Into the Breach: Speaking as a "Devil's Advocate", the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, Adolph Joffe, describes a series of clandestine offers received from Britain for Entente aid in return for a resumption of war with Germany. While the Soviet Army is in no place to fight, it appears as if the allies have achieved technological supremacy in the west; joining the war again and forcing Germany to divert forces to the east might allow the British-French coalition to achieve a breakthrough. Of course, the Bolsheviks came to power promising an end to the war, and rejoining it would likely not go over very well with their core supporters…
On the Matter of the Left-SR's (Pick 1)
[] A Worker's, not a Peasant's Republic: The left-SR's may have been removed from Sovnarkom, but there are still 26 of them on the Soviet Executive Committee, a body which still possesses significant legislative powers. The commissar Alexei Rykov describes a plan to redistrict and redestribute the Soviets to give even greater weight to urban areas, which are already overrepresented. Lenin approves of this proposal, but some Bolsheviks privately worry that such a move would benefit the Mensheviks more than the Bolsheviks, as their support is even more concentrated in Urban areas.
[] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.
On the Matter of Leon Trotsky (Pick 1)
[] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
[] Sack the Red Bonaparte: Joseph Stalin contends that the left-communist Trotsky cannot be trusted, and warns of a "Bonapartist conspiracy" in the military. While Trotsky was not implicated in the Entente financing of Bukharin's Moscow Circle, he does have a loyal following in the army. If the left-communists were to ever grow in popularity, he would be a formidable ally to have, though Rykov notes that their influence in the party has been decimated following the emergency congress in August.
A quest set in the world of The Widening Gyre, an alternate history timeline which explores a different Great War in which an America led by William Jennings Bryan stays neutral, causing the conflict to last a year longer. In the timeline, this ultimately leads to successful socialist revolutions in Italy, Germany, and elsewhere, but this quest will start in 1918, when the Great War is still ongoing and it looks as if Germany might be on the verge of victory.
Do I have to read that whole thing?
Absolutely not! I will fill readers in on the most pertinent details here. If you are curious for more details about the Soviet situation, you can read this post.
What are the main differences between TTL and ours?
American non-participation in the war has had a lot of downstream effects. The socialist labor movements in France and Britain are both stronger. Italy left the war in the middle of 1918, and has been wracked by internal instability since. In Germany, a much more totalitarian form of military dictatorship has emerged in response to a failed worker's revolution in late 1917. Most of its leaders managed to escape to Russia, but the antiwar centrists who led the way in ousting Ebert and Scheidemann in 1917 have been placed under house arrest. In East Asia, China never joined the war as an ally, and tensions are quickly increasing between them and Japan. America is still committed to neutrality, but pro-war Republicans have made gains in recent elections, and there is talk of impeachment.
I will discuss Soviet Russia more below, but the largest difference right now is the manner in which the Soviets seized power: not with a Bolshevik coup, but after an attempted counterrevolution is foiled by the red relief army of the "red aristocrat" Alexei Brusilov. This, along with Franco-British weakness, has led to a much weaker white movement.
How will this work?
In this quest, you will have control of Sovnarkom, the highest political body in the Soviet Union. Sovnarkom will meet every week. The actions you take will effect the extraordinarily volatile capitalist world-system, but if you are not careful, they might also invite reaction and intervention from foreign powers. At any point, you may submit an information request to the Soviet Bureaucracy, and I will offer a synopsis of the information that would likely be available. In addition, a section will be updated with every entry on "The State of the Revolution", with quantitative measures that will effect future choices, updates, and dynamics. It is probably best to pay attention to this! Over time, I will likely add new parameters and metrics.
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________
The Next Step in the Revolution
You are Sovnarkom, the council of people's commissars in which de facto executive authority is vested. Less than a year ago, the reactionary general Lavr Kornilov marched to Petrograd and prepared to dissolve the city's Soviets, only to find most of his expeditionary force surrounded by the red relief army of Alexei Brusilov. In the following months, a Soviet government was proclaimed, composed of an uneasy coalition of Socialist-Revolutionaries, Bolsheviks, and Menshevik-Internationalists. Although you have been forced to sign a humiliating peace with Germany, the red armies have had many successes in the past year. Blow after blow has been dealt to the white forces, and it looks as if the Entente has given up funding them. Most of Belarus and the eastern half of Ukraine have been reconquered, and as we speak, Trotsky continues his advance into Central Siberia. The reunification of Russia under a worker's government is at hand.
Yet all is not well. The vindictive Treaty of Warsaw has been harshly criticized by a combination of left-SR's and left-communists. Lenin, the bolshevik leader and chairman of Sovnarkom, refused to direct Brusilov's army to conquer Petliura's German client state in Western Ukraine, fearing a resumption of hostilities. This enraged the opposition, who began plotting to call into session the Soviet Executive Committee, who they hoped would vote into power a government composed of left-SR's and left-communists. Yet they were quickly outmaneuvered by Lenin, who ousted the left-communist leader Nikolai Bukharin from his leadership position before securing the support of Julius Martov's left-Mensheviks, allowing him to form a new government of centrist bolsheviks and democratic socialists.
It now falls to you to determine how to make good this new windfall of political capital. Already, peasant unrest is proliferating throughout Central Russia in response to increasingly harsh grain requisitions. You have no allies abroad, though both the Germans and the Franco-British Entente have expressed interest in a diplomatic settlement. In fact, there is real evidence that Britain funded the left-communists, whom they hoped would seize power and return Russia to the war. It might be possible to make a deal with them that would strip the remnants of the white forces of their funding, but it would almost certainly mean re-entering the war.
Germany likely presents a more logical alliance partner. While they hold onto historically Russian lands in the Baltics, Poland, and Western Ukraine, a diplomatic settlement might lead to at least some of these being voluntarily ceded. The food situation in Germany is growing more and more desperate, which means that they are likely willing to make sizable concessions in return for grain shipments. On the other hand, this would likely require further grain requisitions, which would only exacerbate rural unrest. And some Bolsheviks believe that sending grain to Germany would prop up a dying regime on the verge of social revolution.
A mass worker's revolt led by Rosa Luxemburg did occur in late 1917 in Saxony and Berlin, but it was harshly repressed. Now, the entirety of the previous leadership of the Social Democrats has either been arrested or fled here, to Soviet Russia. Even right-wing social democrats like Ebert and Scheidemann have gone into "inner emigration", refusing to cooperate with the government. The party is now ostensibly led by a social-nationalist clique on its far-right, but few workers recognize their authority. Reports from Germany indicate that a clandestine movement of worker's councils has formed, though it is difficult to gauge the size or strength of this network.
Some of the Mensheviks suggest trying to procure technical and industrial assistance from America. Though most consider President William Jennings' Bryan to be a Bourgeoisie idealist, he has kept America out of the war and even hosted a conference of pacifist socialists. He has expressed concerns about the "Bolshevization" that the war might bring on, but also issued scathing denunciations of European Imperialism. He might be willing to agree to the resumption of trade relations, and perhaps even a set of foreign loans, but such a move would likely further alienate the left-communist faction.
The State of the Revolution
Current Composition of Sovnarkom
| Position | Officeholder | Party |
| Chairman | Vladmir Lenin | Bolshevik |
| Head of Council-Administration. | Vladimir Bonch-Bruyevich | Bolshevik |
| Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. | Adolph Joffe | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Agriculture | Vladimir Milyutin | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissar of Military Affairs | Joseph Stalin | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissar of Naval Affairs | Pavel Dybenko | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Labour | Julius Martov | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Trade and Industry | David Riazanov | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Education | Anatoly Lunacharsky | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Food | Matvey Skobelev | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs | Alexei Rykov | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Justice | Nikolai Kylenko | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Nationalities. | Sergo Ordzhonikidze | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Posts and Telegraphs | Lev Kamenev | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Railways | Victor Nogin | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Finance | Yuri Lurin | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Social Welfare | Alexandra Kollantai | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissar for Local Self Government | Lev Karakhan | Social-Democratic |
Foreign Policy
Britain is currently led by Bonar Law's Tories, which have the ideology of British Conservatism. Relations are…Poor (25/100)
Germany is currently led by Ludendorff's military dictatorship, which has the ideology of Proto-Fascism. Relations are…Skeptical (30/100)
America is currently led by William Jennings Bryan, governing in coalition with progressive republicans and northern democrats. These have an ideology ranging from technocratic social liberalism to populist industrial democracy. Relations are currently Mediocre (40/100).
Relations with the Ukrainian Soviet Republic are Good (65/100)
The Ukrainian Soviet Republic's level of autonomy is High (75/100).
Tensions on the western frontier are Boiling (85/100, relations with Germany -5 per turn)
Political
The government's support among the Urban Working Class is…Robust (75/100)
The government's support among the Urban Middle Class is…Middling (50/100)
The government's support among the Russian Peasantry is Weak (30/100)
The standard of living for the Urban Working Class is…Impoverished (25/100)
The standard of living among the Urban Middle Class is…Insecure (35/100).
The standard of living for the peasantry is…Impoverished (20/100)
The power of the Bolsheviks is predominant (50/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Bolsheviks are…Beloved (90/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Bolsheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)
Right now, the Bolsheviks are dominated by the Leninist Center, which holds 75/100 of the party's political capital, ahead of Kamenev's right-bolsheviks (15/100) and the left-communists (10/100).
The power of the Mensheviks is influential (15/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Mensheviks are…Trusted (65/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Mensheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)
Right now, the Left-SR's are acclaimed (80/100) by the peasantry, their power is significant (10/100) and they are mistrustful (35/100) of the present government!
Military
The size of the Red Army is mediocre (40/100)
The morale of the Red Army is good (65/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the Red army is pathetic (15/100)
…Leading to an Army strength (size + morale/quality times .5) of Weak (787.5/5000)
Right now, the Red Army keeps around 70% of its forces in the west, giving us a western frontier strength of 551
The size of the German Army is large (80/100)
The morale of the German Army is waning (35/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the German Army is robust (70/100)
…Leading to an Army Strength of (4025/5000) Very Strong
Right now, Germany keeps around 20% of its forces in the east, giving them a western frontier strength of 805, to which should be added the Austrian Eastern Army Strength of 905, the Western Ukrainian army strength of 150, and the Finnish Army strength of 60, giving a total of 1920.
Right now, the likely result of a confrontation with Germany would be Abysmal (0/100) (Formula: German Army Strength - Soviet Army Strength/10.)
Sovnarkom Meeting, September 2nd, 1918
On the Matter of Relations with Germany (Pick 1)
[] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.
[] The Middle Way: The People's Commissariat for Social Welfare Alexandra Kollantai proposes a "middle way". She presents a plan to gradually wind down fighting in the west without coming to an explicit, formal detente with Germany. She contends that this will allow the Soviet state to consolidate itself without requiring it to give aid to Ludendorff's military dictatorship. Rykov speaks at length against this plan, arguing that the fledgling Ukrainian Soviet Republic would likely collapse without the continued flow of Soviet aid. Reducing our aid to partisans in the Baltics, Ukraine, and Finland would likely lead to a worst of both worlds scenario: a strengthened Germany with no reason to negotiate, because we have voluntarily removed our largest sources of leverage.
[] Once More Into the Breach: Speaking as a "Devil's Advocate", the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, Adolph Joffe, describes a series of clandestine offers received from Britain for Entente aid in return for a resumption of war with Germany. While the Soviet Army is in no place to fight, it appears as if the allies have achieved technological supremacy in the west; joining the war again and forcing Germany to divert forces to the east might allow the British-French coalition to achieve a breakthrough. Of course, the Bolsheviks came to power promising an end to the war, and rejoining it would likely not go over very well with their core supporters…
On the Matter of the Left-SR's (Pick 1)
[] A Worker's, not a Peasant's Republic: The left-SR's may have been removed from Sovnarkom, but there are still 26 of them on the Soviet Executive Committee, a body which still possesses significant legislative powers. The commissar Alexei Rykov describes a plan to redistrict and redestribute the Soviets to give even greater weight to urban areas, which are already overrepresented. Lenin approves of this proposal, but some Bolsheviks privately worry that such a move would benefit the Mensheviks more than the Bolsheviks, as their support is even more concentrated in Urban areas.
[] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.
On the Matter of Leon Trotsky (Pick 1)
[] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
[] Sack the Red Bonaparte: Joseph Stalin contends that the left-communist Trotsky cannot be trusted, and warns of a "Bonapartist conspiracy" in the military. While Trotsky was not implicated in the Entente financing of Bukharin's Moscow Circle, he does have a loyal following in the army. If the left-communists were to ever grow in popularity, he would be a formidable ally to have, though Rykov notes that their influence in the party has been decimated following the emergency congress in August.
Last edited:
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Sovnarkom Meeting Sep. 9, 1918: Riga Negotiations, Relations with America and China, Left-Communist Question.
New
Curby
recovering analytic philosopher, still sensitive
- Location
- Most Serene Republic of Unwashed Brooklyn
- Pronouns
- He/They
Main Conclusions of the September 2nd Sovnarkom Meeting
Notes Taken by Vladimir Bonch-Bruyevich
The Council of People's Commissars met and discussed the ongoing proxy conflicts with Germany. Lenin proposed a renegotiation of the Treaty of Warsaw to draw down our troop presence in the west and secure normal trade relations. A minority of commissars led by Alexandra Kollantai argued for a more informal detente that would enable us to more easily place pressure on Germany in the future, but they were decisively outvoted by a majority skeptical of continuing the proxy conflicts. Commissar of Foreign Relations Adolph Joffe resolved to draft a diplomatic cable to Germany requesting a new round of negotiations. Notes Taken by Vladimir Bonch-Bruyevich
A proposal to change the structure of soviet elections was tabled, as was one to sack the general of the 1st Red Army, Leon Trotsky. The State of the Revolution
Current Composition of Sovnarkom
Current Composition of Sovnarkom
| Position | Officeholder | Party |
| Chairman | Vladmir Lenin | Bolshevik |
| Head of Council-Administration. | Vladimir Bonch-Bruyevich | Bolshevik |
| Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. | Adolph Joffe | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Agriculture | Vladimir Milyutin | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissar of Military Affairs | Joseph Stalin | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissar of Naval Affairs | Pavel Dybenko | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Labour | Julius Martov | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Trade and Industry | David Riazanov | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Education | Anatoly Lunacharsky | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Food | Matvey Skobelev | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs | Alexei Rykov | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Justice | Nikolai Kylenko | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Nationalities. | Sergo Ordzhonikidze | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Posts and Telegraphs | Lev Kamenev | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Railways | Victor Nogin | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Finance | Yuri Lurin | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Social Welfare | Alexandra Kollantai | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissar for Local Self Government | Lev Karakhan | Social-Democratic |
Changes
Relations with Germany have increased by +10 due to our proposal for negotiations (+15) and border tensions (-5). They are now mediocre rather than skeptical.
Tensions on the western front have decreased by -20 due to our proposal for negotiations. They are now pervasive rather than boiling.
Kolchak has suffered additional military defeats in the caucuses, raising the morale of the Red Army (+5). We now control the Kuban!
Foreign Policy
Britain is currently led by Bonar Law's Tories, which have the ideology of British Conservatism. Relations are…Poor (25/100)
Germany is currently led by Ludendorff's military dictatorship, which has the ideology of Proto-Fascism. Relations are…Mediocre (40/100)
America is currently led by William Jennings Bryan, governing in coalition with progressive republicans and northern democrats. These have an ideology ranging from technocratic social liberalism to populist industrial democracy. Relations are currently Mediocre (40/100).
Relations with the Ukrainian Soviet Republic are Good (65/100)
The Ukrainian Soviet Republic's level of autonomy is High (75/100).
Tensions on the western frontier are pervasive (65/100, relations with Germany -3 per turn)
Political
The government's support among the Urban Working Class is…Robust (75/100)
The government's support among the Urban Middle Class is…Middling (50/100)
The government's support among the Russian Peasantry is Weak (30/100)
The standard of living for the Urban Working Class is…Impoverished (25/100)
The standard of living among the Urban Middle Class is…Insecure (35/100).
The standard of living for the peasantry is…Impoverished (20/100)
The power of the Bolsheviks is predominant (50/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Bolsheviks are…Beloved (90/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Bolsheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)
Right now, the Bolsheviks are dominated by the Leninist Center, which holds 75/100 of the party's political capital, ahead of Kamenev's right-bolsheviks (15/100) and the left-communists (10/100).
The power of the Mensheviks is influential (15/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Mensheviks are…Trusted (65/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Mensheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)
Right now, the Left-SR's are acclaimed (80/100) by the peasantry, their power is significant (10/100) and they are mistrustful (35/100) of the present government!
Military
The size of the Red Army is mediocre (40/100)
The morale of the Red Army is solid (70/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the Red army is pathetic (15/100)
…Leading to an Army strength (size + morale/quality times .5) of Weak (787.5/5000)
Right now, the Red Army keeps around 70% of its forces in the west, giving us a western frontier strength of 551
The size of the German Army is large (80/100)
The morale of the German Army is waning (35/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the German Army is robust (70/100)
…Leading to an Army Strength of (4025/5000) Very Strong
Right now, Germany keeps around 20% of its forces in the east, giving them a western frontier strength of 805, to which should be added the Austrian Eastern Army Strength of 905, the Western Ukrainian army strength of 150, and the Finnish Army strength of 60, giving a total of 1920.
Right now, the likely result of a confrontation with Germany would be Abysmal (0/100) (Formula: German Army Strength - Soviet Army Strength/10.)
Sovnarkom Meeting on September 9th, 1918
Once again, the eighteen people's commissars of the Russian Soviet Republic gather. The Chairman, Lenin, begins the session by going over minor agenda items, subjecting some of them to a vote. The gathered commissars are unusually quiet, almost expectant. Finally, the Bolshevik leader turns his attention to a small, frayed letter with the seal of the German Kaiser upon it, which he straightens several times before reading:
"We are pleased to receive your request to formalize the final terms of the Treaty of Warsaw. We propose to meet in the city of Riga at your earliest convenience; a hotel has already been furnished and prepared for such an occasion. A delegation will be sent from Berlin led by Gustav Stresemann, who is authorized to speak on behalf of the German Empire. We simply request that these negotiations, until completed, remain confidential; there are parties who believe they would benefit from sabotaging the achievement of a final settlement."
All of the people's commissars knew of the German response, but none besides Lenin and a few others in his inner circle had heard the precise details. The last portion, regarding the secrecy of the agreements, is interesting - most understand that this is a reference to Petliura's Ukrainian People's Republic, which has been at loggerheads with Germany for some time, despite being an ostensible client state. The selection of Stresemann is also somewhat unusual; he is not officially a member of German's foreign ministry, but instead an "advisor" to the military dictator Ludendorff who has accumulated a great deal of power due to his prowess in organizing the war economy. It is unclear if he technically possesses formal authorization to negotiate a treaty, though the cable has been signed by the German chancellor and bears the seal of the Kaiser.
On the Matter of Priorities in Negotiations (Pick 3)
In the Sovnarkom meeting, discussion immediately turns to the matter of the negotiations. There will be opportunities to wring concessions from Germany in return for grain shipments, but these will not be unlimited. We must decide what matters to prioritize. So far, six options have been mooted.
[]Ports in the Far North and Baltics: We could press Germany to return the ports of Narva and Murmansk to us. Narva has been a hotbed of insurrectionary red activity, and Germany may be glad to get rid of it. As a Baltic port, it will remain blockaded from most trade by Britain, but it will improve our supply of grain and other goods to northwest Russia, and allow us to trade more easily with Germany. Murmansk is another story - Britain has not dedicated ships to blockading this Finnish-held port, and securing it should allow us to trade with the Americas.
[]Demand the Ukrainian Heartland: If we are going to have any hope of consolidating the new soviet state, we must press for the return of the agriculturally-rich lands of Western Ukraine and German recognition of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. We know that Germany is fed up with Petliura's government, but also quite reluctant to administer the territories themselves. Their attempt at a coup to place Hetman Pavlo Skorapidskyi in charge has already failed. If we press hard for them to return all the lands east of Rivne, they may buckle.
[]Secure German non-interference in the caucuses: Ever since the British captured Constantinople, Germany has been cut off from their Turkish ally in the east. Yet with the Entente's prospects looking grim, it might be a prudent idea to get a German guarantee of non-interference in our efforts to reconquer the formerly Russian lands of Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan. The former two already look like they may drift naturally into our sphere of influence, while Azerbaijan is in the midst of a war with Armenia and Britain, which has successfully seized Baku.
[]Request German industrial aid and capital goods: We may be the world's first worker's government, but our industrial base is piteous compared to many capitalist states. We must begin forthwith the expansion of our industry - this will provide us with the goods needed to trade for grain and allow us to ultimately mechanize our inefficient agriculture.
[]Reduce Reparations Payments: Germany is sure to demand harsh reparations, and our focus should be on making these as mild as possible. Right now, our peasants are barely producing enough to feed our own country, and overly punitive reparations might very well lead to famine and peasant insurrection.
[]Ask for a loan: Receiving a loan from Germany would provide us with crucial foreign currency that could be used to trade with neutrals or rebuild our own state-apparatus, which is currently in a rather parlous condition.
On the Matter of Offers to the Germans (Pick between 0-3)
The Germans will be more liable to meet our demands if we offer them something in return. We have several options...
(If 50% or more of voters pick (x) options, (x) options will be chosen. For each option picked, one of our choices in [Prioritize in Negotiations] will be empowered.)
[]Crimea, with an offensive: We could offer Crimea to the Germans. We do not currently control the Peninsula, but the white forces there will have trouble holding out without continual resupply from Britain. We can commit to an offensive in the area, and turn over the region to the Germans following its conquest. (Note: This will lower British opinions of us, and might inflame the SR's as well.
[]Rosa Luxemburg and German Emigres (counts for all 3!): Returning Luxemburg and the German emigre socialists to Ludendorff would be a real gesture of conciliation, but it would also tar us in the eyes of the international socialist movement. Nonetheless, there are many People's Commissars who believe that the German emigres, with their support for the left-communists, have been nothing but a nuisance, and long for some way to be rid of them. (Note: This will drastically improve our relations with Germany, opening up new diplomatic options in the future, but might also harm the prospects of a German revolution!).
[]Rights to the Donbas Coal Fields: The Donbas coal fields are the largest and most productive in Russia. Their reconquest has given us a key source of this vital industrial raw material and allowed our munitions factories to start humming along once more. Giving Germany the resource rights to this coal will slow down our industry somewhat, but it will also give us a vital supply of German marks, which are still competitive on the world market.
[]Oil Rights in Baku: We do not control Baku, but with Kolchak's 1st volunteer army in tatters, we should soon be able to march south across the caucuses and confront the British presence there. The new prominence of the "landship" on the western front has lent renewed importance to oil, and offering the Germans rights to 40% of the Baku oil will make it difficult for them to refuse our other requests. Of course, this will draw us into much more direct conflict with Britain, and require a military commitment to a southern offensive. (Note: This will significantly lower the British opinion of us).
On the Matter of America (Pick 1)
Following the discussion of the upcoming negotiations, Sovnarkom turned to other foreign policy matters. Firstly, there is the question of America. Currently, our Soviet Republic is only recognized by the German Empire as the legitimate government of Russia; securing American recognition would lessen our international isolation and open the way to trade with the world's largest industrial power. However, some of the people's commissars have concerns...
[]Maintain the Status Quo: Adolph Joffe points out that typically, foreign treaties have to pass through the American legislature, where there is a great deal of hostility toward our worker's government. Petitioning Bryan to pass such a treaty would likely harm his own political prospects and might make him more vulnerable to a rumored impeachment attempt. Of course, it is hardly our job to defend the position of an American politician, but it might be more useful to have Bryan in charge as a friendly neutral than run the risk of a more anti-soviet government coming to power. Additionally, many centrist Bolsheviks fear that opening relations would inevitably lead to the acceptance of American loans, which would grant a capitalist government undue leverage over our internal politics.
[]Request formal recognition and the resumption of normal trade relations: Martov and the left-mensheviks believe that Bryan's America would present an excellent partner; after all, they share with us an opposition to British Imperialism and a commitment to neutrality in the Great War. Achieving recognition will open the way to American trade, and then, perhaps, to American loans. Both of these will allow us to stabilize our new worker's government. Moreover, American recognition might have a cascading effect, allowing us to break decisively out of our international isolation as we make contact with more governments in the western hemisphere.
[]Seek Friendly Relations: As a middle path, we might simply send Bryan a note expressing a wish for friendly relations. While this will not put us on the path toward trade or recognition, it may improve American attitudes and open up more informal channels of communication.
On the Matter of China (Pick 1)
Duan Qurui has successfully unified China following his victory over a KMT government in the Southern Pacification War. Warlordism continues to be a problem in the inner provinces, but, with the assistance of American investment and arms, the Chinese government now looks stronger and more stable than at any point since the fall of the Qing Dynasty in 1911. It has thus far remained neutral in the Great War, though some believe that Sino-Japanese tensions could lead it to join the Central Powers.
[]Recognize and support the KMT as China's legitimate government: Kollantai, Martov and Kamenev all oppose working with the Chinese government, which they argue is a reactionary military autocracy that has no long-term interest in cooperation. Instead, they believe we should recognize the progressive-nationalist KMT government of Sun Yat-sen, which has fled into the mountains of Yunnan. Rykov and Lenin attack this proposal as "liberal idealism", and point out that Yat-sen appears to have little support in the rest of China.
[]Send a proposal for mutual recognition to Qurui: Recognizing Duan Qurui's government should allow us to resume trade once Trotsky marches further into Siberia. Chinese foreign currency is not particularly valuable, but we might be able to use it to trade with some of the states in South America. Because of its relative underdevelopment, China is probably one of the few markets that will accept our rather shoddy munitions and arms - this could be a quite lucrative trade.
[]Remain uncommitted for now: Some of the commissars point out that the situation in China is not as stable as it might appear. Tensions with Japan are being steadily ratcheted up, and it would be unwise to commit ourselves to close relations with any Chinese faction until our own state is more stable.
On the Matter of the Moscow Circle (Pick 1)
Finally, Sovnarkom turns to domestic matters. One of the first discussions concerns the left-communist circle in Moscow. There will surely be howls of protests from these dissident bolsheviks when news breaks of our decision to seek a more formal detente with Germany. Their leaders have been demoted to more pedestrian positions, but they still control some party media. As Sovnarkom begins deliberating on the matter, three competing options present themselves…
[]Throttle their newspapers: It should be simple enough to repress the publications of the left-communists. While this will likely incense them and their german allies, their lack of a power base in either the party or the unions will mean that they can't do much about it. Stalin, Rykov, and Kylenko all favor this option, though Martov, Kamenev, and Kollantai are worried about the precedent it would set for party democracy.
[]Send them to aid Central Siberia: With much of Central Siberia devastated by the conflict with the whites, we might be able to put the left-communists to some use in administering the region. This would give them their first taste of real power, but perhaps the stint in the Siberian cold would temper some of their more utopian ideals and force them to give up their propagandizing for the hard work of governance. If we ever have future use for their skills in propaganda and agitation, they could always be recalled. Surprisingly, Lenin and Martov join together to endorse this plan.
[]Let them speak: We could simply allow the left-communists to continue organizing. Right now, they are not a real threat to Lenin's dominant centrist faction, though they might find more support among workers if they are allowed to spread their ideas without restrictions. Keeping them together in Moscow, rather than the dispersed towns of Central Siberia, would also make it easier for them to coordinate opposition with the left-SR's in Central Russia, something which both Skobelev and Kamenev voice concerns about.
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Form for Adding Agenda Items
New
Curby
recovering analytic philosopher, still sensitive
- Location
- Most Serene Republic of Unwashed Brooklyn
- Pronouns
- He/They
I am adding a new mechanic to this quest. Each week, readers may vote to add up to two items to the agenda of the next Sovnarkom meeting. Items will only be added if they have the support of at least 5 participants. Agenda items may be either specific proposals or simply requests to discuss a subject of importance to the Soviet government in order to settle upon a unified policy. Following the submission of an agenda item, the agenda committee will review it, issuing one of the following decisions:
Unqualified Approval: The agenda item will appear in the discussion program of the next meeting of Sovnarkom.
Qualified Approval: The agenda item will appear in the discussion program of the next meeting of Sovnarkom, on the condition that requested changes are made to the item.
Request for Revision: The Agenda committee finds that the item should not appear on the discussion program without significant revision. Following resubmittal, the committee will issue a decision of either unqualified approval, qualified approval, or denial.
Denial: The Agenda committee finds that the item is not worthy for discussion in Sovnarkom, and opts to decline it.
Motion to add to Agenda: (1-2 sentence explanation of the item).
Reason for Agenda Item: (Not less than a paragraph explaining why Sovnarkom should consider the item).
Proposed Policy Directions: (If intended as a request for discussion, 2-3 possible policies to address the issue. If intended as a proposal, a short discussion of a single policy and its merits).
____
To vote for someone's agenda item to be included in Sovnarkom, simply write
[x] (Agenda Item)
Unqualified Approval: The agenda item will appear in the discussion program of the next meeting of Sovnarkom.
Qualified Approval: The agenda item will appear in the discussion program of the next meeting of Sovnarkom, on the condition that requested changes are made to the item.
Request for Revision: The Agenda committee finds that the item should not appear on the discussion program without significant revision. Following resubmittal, the committee will issue a decision of either unqualified approval, qualified approval, or denial.
Denial: The Agenda committee finds that the item is not worthy for discussion in Sovnarkom, and opts to decline it.
Form for the Submission of an Agenda Item
Motion to add to Agenda: (1-2 sentence explanation of the item).
Reason for Agenda Item: (Not less than a paragraph explaining why Sovnarkom should consider the item).
Proposed Policy Directions: (If intended as a request for discussion, 2-3 possible policies to address the issue. If intended as a proposal, a short discussion of a single policy and its merits).
____
To vote for someone's agenda item to be included in Sovnarkom, simply write
[x] (Agenda Item)
Vote closed
New
Agenda Committee Rulings on "First Soviet Census" and "Agricultural Potential Survey"
New
Curby
recovering analytic philosopher, still sensitive
- Location
- Most Serene Republic of Unwashed Brooklyn
- Pronouns
- He/They
Issue: The Motion to add the First Soviet Census to the next Agenda of Sovnarkom
Jurisdiction: Internal Affairs
Verdict: Unqualified Approval
Comment: In light of the present disorder of the taxation and revenue system and the reconquest of Central Siberia, the Committee unanimously moves to include the next item in the agenda of Sovnarkom. Presently, the Department of Internal Affairs lacks the necessary officials and funds to conduct a census, and Commissar Alexei Rykov looks forward to discussing with Sovnarkom proposals to rectify these matters.
Matvey Skobelev, Commissar of Food and Agenda Committee Member
Alexei Rykov, Commissar of Internal Affairs and Agenda Committee Member
Alexandra Kollantai, Commissar of Social Welfare and Agenda Committee Member
Alexei Rykov, in his role as Commissar of Internal Affairs
Issue: The Motion to add a Agricultural Potential Survey to the next Agenda of Sovnarkom
Jurisdiction: Agriculture
Verdict: Unqualified Approval
Comment: Strains on the agricultural system are certain to metastasize given recent changes in the diplomatic direction of the Soviet Republic, and a survey to quantify production levels and streamline the requisition process is an excellent idea. Presently, in addition to the commissariat of agriculture there exist a number of independent bodies with overlapping jurisdiction over agricultural matters. The Agenda Committee, as well as Commissar of Agriculture Vladimir Milyutin, proposes integrating these institutions in order to raise the funds and marshal the personnel necessary for such a survey.
Matvey Skobelev, Commissar of Food and Agenda Committee Member
Alexei Rykov, Commissar of Internal Affairs and Agenda Committee Member
Alexandra Kollantai, Commissar of Social Welfar and Agenda Committee Member
Vladimir Milyutin, Commissar of Agriculture
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Sovnarkom Meeting Sept. 16: "Little Sovnarkom", Borah's Message, Agricultural Survey & Census
New
Curby
recovering analytic philosopher, still sensitive
- Location
- Most Serene Republic of Unwashed Brooklyn
- Pronouns
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Main Conclusions of the September 9th Sovnarkom Meeting
Notes Taken by Vladimir Bonch-Bruyevich
Notes Taken by Vladimir Bonch-Bruyevich
Sovnarkom met in one of its longest sessions to date and discussed the priorities for the upcoming negotiations with Germany. A welter of competing demands were aired, though there were some areas of broad consensus. All concurred that reparation payments must be kept to a minimum and western ukraine returned to Soviet authorities. There was some disagreement on the amount of concessions that should be offered to Germany; eventually, it was decided to offer them wide-ranging resource rights and the Crimean peninsula, while keeping in mind that the fulfillment of the economic promises could be summarily retracted if we found it to be in our interest.
On the matter of America, it was agreed to reach out for formal recognition; a coalition of previously skeptical bolsheviks around Rykov and Kylenko were convinced that recognition did not necessarily entail taking loans.
The matter of China was debated for some time. While a large majority favored taking a non-committal stance, Kollantai and Kamenev joined together to castigate the majority decision, arguing that abandoning the KMT would create a precedent of Soviet weakness.
The question of the left-communists occasioned a fierce, but brief debate. After Lenin and Martov suggested that they be given positions in Central Siberia, the remainder of the Bolsheviks quickly coalesced behind Victor Nogin, who contended that Lenin's policy would allow them to cultivate an independent power base, especially given Trotsky's presence in the area. The Mensheviks Riazanov and Karakhan also voiced skepticism, though from a different angle: they believed that sending them to Siberia would constitute a form of exile and set a poor precedent for our treatment of political dissidents.
The State of the Revolution
Current Composition of Sovnarkom
Current Composition of Sovnarkom
| Position | Officeholder | Party |
| Chairman | Vladmir Lenin | Bolshevik |
| Head of Council-Administration. | Vladimir Bonch-Bruyevich | Bolhevik |
| Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. | Adolph Joffe | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Agriculture | Vladimir Milyutin | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissar of Military Affairs | Joseph Stalin | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissar of Naval Affairs | Pavel Dybenko | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Labour | Julius Martov | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Trade and Industry | David Riazanov | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Education | Anatoly Lunacharsky | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Food | Matvey Skobelev | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs | Alexei Rykov | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Justice | Nikolai Kylenko | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Nationalities. | Sergo Ordzhonikidze | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Posts and Telegraphs | Lev Kamenev | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Railways | Victor Nogin | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissariat for Finance | Yuri Lurin | Social-Democratic |
| People's Commissariat for Social Welfare | Alexandra Kollantai | Bolshevik |
| People's Commissar for Local Self Government | Lev Karakhan | Social-Democratic |
Changes
A new political mechanic has been introduced!
Additional Austrian troops have been demobilized, bringing down their eastern army strength from 905 to 775.
As a result of our diplomacy, relations with America have improved from mediocre (40) to ambivalent (50).
According to intelligence reports, the Germans have begun an offensive on the southern bank of the Somme. Our analysts believe that they hope to drive to the coast and encircle the Franco-British force in Flanders!
Foreign Policy
Britain is currently led by Bonar Law's Tories, which have the ideology of British Conservatism. Relations are…Poor (25/100)
Germany is currently led by Ludendorff's military dictatorship, which has the ideology of Proto-Fascism. Relations are…Mediocre (40/100)
America is currently led by William Jennings Bryan, governing in coalition with progressive republicans and northern democrats. These have an ideology ranging from technocratic social liberalism to populist industrial democracy. Relations are currently Ambivalent (50/100).
Relations with the Ukrainian Soviet Republic are Good (65/100)
The Ukrainian Soviet Republic's level of autonomy is High (75/100).
Tensions on the western frontier are pervasive (59/100, relations with Germany -3 per turn)
Political
The government's support among the Urban Working Class is…Robust (75/100)
The government's support among the Urban Middle Class is…Middling (50/100)
The government's support among the Russian Peasantry is Weak (30/100)
The standard of living for the Urban Working Class is…Impoverished (25/100)
The standard of living among the Urban Middle Class is…Insecure (35/100).
The standard of living for the peasantry is…Impoverished (20/100)
The power of the Bolsheviks is predominant (50/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Bolsheviks are…Beloved (90/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Bolsheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)
Right now, the Bolsheviks are dominated by the Leninist Center, which holds 75/100 of the party's political capital, ahead of Kamenev's right-bolsheviks (15/100) and the left-communists (10/100).
The power of the Mensheviks is influential (15/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Mensheviks are…Trusted (65/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Mensheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)
Right now, the Left-SR's are acclaimed (80/100) by the peasantry, their power is significant (10/100) and they are mistrustful (35/100) of the present government!
The balance of power between Sovnarkom and the executive committee of Soviets is neutral (50/100) (Note: If this number exceeds 75/100, leading to Sovnarkom dominance, plan voting will be mandated. If it goes below 25/100, leading to Executive Committee Dominance, plan voting will be prohibited.)
Military
The size of the Red Army is mediocre (40/100)
The morale of the Red Army is solid (70/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the Red army is pathetic (15/100)
…Leading to an Army strength (size + morale/quality times .5) of Weak (787.5/5000)
Right now, the Red Army keeps around 70% of its forces in the west, giving us a western frontier strength of 551
The size of the German Army is large (80/100)
The morale of the German Army is waning (35/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the German Army is robust (70/100)
…Leading to an Army Strength of (4025/5000) Very Strong
Right now, Germany keeps around 20% of its forces in the east, giving them a eastern frontier strength of 805, to which should be added the Austrian Eastern Army Strength of 775, the Western Ukrainian army strength of 150, and the Finnish Army strength of 60, giving a total of 1780.
Right now, the likely result of a confrontation with Germany would be Abysmal (1/100) (Formula: German Army Strength - Soviet Army Strength/10.)
Sovnarkom Meeting on September 16th, 1918
Several people's commissars - Martov, Kamenev, Joffe - are missing from the present Sovnarkom meeting. We have received word that they arrived one day ago in Riga, where they are meeting with a delegation led by the German statesman Gustav Stresemann. Little has been exchanged thus far beyond the customary pleasantries. One of the German diplomats made the perhaps unadvisable remark that the Russian Soviet Republic and the German Empire bear a kind of kinship - we are both, he reportedly mused, revolutionary states attempting to remake the Anglo-French liberal order. Naturally, this hamhanded attempt at conviviality quickly became something of a joke in the central offices of the Bolshevik Party, though now it seems that the information has somehow slipped out to a much broader public, imperiling our promise to keep the negotiations confidential. The Germans do not know of this yet, but we will eventually have to decide whether to inform them of this slip-up, thus admitting to our own incompetence, or stay silent, perhaps leading our ill-weather adversaries to conclude that this was a malicious maneuver on our part.
The absence of several social democrats has lent a decidedly more Bolshevik cast to the present gathering, offering an opportunity to push through some legislative priorities. First, however, administrative matters must be attended to…
On The Matter of the "Little Sovnarkom"
The previous coalition government used a three-man committee known as the "Little Sovnarkom" to deal with second-order business that could not be resolved by individual commissariats. It became especially powerful in financial matters, and it frequently determined the amount of credit granted to different state agencies. The current government has not appointed new members to this body, slowing down the implementation of Sovnarkom policy.
All the commissars agree that it must be reconvened, though there are different proposals about the form it should take...
[]Maintain the status quo: Milyutin and Rykov served, along with a single left-SR, on the previous body, so it is unsurprising that they advocate for it to return in the same form. In this scenario, it is likely that they will be elected to the new body along with one Menshevik. This option would preserve continuity of institutions and personnel, but some believe that more should be done to empower the executive committee of soviets. (Note: This will shift the balance of power moderately toward Sovnarkom!)
[]Leninist Reform Plan: Lenin proposes that the chairman of the Central Executive Committee be given a permanent seat on Little Sovnarkom and observer status in Sovnarkom proper, and its number of members raised from 3 to 4. Two of the remaining three members would be decided by Sovnarkom, and the other appointed by the Chairman of the Central Executive Committee. Currently, it is Yakov Sverdlov who holds this position, one of the most astute and talented of Bolshevik politicians and administrators. Some People's commissars worry that giving Sverdlov such a position would unduly enhance his already considerable power - after all, in addition to his role as head of the executive committee, he is also the de facto leader of the Bolshevik Party apparatus. Thus far, he has remained loyal to Lenin, but he has also penned a series of left-wing critiques of Sovnarkom's economic policies, and some believe he has sympathies for Bukharin and the left-communists. (Note: This will shift the balance of power slightly toward the Executive Committee!)
[]Menshevik Reform Plan: The Mensheviks Lev Karakhan and Yuri Lurin propose an alternate restructuring of Little Sovnarkom. They plan to double the size of the body, and want half its members to be appointed by the executive committee. This would likely lead to greater executive committee participation in sovnarkom governance. Also, like Lenin's proposal, it would give Sverdlov or a close ally of his a seat on the reformed committee. After outlining this idea, a number of commissars criticize both the Menshevik and Leninist reform plans, arguing that involving the executive committee in administrative, sovnarkom business will give it substantive veto power over too many policies and slow down governance. (Note: This will shift the balance of power considerably toward the Executive Committee!)
On the Matter of Borah's Message
Following the discussion of administrative matters, Sovnarkom turns to a recent message received from the American Secretary of State, William Borah. In a diplomatic cable, Borah expressed that President Bryan is eager to establish diplomatic relations, but warns us that there is some concern over the "state of lawlessness and anarchy in the Russian lands, and reports of outrages against the members of the Orthodox Church". He proposes a private, confidential meeting in San Francisco with himself and the governor of California, Hiram Johnson; he assures us that this man, who belongs to the rival Republican party, is in fact a trusted confidante of Bryan. All the people's commissars agree that we should continue in our pursuit of diplomatic recognition, but there are some tactical differences...
[]Agree to the meeting, and provide assurances of goodwill: The Mensheviks seem positively enthused about this message, and use the occasion to point out that the state of anarchy and lawlessness among the Russian peasantry is indeed quite concerning, as are the reports of violence against peaceable members of the Orthodox church. While it would be unadvisable to disclaim that such outrages are being perpetrated, the Mensheviks argue that it in our interest to assure the Americans that our government is not associated with them. Several Bolsheviks pointedly respond that it would be impossible to determine if such acts are all being committed by "independent actors", and in any event, it is not the task of a capitalist government to dictate domestic policy to our worker's state.
[]Agree to the meeting, but make no other comment: Stalin, Rykov, and Ordzhonikidze propose that we should simply accept the invitation, and wait to see which conditions America intends to put on recognition and trade. Regardless of any disagreements the present people's commissars might have on domestic policy, they argue that there is little reason to show too much eagerness toward the Americans, who might take this as a signal of weakness.
[]Place our own conditions on the meeting: We have recently come across several documents indicating that America may have been involved in the funding of Indian dissidents. Nikolai Kylenko, a Bolshevik hardliner, thinks we should gently remind the Americans that we could cause quite a diplomatic scandal for them, as we already have for the British through the release of confidential diplomatic cables detailing their imperialist war aims in the Turkish theater. This will convince them to forego their foolish attempt to "condition" our recognition on changes in domestic policy. Kylenko's suggestion does spook the Mensheviks, Kamenev, and some centrist Bolsheviks, who worry that employing such threats so early in negotiations might not be the most prudent decision…
On the Matter of the Soviet Agricultural Potential Survey
Two recent proposals arrive from the commissariats. One of these, an agricultural potential survey, raises jurisdictional, political, and fiscal issues. The motion proposes that we collect comprehensive agricultural data on a range of topics: crops grown, land ownership structures, levels of land usage, food export/consumption ratios, soil quality, water availability, climate conditions, and degrees of logistical integration into the broader soviet economy. While this information would undoubtedly be a boon for the government, Vladimir Milyutin points out that it would take quite some time to gather, especially given the paltry state of the agricultural ministry and the tenuous nature of our control over the hinterlands of Central Russia. There is also a jurisdictional issue; the "peasant department" of the Central Executive Committee is currently run by the left-SR Maria Spiridinova. She was placed there largely because she condemned the decision of her left-SR colleagues to leave Sovnarkom, and she is reportedly still quite popular among the peasantry. As Sovnarkom begins to debate the issue, a number of proposals begin to crystallize…
[]A restrained, centralized survey: Milyutin complains that the proposed survey is far too ambitious, and argues for a much more restricted one that focuses primarily on crop types, logistical matters, and typical rates of surplus production. This would permit us, he argues, to much more easily coordinate grain requisitions, which will allow a more efficient exploitation of grain produce. To accomplish this, he argues that Spiridinova's peasant department should be merged into his agricultural commission, something which will likely anger many left-sr's. (Note: This will moderately move the balance of power in the direction of Sovnarkom, and will significantly decrease the left-sr's opinion of the government)
[]Let's keep what friends we have: Hesitant to alienate Spiridonova, Lenin suggests moving forward with a similar plan, but having Milyutin work in consultation with Spiridonova. Stalin, Rykov, and Milyutin himself all point out that this is likely to lead to bureaucratic imbroglios and confusion, but it might still be better than the alternatives.
[]The Narodnik Knows the Peasants Best: Maria Spiridonova has remained loyal to our government and has spent years working tirelessly on behalf of the Russian peasant. The negotiations with Germany might very well alienate more of her left-SR comrades; let's try to keep this one on our side. Milyutin will not be happy with it, but placing the commissariat of agriculture in the hands of someone with the trust and adoration of the peasants would probably lead to a more effective survey. Of course, subordinating a commissariat to an executive committee department would set a precedent in favor of the latter. Additionally, Spiridinova is likely to want a longer, more detailed survey: we'll have to either pay to expand her personnel or content ourselves with the survey taking much longer…(Note: This will moderately move the balance of power in the direction of the Executive Committee, and significantly improve the left-SR's opinion of the government. It will also increase the power of the left-sr's.)
[]Our Agriculture is Perfectly Adequate: Rykov points out that there is at present no reports of famine, and that anyways, such a survey should probably not be commenced until all of the lands in the east have been reconquered. Besides, there is a much more pressing proposal for a census, which could use whatever funds were to be allocated to the agricultural survey. One final thought: isn't it more important to survey humans than it is soil characteristics?
On the Matter of the Soviet Census
Sovnarkom is tired…or at least, its various members are. One can often feel it in the air - and see it, too. Kylenko gazes contemplatively at the baroque ceilings, Stalin taps his foot erratically, and Lenin, like an impetuous schoolteacher, speaks with an added sharpness, as if to call his distracted pupils to order. But it is not of too much use; the mundane work of Sovnarkom can only rarely reach the dizzying intellectual heights of Marx and Engels, but this is the reality of running the worker's state. There is one additional matter of business to discuss, the census, and Rykov perks up at its mention: this is a chance to secure funding for his department.
[]Rykov's Plan: The Commissar of Internal Affairs argues that a census is very much necessary, that it impacts everything from production numbers, military recruitment, agricultural output to ethnic distribution and demand for social services (at this point, Skobelev and Kollantai glance at Rykok - he is citing from the motion as if the words were his own, but no matter...). He explains that his department presently does not have the personnel required for such a task, but he notes that there are many trained "bourgeois specialists" affiliated with the old, tsarist regime who could assist with a census. Perhaps if he was provided funding to hire them without facing charges of "right-wing deviation", he could put together a national census.
[]Proletarians, not Bourgeois Specialists: Alexandra Kollantai agrees that we should conduct a census, but wants to use party activists rather than professional bureaucrats to carry it out. This is an excellent project for youth and labor organizations; after all, going house-to-house, collecting information - this doesn't sound so different from running a political campaign, something which the Bolsheviks are very well-versed in. Some worry that farming out such matters-of-state to the party apparatus might set an unhealthy precedent, but Lenin, who enthusiastically supports this plan, reasons that concentrating power in the professional bureaucracies would be far more deleterious to the building of a worker's state than an expansion of the party's role. This argument appears to convince several commissars - Ordzhonikidze and Lunacharsky both speak up in its defense, pointing out that the party does have tens of thousands of enthusiastic activists who would gladly do such work.
[]We Already have a Census: Milyutin points out that the Tsarist regime already conducted a census back in 1897; this was some time ago, but the basic numbers still seem fairly accurate for much of Central Russia, save a few million causalties from the Great War. Besides, trying to pay for both a census and the very much needed agricultural survey would strain the government's finances, which are currently in a parlous state. The Menshevik Finance Commissar Yuri Lurin, a normally quiet presence at Sovnarkom meetings, speaks up to second this argument, though he does note that a new census will likely pay for itself in the long run.
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Vote closed
New
Sovnarkom Voting Guidelines
New
Curby
recovering analytic philosopher, still sensitive
- Location
- Most Serene Republic of Unwashed Brooklyn
- Pronouns
- He/They
Confidential Memorandum on Voting
In light of the present disorder and confusion, the Sovnarkom executive committee requests in that in the future, all people's commissars adhere to the following guidelines when voting on agenda items:
1) Votes are to begin with [X], after which, without any spacing, one is to include the name of the agenda item, without any written description of the agenda item included.
THIS shall be considered a correct vote:
[X]The Narodnik Knows the Peasants Best
The following variants shall be incorrect, and in future vote tallies may be summarily voided:
[x]The Narodnik Knows the Peasants Best (Problem: Lack of Capitalization of "X")
-[x]The Narodnik Knows the Peasants Best (Problem: Inclusion of dash)
[X]The Narodnik Knows the Peasants Best: Description of policy (Problem: Inclusion of Description)
2) Plan voting is permitted, but all plans must be denominated in the same format. This means that the precise text of the original plan must be copied. Finally, when proposing a plan, individual items in the plan should adhere to the format outlined in 1).
3) When voting on the inclusion of additional agenda items, please include these in your original vote through the editing mechanism, or delete the previous post, and add the votes to the new one. Failure to do so might lead to the unintentional voiding of some of your votes.
Issued by the Voting Committee of Sovnarkom, September 22nd, 1919
In light of the present disorder and confusion, the Sovnarkom executive committee requests in that in the future, all people's commissars adhere to the following guidelines when voting on agenda items:
1) Votes are to begin with [X], after which, without any spacing, one is to include the name of the agenda item, without any written description of the agenda item included.
THIS shall be considered a correct vote:
[X]The Narodnik Knows the Peasants Best
The following variants shall be incorrect, and in future vote tallies may be summarily voided:
[x]The Narodnik Knows the Peasants Best (Problem: Lack of Capitalization of "X")
-[x]The Narodnik Knows the Peasants Best (Problem: Inclusion of dash)
[X]The Narodnik Knows the Peasants Best: Description of policy (Problem: Inclusion of Description)
2) Plan voting is permitted, but all plans must be denominated in the same format. This means that the precise text of the original plan must be copied. Finally, when proposing a plan, individual items in the plan should adhere to the format outlined in 1).
3) When voting on the inclusion of additional agenda items, please include these in your original vote through the editing mechanism, or delete the previous post, and add the votes to the new one. Failure to do so might lead to the unintentional voiding of some of your votes.
Issued by the Voting Committee of Sovnarkom, September 22nd, 1919
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Agenda Committee Rulings on "Department of Technological Acquisition" and "Establishing Collective Ownership of Agricultural Machinery"
New
Curby
recovering analytic philosopher, still sensitive
- Location
- Most Serene Republic of Unwashed Brooklyn
- Pronouns
- He/They
I apologize for taking so long with the latest update! It should be out later today. Here are the two agenda committee rulings!
Issue: The Motion to add the matter of a Department of Technological Acquisition to the next Agenda of Sovnarkom
Jurisdiction: Trade and Industry
Verdict: Unqualified Approval
Comment: In light of the present state of Soviet industrial technology, the introduction of such a department under the purview of the Commissariat of Trade and Industry is a prudent idea. Sovnarkom will, however, have to discuss matters of funding and personnel, as well as the priorities and governance of such a new department.
Matvey Skobelev, Commissar of Food and Agenda Committee Member
Alexei Rykov, Commissar of Internal Affairs and Agenda Committee Member
Alexandra Kollantai, Commissar of Social Welfare and Agenda Committee Member
David Riazanov, in his role as Commissar of Trade and Industry
Issue: The Motion to add the matter of Establishing Collective Ownership of Agricultural Machinery to the next Agenda of Sovnarkom
Jurisdiction: Agriculture
Verdict: Rejection with the option for reintroduction.
Comment: At the present moment, the lack of tractors and general disorganization of the Agricultural sector renders such a proposal premature. Typically, Sovnarkom would be willing to discuss establishing a skeleton department of this type in preparation for such a time when there is a greater wealth of agricultural technology. However, the ongoing turmoil in the Agricultural Commissariat leads the Agenda Committee to resist the introduction of any additional measures which could put undue strains on its limited workforce. We therefore determine to table this motion for the time being, while reserving the right to re-introduce it once the affairs of the Agricultural Commissariat are in order.
Matvey Skobelev, Commissar of Food and Agenda Committee Member
Alexei Rykov, Commissar of Internal Affairs and Agenda Committee Member
Alexandra Kollantai, Commissar of Social Welfare and Agenda Committee Member
Note: Vladimir Milyukov, Agriculture Commissar, is currently indisposed.
Issue: The Motion to add the matter of a Department of Technological Acquisition to the next Agenda of Sovnarkom
Jurisdiction: Trade and Industry
Verdict: Unqualified Approval
Comment: In light of the present state of Soviet industrial technology, the introduction of such a department under the purview of the Commissariat of Trade and Industry is a prudent idea. Sovnarkom will, however, have to discuss matters of funding and personnel, as well as the priorities and governance of such a new department.
Matvey Skobelev, Commissar of Food and Agenda Committee Member
Alexei Rykov, Commissar of Internal Affairs and Agenda Committee Member
Alexandra Kollantai, Commissar of Social Welfare and Agenda Committee Member
David Riazanov, in his role as Commissar of Trade and Industry
Issue: The Motion to add the matter of Establishing Collective Ownership of Agricultural Machinery to the next Agenda of Sovnarkom
Jurisdiction: Agriculture
Verdict: Rejection with the option for reintroduction.
Comment: At the present moment, the lack of tractors and general disorganization of the Agricultural sector renders such a proposal premature. Typically, Sovnarkom would be willing to discuss establishing a skeleton department of this type in preparation for such a time when there is a greater wealth of agricultural technology. However, the ongoing turmoil in the Agricultural Commissariat leads the Agenda Committee to resist the introduction of any additional measures which could put undue strains on its limited workforce. We therefore determine to table this motion for the time being, while reserving the right to re-introduce it once the affairs of the Agricultural Commissariat are in order.
Matvey Skobelev, Commissar of Food and Agenda Committee Member
Alexei Rykov, Commissar of Internal Affairs and Agenda Committee Member
Alexandra Kollantai, Commissar of Social Welfare and Agenda Committee Member
Note: Vladimir Milyukov, Agriculture Commissar, is currently indisposed.
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