To Secure this Beachhead of Worker's Power: A Soviet Union Quest.

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You are Sovnarkom, the supreme executive authority of the world's first worker's government. Guide an alternate Soviet Union in which Soviet Democracy has been preserved, and Central Europe is on the verge of Revolution.
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Curby

recovering analytic philosopher, still sensitive
Location
Most Serene Republic of Unwashed Brooklyn
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He/They
What is this?

A quest set in the world of The Widening Gyre, an alternate history timeline which explores a different Great War in which an America led by William Jennings Bryan stays neutral, causing the conflict to last a year longer. In the timeline, this ultimately leads to successful socialist revolutions in Italy, Germany, and elsewhere, but this quest will start in 1918, when the Great War is still ongoing and it looks as if Germany might be on the verge of victory.

Do I have to read that whole thing?

Absolutely not! I will fill readers in on the most pertinent details here. If you are curious for more details about the Soviet situation, you can read this post.

What are the main differences between TTL and ours?

American non-participation in the war has had a lot of downstream effects. The socialist labor movements in France and Britain are both stronger. Italy left the war in the middle of 1918, and has been wracked by internal instability since. In Germany, a much more totalitarian form of military dictatorship has emerged in response to a failed worker's revolution in late 1917. Most of its leaders managed to escape to Russia, but the antiwar centrists who led the way in ousting Ebert and Scheidemann in 1917 have been placed under house arrest. In East Asia, China never joined the war as an ally, and tensions are quickly increasing between them and Japan. America is still committed to neutrality, but pro-war Republicans have made gains in recent elections, and there is talk of impeachment.

I will discuss Soviet Russia more below, but the largest difference right now is the manner in which the Soviets seized power: not with a Bolshevik coup, but after an attempted counterrevolution is foiled by the red relief army of the "red aristocrat" Alexei Brusilov. This, along with Franco-British weakness, has led to a much weaker white movement.

How will this work?

In this quest, you will have control of Sovnarkom, the highest political body in the Soviet Union. Sovnarkom will meet every week. The actions you take will effect the extraordinarily volatile capitalist world-system, but if you are not careful, they might also invite reaction and intervention from foreign powers. At any point, you may submit an information request to the Soviet Bureaucracy, and I will offer a synopsis of the information that would likely be available. In addition, a section will be updated with every entry on "The State of the Revolution", with quantitative measures that will effect future choices, updates, and dynamics. It is probably best to pay attention to this! Over time, I will likely add new parameters and metrics.
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The Next Step in the Revolution
You are Sovnarkom, the council of people's commissars in which de facto executive authority is vested. Less than a year ago, the reactionary general Lavr Kornilov marched to Petrograd and prepared to dissolve the city's Soviets, only to find most of his expeditionary force surrounded by the red relief army of Alexei Brusilov. In the following months, a Soviet government was proclaimed, composed of an uneasy coalition of Socialist-Revolutionaries, Bolsheviks, and Menshevik-Internationalists. Although you have been forced to sign a humiliating peace with Germany, the red armies have had many successes in the past year. Blow after blow has been dealt to the white forces, and it looks as if the Entente has given up funding them. Most of Belarus and the eastern half of Ukraine have been reconquered, and as we speak, Trotsky continues his advance into Central Siberia. The reunification of Russia under a worker's government is at hand.

Yet all is not well. The vindictive Treaty of Warsaw has been harshly criticized by a combination of left-SR's and left-communists. Lenin, the bolshevik leader and chairman of Sovnarkom, refused to direct Brusilov's army to conquer Petliura's German client state in Western Ukraine, fearing a resumption of hostilities. This enraged the opposition, who began plotting to call into session the Soviet Executive Committee, who they hoped would vote into power a government composed of left-SR's and left-communists. Yet they were quickly outmaneuvered by Lenin, who ousted the left-communist leader Nikolai Bukharin from his leadership position before securing the support of Julius Martov's left-Mensheviks, allowing him to form a new government of centrist bolsheviks and democratic socialists.

It now falls to you to determine how to make good this new windfall of political capital. Already, peasant unrest is proliferating throughout Central Russia in response to increasingly harsh grain requisitions. You have no allies abroad, though both the Germans and the Franco-British Entente have expressed interest in a diplomatic settlement. In fact, there is real evidence that Britain funded the left-communists, whom they hoped would seize power and return Russia to the war. It might be possible to make a deal with them that would strip the remnants of the white forces of their funding, but it would almost certainly mean re-entering the war.

Germany likely presents a more logical alliance partner. While they hold onto historically Russian lands in the Baltics, Poland, and Western Ukraine, a diplomatic settlement might lead to at least some of these being voluntarily ceded. The food situation in Germany is growing more and more desperate, which means that they are likely willing to make sizable concessions in return for grain shipments. On the other hand, this would likely require further grain requisitions, which would only exacerbate rural unrest. And some Bolsheviks believe that sending grain to Germany would prop up a dying regime on the verge of social revolution.

A mass worker's revolt led by Rosa Luxemburg did occur in late 1917 in Saxony and Berlin, but it was harshly repressed. Now, the entirety of the previous leadership of the Social Democrats has either been arrested or fled here, to Soviet Russia. Even right-wing social democrats like Ebert and Scheidemann have gone into "inner emigration", refusing to cooperate with the government. The party is now ostensibly led by a social-nationalist clique on its far-right, but few workers recognize their authority. Reports from Germany indicate that a clandestine movement of worker's councils has formed, though it is difficult to gauge the size or strength of this network.

Some of the Mensheviks suggest trying to procure technical and industrial assistance from America. Though most consider President William Jennings' Bryan to be a Bourgeoisie idealist, he has kept America out of the war and even hosted a conference of pacifist socialists. He has expressed concerns about the "Bolshevization" that the war might bring on, but also issued scathing denunciations of European Imperialism. He might be willing to agree to the resumption of trade relations, and perhaps even a set of foreign loans, but such a move would likely further alienate the left-communist faction.

The State of the Revolution

Current Composition of Sovnarkom

PositionOfficeholderParty
ChairmanVladmir LeninBolshevik
Head of Council-Administration.Vladimir Bonch-BruyevichBolshevik
Commissariat of Foreign Affairs.Adolph JoffeSocial-Democratic
People's Commissariat for AgricultureVladimir MilyutinBolshevik
People's Commissar of Military AffairsJoseph StalinBolshevik
People's Commissar of Naval AffairsPavel DybenkoBolshevik
People's Commissariat for LabourJulius MartovSocial-Democratic
People's Commissariat for Trade and IndustryDavid RiazanovSocial-Democratic
People's Commissariat for EducationAnatoly LunacharskyBolshevik
People's Commissariat for FoodMatvey SkobelevSocial-Democratic
People's Commissariat for Internal AffairsAlexei RykovBolshevik
People's Commissariat for JusticeNikolai KylenkoBolshevik
People's Commissariat for Nationalities.Sergo OrdzhonikidzeBolshevik
People's Commissariat for Posts and TelegraphsLev KamenevBolshevik
People's Commissariat for RailwaysVictor NoginBolshevik
People's Commissariat for FinanceYuri LurinSocial-Democratic
People's Commissariat for Social WelfareAlexandra KollantaiBolshevik
People's Commissar for Local Self GovernmentLev KarakhanSocial-Democratic

Foreign Policy

Britain is currently led by Bonar Law's Tories, which have the ideology of British Conservatism. Relations are…Poor (25/100)

Germany is currently led by Ludendorff's military dictatorship, which has the ideology of Proto-Fascism. Relations are…Skeptical (30/100)

America is currently led by William Jennings Bryan, governing in coalition with progressive republicans and northern democrats. These have an ideology ranging from technocratic social liberalism to populist industrial democracy. Relations are currently Mediocre (40/100).

Relations with the Ukrainian Soviet Republic are Good (65/100)
The Ukrainian Soviet Republic's level of autonomy is High (75/100).
Tensions on the western frontier are Boiling (85/100, relations with Germany -5 per turn)

Political

The government's support among the Urban Working Class is…Robust (75/100)
The government's support among the Urban Middle Class is…Middling (50/100)
The government's support among the Russian Peasantry is Weak (30/100)

The standard of living for the Urban Working Class is…Impoverished (25/100)
The standard of living among the Urban Middle Class is…Insecure (35/100).
The standard of living for the peasantry is…Impoverished (20/100)

The power of the Bolsheviks is predominant (50/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Bolsheviks are…Beloved (90/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Bolsheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)

Right now, the Bolsheviks are dominated by the Leninist Center, which holds 75/100 of the party's political capital, ahead of Kamenev's right-bolsheviks (15/100) and the left-communists (10/100).

The power of the Mensheviks is influential (15/100)
Among the Urban Working Class, the Mensheviks are…Trusted (65/100)
Among the Peasantry, the Mensheviks are…Mistrusted (35/100)

Right now, the Left-SR's are acclaimed (80/100) by the peasantry, their power is significant (10/100) and they are mistrustful (35/100) of the present government!

Military

The size of the Red Army is mediocre (40/100)
The morale of the Red Army is good (65/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the Red army is pathetic (15/100)
…Leading to an Army strength (size + morale/quality times .5) of Weak (787.5/5000)
Right now, the Red Army keeps around 70% of its forces in the west, giving us a western frontier strength of 551

The size of the German Army is large (80/100)
The morale of the German Army is waning (35/100)
The quality, supply, technological sophistication and training of the German Army is robust (70/100)
…Leading to an Army Strength of (4025/5000) Very Strong
Right now, Germany keeps around 20% of its forces in the east, giving them a western frontier strength of 805, to which should be added the Austrian Eastern Army Strength of 905, the Western Ukrainian army strength of 150, and the Finnish Army strength of 60, giving a total of 1920.

Right now, the likely result of a confrontation with Germany would be Abysmal (0/100) (Formula: German Army Strength - Soviet Army Strength/10.)

Sovnarkom Meeting, September 2nd, 1918

On the Matter of Relations with Germany (Pick 1)

[] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[] The Middle Way: The People's Commissariat for Social Welfare Alexandra Kollantai proposes a "middle way". She presents a plan to gradually wind down fighting in the west without coming to an explicit, formal detente with Germany. She contends that this will allow the Soviet state to consolidate itself without requiring it to give aid to Ludendorff's military dictatorship. Rykov speaks at length against this plan, arguing that the fledgling Ukrainian Soviet Republic would likely collapse without the continued flow of Soviet aid. Reducing our aid to partisans in the Baltics, Ukraine, and Finland would likely lead to a worst of both worlds scenario: a strengthened Germany with no reason to negotiate, because we have voluntarily removed our largest sources of leverage.

[] Once More Into the Breach: Speaking as a "Devil's Advocate", the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, Adolph Joffe, describes a series of clandestine offers received from Britain for Entente aid in return for a resumption of war with Germany. While the Soviet Army is in no place to fight, it appears as if the allies have achieved technological supremacy in the west; joining the war again and forcing Germany to divert forces to the east might allow the British-French coalition to achieve a breakthrough. Of course, the Bolsheviks came to power promising an end to the war, and rejoining it would likely not go over very well with their core supporters…

On the Matter of the Left-SR's (Pick 1)

[] A Worker's, not a Peasant's Republic: The left-SR's may have been removed from Sovnarkom, but there are still 26 of them on the Soviet Executive Committee, a body which still possesses significant legislative powers. The commissar Alexei Rykov describes a plan to redistrict and redestribute the Soviets to give even greater weight to urban areas, which are already overrepresented. Lenin approves of this proposal, but some Bolsheviks privately worry that such a move would benefit the Mensheviks more than the Bolsheviks, as their support is even more concentrated in Urban areas.

[] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.


On the Matter of Leon Trotsky (Pick 1)

[] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.

[] Sack the Red Bonaparte: Joseph Stalin contends that the left-communist Trotsky cannot be trusted, and warns of a "Bonapartist conspiracy" in the military. While Trotsky was not implicated in the Entente financing of Bukharin's Moscow Circle, he does have a loyal following in the army. If the left-communists were to ever grow in popularity, he would be a formidable ally to have, though Rykov notes that their influence in the party has been decimated following the emergency congress in August.
 
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[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

I agree with Rykov here; winding down our presence just creates room for the Germans to move in. We don't have the military, economy, or political support for Great War: Electric Boogaloo; sad to say, I think we just need to take the L and consolidate our position.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

I've gone back-and-forth on this, but ultimately I think keeping the system as-is will work just fine. There's no need to start pitting people against each other and setting a precedent for electoral meddling. If this option wins, would be nice to see reconciliation options with the Mensheviks to try and shore up the government's legitimacy.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.

No need to shoot ourselves in the foot here, let Trotsky keep on and put down the Whites. If you want to avoid a military mutiny, interfering in their operations while you share a common enemy feels counterproductive.
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.

Also QM I have a few questions

1. If we set up a trade deal with the US what stuff could we trade since I think it would be a good idea to trade resources for agricultural equipment considering how close we are to famine and how much the peasantry is pissed off

2. Is there any industry which is not completely fucked right now? Since we need foreign trade to modernize ourselves
 
Also QM I have a few questions

1. If we set up a trade deal with the US what stuff could we trade since I think it would be a good idea to trade resources for agricultural equipment considering how close we are to famine and how much the peasantry is pissed off

2. Is there any industry which is not completely fucked right now? Since we need foreign trade to modernize ourselves

1. The German submarine campaign has taken a toll on US Atlantic shipping - as a result, grain, meat, and other foodstuffs are available at fairly reasonable prices. We currently have very few civilian goods to trade, though the reconquest of eastern ukraine has given us access to the vital coal mines of the Donbas. The oil fields in Azerbaijan are still out of our reach, and Baku has been occupied by British soldiers. In all likelihood, we will have to find some means in addition to trade of securing foreign credit, whether through loans or direct purchases (which would be highly inflationary).

The even bigger problem will be figuring out how to actually import the goods. Right now, large swathes of the trans-siberian railway are still controlled by the white forces, while the Dardanelles straits have been seized by the British. Murmansk is held by Finnish white forces, supported by German "volunteers", though we may be able to regain this port through negotiations with Germany.

2. Our most efficient industries are in Petrograd. Though worker productivity is miserable due to the poor quality of capital goods, most war-related industries are still humming along, and there is also a limited textile industry that has remained in operation. It is unlikely that America will be interested in Russian textiles or guns, though.
 
1. The German submarine campaign has taken a toll on US Atlantic shipping - as a result, grain, meat, and other foodstuffs are available at fairly reasonable prices. We currently have very few civilian goods to trade, though the reconquest of eastern ukraine has given us access to the vital coal mines of the Donbas. The oil fields in Azerbaijan are still out of our reach, and Baku has been occupied by British soldiers. In all likelihood, we will have to find some means in addition to trade of securing foreign credit, whether through loans or direct purchases (which would be highly inflationary).

The even bigger problem will be figuring out how to actually import the goods. Right now, large swathes of the trans-siberian railway are still controlled by the white forces, while the Dardanelles straits have been seized by the British. Murmansk is held by Finnish white forces, supported by German "volunteers", though we may be able to regain this port through negotiations with Germany.

2. Our most efficient industries are in Petrograd. Though worker productivity is miserable due to the poor quality of capital goods, most war-related industries are still humming along, and there is also a limited textile industry that has remained in operation. It is unlikely that America will be interested in Russian textiles or guns, though.
Could we act as fence for the Germans. They give us money and in return we get around UK blockade/embargo stuff? Since you didn't say the UK was blockading us specifically and while the Germans are assholes they probably would be willing to fork over some shit in order to get something resembling trade.

Do wee have to take a loan out from only one power or could we scattershot it so that no one country or group hold the majority of our debt?
 
Could we act as fence for the Germans. They give us money and in return we get around UK blockade/embargo stuff? Since you didn't say the UK was blockading us specifically and while the Germans are assholes they probably would be willing to fork over some shit in order to get something resembling trade.

Do wee have to take a loan out from only one power or could we scattershot it so that no one country or group hold the majority of our debt?

We could certainly try acting as a fence, though if it is discovered (which it probably will be, since British intelligence is very good) it is likely to lead to Britain and/or Japan (in the Pacific) enforcing a tight blockade against us. At the current moment, the only operational port we control on the Black Sea is Rostov - British-backed white forces have established themselves on Crimea, and Odessa, Kherson, and Mykolaiv are held by Petliura's government. White control of Crimea means it will be difficult to get any merchant shipping through the Kerch straits.

We could certainly try taking out a loan from more than one power, but America looks offer the most favorable prospects at the moment. Germany's finance is in a parlous state, and it would be surprising if they were to give us a loan, though we could try negotiating for one. The Entente will almost certainly refuse to offer us loans if relations improve between us and Germany.
 
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[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
[x] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[x] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[x] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.

Hard choice on the first one, but the Independents, Spartacists, IKs, &co. shot their shot and failed; Germany will not now be revolutionized for a generation if that.
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

"No war no peace" doesn't work. We need peace and we need it now

[X] A Worker's, not a Peasant's Republic: The left-SR's may have been removed from Sovnarkom, but there are still 26 of them on the Soviet Executive Committee, a body which still possesses significant legislative powers. The commissar Alexei Rykov describes a plan to redistrict and redestribute the Soviets to give even greater weight to urban areas, which are already overrepresented. Lenin approves of this proposal, but some Bolsheviks privately worry that such a move would benefit the Mensheviks more than the Bolsheviks, as their support is even more concentrated in Urban areas.

I like the Left SR's, but they hate peace with Germany, and we need peace with Germany

[x] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.

Trotsky is chill and so is the left, plus I don't want to mess up the war effort
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
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Will (begrudgingly) vote for peace but still see it as cowardice and backstabbing the revolution.
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
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[x] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[x] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[x] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.


Peace with Germany is a when, not an if. The army isn't in any state to keep fighting the Germans, and prolonging that conflict will just kill soldiers for no reason and get us even worse terms.
 
Germany likely presents a more logical alliance partner. While they hold onto historically Russian lands in the Baltics, Poland, and Western Ukraine, a diplomatic settlement might lead to at least some of these being voluntarily ceded.
No hope for Poland. It'll move from the partitions straight into socialist regime in this timeline. :(
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.

sigh I was hoping for a status quo option. Hopefully we'll be able to renege on our deal. Ceasing operations in the occupied territories is not acceptable
 
[X] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
As far as it goes I do worry that opting for peace while keeping the elections fair will cause problems... but then, these are revolutionary conditions, if we don't keep elections fair they might just decide that now's the time for the THIRD Revolution.
 
[X] The Middle Way: The People's Commissariat for Social Welfare Alexandra Kollantai proposes a "middle way". She presents a plan to gradually wind down fighting in the west without coming to an explicit, formal detente with Germany. She contends that this will allow the Soviet state to consolidate itself without requiring it to give aid to Ludendorff's military dictatorship. Rykov speaks at length against this plan, arguing that the fledgling Ukrainian Soviet Republic would likely collapse without the continued flow of Soviet aid. Reducing our aid to partisans in the Baltics, Ukraine, and Finland would likely lead to a worst of both worlds scenario: a strengthened Germany with no reason to negotiate, because we have voluntarily removed our largest sources of leverage


[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
[x] A Time for Peace: Lenin proposes that we begin a second round of negotiations with Germany that will formalize the terms of the Treaty of Warsaw, end the frontier violence, and allow for the new Soviet state to be consolidated. Moving forward with this proposal might allow us to gain additional territories in the west, but we would likely be forced to pay reparations to Germany in the form of food and currency, placing a strain on the already fragile social peace. Lenin points out that an intensification of the fighting with Germany would likely lead to even greater strains placed on our food system as we are forced to draft more peasants into the army.

[x] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[x] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
I'm jumping on the band wagon here, but I think the most sensible plan is currently winning. I think keeping the SR inside the government is vital to both stability and actual democracy, since this allows some degree of representation by the vast numbers of Russian peasents. The option does speak of obstruction of grain seizures, but I think we need to pursue a check on those anyways. Alienating a majority of the rural population via grain seizures at gun point isn't going to go well for us, especially while we're this weak in the midst of a civil war. We should aim for a modicum of popular support in the vast stretches of rural territory.

Secondly, eliminating our opponents by disenfranchising their base is not a great precedent for any people's democracy during it's early years. Bad precedent aside, if the peasents feel like they are being subjugated by an urban dictatorship, they are more likely to revolt violently. Better to keep the compromise going and hope we can still figure out some kind of plan regarding the food. It also seems like keeping the multi-party democracy intact would open up loans and trade from the US, something that could help us keep the economy going through the hardest years of the revolution. A politically uncomfortable compromise, but one that could prevent the worst famines and help us get back on our feet.
Though most consider President William Jennings' Bryan to be a Bourgeoisie idealist, he has kept America out of the war and even hosted a conference of pacifist socialists. He has expressed concerns about the "Bolshevization" that the war might bring on, but also issued scathing denunciations of European Imperialism. He might be willing to agree to the resumption of trade relations, and perhaps even a set of foreign loans, but such a move would likely further alienate the left-communist faction.

[X] The Middle Way: The People's Commissariat for Social Welfare Alexandra Kollantai proposes a "middle way". She presents a plan to gradually wind down fighting in the west without coming to an explicit, formal detente with Germany. She contends that this will allow the Soviet state to consolidate itself without requiring it to give aid to Ludendorff's military dictatorship. Rykov speaks at length against this plan, arguing that the fledgling Ukrainian Soviet Republic would likely collapse without the continued flow of Soviet aid. Reducing our aid to partisans in the Baltics, Ukraine, and Finland would likely lead to a worst of both worlds scenario: a strengthened Germany with no reason to negotiate, because we have voluntarily removed our largest sources of leverage


[X] Keep Soviet Elections Fair: Julius Martov contends that the present system works perfectly adequately, and that there is little reason to redistrict the Soviets. He points out that the Left-SR's have been loyal to the government thus far, and that engaging in such a gerrymander would only inflame the tensions that do exist. Some fear, however, that the Left-Socialist-Revolutionaries will act to obstruct the requisition of grain so long as they sit on the executive committee - this includes the Menshevik Commissar of Food, Matvey Skobelev.

[X] Continue the drive into Siberia: Leon Trotsky, the commander of the 1st Red Army in Central Siberia, is known to have sympathies for the left-communists. He recently lost his position as a people's commissar, but he has not yet been formally relieved of his military command. Navy Commissar Pavel Dybenko believes there is little reason to remove him from his position, and argues that sacking Trotsky would likely harm morale in the army and give Kornilov time to regroup and consolidate his forces. Besides, once Trotsky is successful in defeating Kornilov's army, Sovnarkom will be at leisure to decide what to do with him.
 
[X] Once More Into the Breach
[X] A Worker's, not a Peasant's Republic
[X] Continue the drive into Siberia
 
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