The Widening Gyre: The Great War and the Remaking of Europe

In the upcoming Revolutionary Era, I would like the timeline to focus on... (Pick up to 3)

  • Politics and Institutional Design in the new Socialist Polities (Germany, Italy, Netherlands)

  • Cultural and Intellectual life in the new Socialist Polities (Germany, Italy, Netherlands)

  • Social and Economic structures in the new Socialist Polities (Germany, Italy, Netherlands)

  • Politics and Political Culture in the main Capitalist Powers (UK, US)

  • Cultural and Intellectual Life in the main Capitalist Powers (UK, US)

  • The Soviet Union

  • The East Asian Theater

  • The South Asian Theater

  • Military Conflict and Paramilitary Violence in Eastern Europe and the Middle East

  • Politics and Labor in Minor European States (Poland, Spain, Hungary, Czechia, Bulgaria, etc.)

  • The French Civil War


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I know some places it might rise. There's hints of a communist Germany (Rosa Luxembourg anybody), so perhaps maybe France, the UK, Russia, or even the Ottoman Empire (IOTL, Hitler and Mussolini took a lot of inspiration from Ataturk, and in fact the term "Holocaust" was used at one point to refer to the Armenian Genocide, and did not even gain its current association of being used exclusively to refer to the genocide of Jews and others by the Nazis until the miniseries in 1978).
 
I know some places it might rise. There's hints of a communist Germany (Rosa Luxembourg anybody), so perhaps maybe France, the UK, Russia, or even the Ottoman Empire (IOTL, Hitler and Mussolini took a lot of inspiration from Ataturk, and in fact the term "Holocaust" was used at one point to refer to the Armenian Genocide, and did not even gain its current association of being used exclusively to refer to the genocide of Jews and others by the Nazis until the miniseries in 1978).
I think France is another country that goes red so to speak. French troops are also participating in the October truce as well as the subsequent implied fight against their superiors so I think its safe to say that France isn't hopping onto the fascism train. The UK's a maybe as the flash forwards seem to imply that Britain didn't get hit with the revolutionary wave right away. Russia's another maybe as even if the Russian Republic defeats the October revolution it's still gotta deal with a pissed off populace that doesn't like being used as cannon fodder in what's basically a pointless war. The Ottoman Empire is the only one I'm sure of mostly because their situation is the perfect breeding ground for a kind of stab in the back myth to develop. Especially if they get fucked hard during ww1.
 
Timeline of Events: 1913, May-July
Timeline of Events: 1913, May-July

May 1st: Negotiations begin in the American Senate for the passage of the Underwood Tariff and Revenue Act, which would establish a federal income tax and halve tariff rates. If the act passes, it wile change the main source of Government funds from import duties to income taxes.

Though the bill easily passes the house, it faces resistance in the Senate. While there is a fairly broad consensus on the need for a Federal Income Tax, the 2.5% tax on incomes over 2,000 dollars and halving of tariff rates both strike some Senators as unduly radical. The Democrats also have a much slimmer majority in the Senate, and though there are some Republican progressives supportive of the increase in the income tax, few are willing to sign onto the tariff reduction.

May 7th: Serbia and Greece secretly agree to fight jointly against Bulgaria, their ally in the first Balkan War.

May 11th: The California State Senate is unable to bring the Alien Land Act to a vote following a filibuster by Democratic State Senators. The legislation is soon thereafter withdrawn, with Bryan receiving many accolades in the Japanese press.

May 12th: Arizona passes a bill even more radical than that proposed in California, prohibiting any alien who has not declared their intention of becoming a citizen of owning land. Despite Bryan's best efforts, the Republican-dominated Arizona House Assembly passes the bill on a party-line vote.

May 24th: The Turkish-American Steamship Nevada sinks after being struck by a Greek mine in the harbor at Smyrna. President William Jennings Bryan privately instructs Secretary of State Andrew Carnegie to see if the European Powers might be receptive to an American presence in Balkan arbitration.

May 27th: The Underwood Tariff and Revenue Act does not appear to have the votes necessary to pass the Senate. At the suggestion of Vice President Woodrow Wilson, the act will be split into two separate bills: The Revenue Reform Act and the Underwood Tariff Act. With support from progressive republicans for the Reform Act, it passes Congress quickly and has the votes in the Senate. With progressive republicans backing the bill, it now also includes a provision placing a 2.5% tax on corporations earning an annual revenue of 2,000 dollars or more. The bill is anticipated to generate a budget surplus, leaving open the question of what it might be spent on.

May 28th: The European diplomats involved in the drafting of a peace treaty between the belligerent powers of the First Balkan War inform Carnegie that the negotiations are close to completion, so there is little reason to involve the United States. Nonetheless, as a sop to Bryan, a role in negotiations is promised in the event of an outbreak of future hostilities.

May 30th: The Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which mandates the popular election of U.S. Senators, officially comes into effect.

June 1st: The Revenue Reform Act passes the Senate and is signed by President Bryan.

June 2nd: The Treaty of London is signed, ceding most of the Ottoman Empire's European territories to Bulgaria, Serbia, and Greece.

June 5th: The Underwood Tariff fails in the Senate, with several Western and Southern Democrats refusing to endorse a bill they believe would endanger domestic sugar and wool industries. Outraged, Bryan gives a speech denouncing the ubiquity of lobbyists in Washington, promising that he will personally campaign against any candidate who voted no on the bill while having "Any financial interest in its rejection". Directed by Bryan, the Democratic Senate Judiciary committee soon begins compiling a list of lobbyists thought to be influencing the passage of the bill.

June 7th: The list of lobbyists is read aloud by Bryan in his weekly address, along with the Senators they are thought to have connections to. Notably, on Wilson's advice Bryan does not name any of the Democratic Senators who voted against the bill.

June 9th: The United Mine Workers President John Philip White is indicted in a Federal Grand Jury for violating the Sherman Antitrust Law.

June 13th: Serbia and Bulgaria accept Russian arbitration of their territorial dispute. Carnegie's attempt to involve America in the negotiations is rebuffed by Russia, which sees itself as having a special interest in the region.

June 15th: After the US Senate Committee on Woman Suffrage reports favorably on an amendment in favor of Women's suffrage, Bryan requests his political advisors to determine if a public endorsement of the suffrage movement would harm his prospects for re-election.

June 17th: Following the pacification of the Moro Rebellion, Bryan asks the diplomatic corps to canvas how soon a loyal client regime might be put in place in the Philippines.

June 19th: After forcing all ninety-six Senators to swear under oath that they have no financial interest in the Underwood Tariff Act, a slightly weakened version of it passes the Senate and becomes law with Bryan's signature. It lowers the average tariff from forty to twenty-four percent. While Bryan was pushing for a halving of tariff rates, the revised version of the bill (in combination with the more radical revenue reform act) will provide the Government with a very large budget surplus over the next few years.

June 22nd: American diplomats and military commanders meet with Bryan to discuss the Philippines. They largely re-iterate the "findings" of the Schurmann Commission, which concluded that the Phillippine people were not prepared for Democratic self-rule. Bryan decides to bide his time on this matter.

June 24th: A meeting between Bryan and the Congressional Leadership of the Democrats occurs to decide on their next legislative priorities. While Bryan wants to pass a new slate of regulations to increase the bargaining power of Labor and permanently shift the Northern working class into the Democratic camp, the Congressional leadership believes that the creation of a Federal Reserve system to allow the country greater flexibility during financial emergencies is of paramount importance. Bryan reluctantly agrees to prioritize passing this legislation, while extracting from the leadership a promise that labor reform will be next on the agenda.

June 26th: Carnegie meets with Japanese Ambassador Chinda Sutemi in Washington. They agree on the renewal of the abritration treaty, and also discuss the prospects for a bilateral trade agreement which would offer American industrial assistance in return for lowered Japanese tariffs on American goods.

June 29th: The Second Balkan War begins as Bulgaria attacks Greco-Serbian forces at Slatovo and Salonica. Desiring a public display of America's credibility as an international broker, Bryan sends Carnegie to Sofia.

July 2nd: The House of Representatives begins drafting the Federal Banking Reform Act.

July 5th: Carnegie arrives in Sofia. Romania has begun mobilizing against Bulgaria, but has thus far not declared war. Carnegie offers to arbitrate.

July 7th: In a closed-door meeting, Carnegie, Charles Vopicka (American Minister to Bulgaria, Romania, and Serbia), and diplomats from both Bulgaria and Romania try to hash out a deal that will avert Romanian entry into the war.

July 8th: Romanian mobilization continues but war planning is temporarily slowed as negotiations continue.

July 10th: Negotiations to avoid Romanian entry into the war have reached several stumbling blocks. While Bulgaria is willing to cede Silistria, it will not give away Southern Dobrudja. Romania also fears the possibility of Bulgarian hegemony in the Balkans in the event of a decisive Greco-Serbian defeat. Bulgaria cannot do much to allay this latter worry, though the defeat and retreat of several of its armies in the face of a Greek and Serbian offensives has helped.

July 12th: Carnegie floats the prospect of American aid to Romania in the form of agricultural equipment, artillery, and small arms financed through low-interest American loans. The shipments would allow for Romania to equip several divisions with more advanced rifles and machine guns and increase the amount of artillery supporting each battalion.

July 13th: Romanian entry into the war is avoided with the cession of Silistria and a bit over a third of Southern Dobrudja. Bulgaria and Romania sign a five year non-aggression pact. Romanian non-entry into the war is largely purchased through the promises of American aid, which will allow the Romanian military to become a sufficient deterrent to even a victorious Bulgaria. The announcement is a vital political victory for Bryan's foreign policy strategy, but when news breaks out of the promise of low-interest American Loans, he is lampooned in the Press for "Buying peace in the Balkans with the hard-earned dollars of Americans".

July 14th: Railroad workers overwhelmingly vote to begin a nation-wide strike for better wages.

July 15th: Most of the small Bulgarian force active on the Danube and in Silistria begin the journey Southeast toward the fronts with Serbia and Greece, where the Bulgarian Army has been put on the defensive.

July 16th: Carnegie, preparing for the return journey to Washington, cancels as news arrives informing him of a potential Ottoman mobilization against Bulgaria.

July 19th: Serbian counter-offensives begin grinding to a halt as Bulgarian forces entrench. The Serbian Army takes increasingly punitive casualties in its attempt to break-through the Bulgarian lines around Kalimanci, and on the 19th the Serbs also settle into a more defensive posture. The Greeks continue to build pressure toward the Kresna Pass.

July 21st: Ottoman mobilization proceeds more slowly than expected. It becomes clear that the Government is more interested in using the threat of war to secure the cession of Adrianople than it is in actually fighting one. The Ottomans hope to repeat the coup of the Romanians, and request a summit hosted by Carnegie.

July 22nd: The nation-wide railway strike is averted through negotiation between the Federal Government, railway workers, and railway trusts. The near-fiasco convinces Bryan of the urgent need for a more robust system of federal labor arbitration.

July 23rd: Greek attempts to take the Kresna pass fail. A Bulgarian counter-attack by forces diverted from the Serbian and Romanian fronts nearly encircles three Greek divisions, but only succeeds in partially destroying two. Bulgarian forces begin a counter-offensive, and shortly thereafter are once again outside of Salonica.

July 25th: Bryan's political advisers convince him that openly campaigning on women's suffrage is inadvisable. Bryan nonetheless writes a private letter to many of the organizers of the upcoming suffrage demonstration at the Capitol, thanking them for their service to the country and activism on behalf of the gentler sex.

July 26th: Despite the failure of negotiations, Ottoman mobilization halts in the face of Bulgarian successes against the Greek Army and an Austrian declaration of sympathy with Bulgaria.

July 28th: The Japanese-American Friendship Treaty, also known as the Honolulu Accord, is agreed to by the Japanese and American governments. The treaty will lower Japanese tariffs on American agricultural goods in return for American industrial and ship-building assistance. This sends waves of anxiety through the British Foreign Policy establishment, who fear that if Japan becomes closely aligned with America, it will no longer serve as a counter-weight to Russia in the Pacific. Nonetheless, the steady improvement of Russo-British relations following the Anglo-Russian convention of 1907 eases these anxieties somewhat.

July 29th: Britain announces it will not participate in the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in protest of America's decision to impose tolls on the use of the canal. Several newspapers note a chilling in Anglo-American relations since Bryan became President.

July 30th: The United States formally recognizes the government of Yuan Shikai in China.

July 31st: After preparing for a vote on the Federal Bank Reform Act, Congress is forced to return to the drawing board as President Bryan announces he will veto the act in its current form due to the undue control which it affords private banks over the Federal banking system.
 
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Interesting a ''greater'' Bulgaria that's still largely intact is a great pod, it's unlikely to go fully into the central powers in the name of revanchism but also creates a bit of a headache for the allies given the borders are not determined.

I can see how this leads to the war lasting longer, the Ottoman empire wishing to either be in the position to strike or their interests simply altered delay entering war on the side of the central powers leading to Russia having a longer grace period as the allies get the other supply routes ready.
 
To respond to some of the comments of @Jakoby 943, @Ad_astra, and @Bisexual-Mart here...

1. There will definitely be an upswing of fascism in the post-war era, but it will be substantially weaker than IOTL and won't be capable of forming a "Fascist bloc" of states that can plausibly challenge Liberal-Democratic or Communist ones. It will eventually capture the state apparatus of at least one great power, though, and it will remain a proverbial thorn in the side of some of the Liberal-Democratic states.

2. I don't want to reveal too much about the fate of France beyond saying that it is going to be one of the most important countries in this time-line and the ground zero for an enormous amount of ideological conflict.

3. Turkey is a country I've been thinking a good deal about - sadly, I think that it's almost inevitably going to end up in a much, much worse place in this time-line than our own.

4. In the 1920s, popular culture will be very different but not unrecognizable. In Germany, the period will be known as the Eilin Zwanziger - the rushing 20s. Compared to our time-line, there will be a much quicker dislocation of pre-war artistic traditions, a wider dispersal of the avant-garde into popular culture, and a much greater emphasis on the new technologies of radio and film. I can't say too much more without spoiling!

5. Don't count Serbia and Greece out quite yet. The Ottomans are very much not completely out of the picture, and the Serbs still occupy a pretty entrenched defensive position.
 
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So much quicker dislocation of pre-war artistic traditions. Does that include more assimilation of European traditions? I love to see a United States that tries to keep as much cultural diversity as possible. The fact is that 1900, newspapers in 14 languages were published in the city of Seattle. And that was Seattle, which at the time was pretty much a sparsely populated city with it's only real growth coming from the Yukon Gold Rush.

Assuming a more aggressively assimilationist United States, especially towards Europe and European cultures, I wonder if we will see more than just Anglicization of personal names and abandonment of the old languages, but even the abandonment of ethnic cuisines to the point where things like pasta, macaroni, and pizza are considered "exotic" ethnic foods that only exist in Italian immigrant enclaves (which is what they very much were at the time). I'm just imagining an effort to create a new "American" cuisine solely based on "purely American" forms (and designed for mass production).
 
There will definitely be an upswing of fascism in the post-war era, but it will be substantially weaker than IOTL and won't be capable of forming a "Fascist bloc" of states that can plausibly challenge Liberal-Democratic or Communist ones. It will eventually capture the state apparatus of at least one great power, though, and it will remain a proverbial thorn in the side of some of the Liberal-Democratic states.
Honestly that tracks given the fact that there seems to be more communist states in this TL compared to OTL with a bit more diversity in ideology. Plus given the fact that Social Democrats are dragged along for the ride I imagine they'll have a bit of influence in forging these future communist states so it's probably going to be less "dictatorship of the proletariat" and more "soviet democracy" style of communist state. This would probably make communism a bit more appealing to the average European.
2. I don't want to reveal too much about the fate of France beyond saying that it is going to be one of the most important countries in this time-line and the ground zero for an enormous amount of ideological conflict.
Ah so just France in OTL/s. In all seriousness though I imagine that this means that France will be a battleground between communist and far-right nationalists that want to continue the war.
3. Turkey is a country I've been thinking a good deal about - sadly, I think that it's almost inevitably going to end up in a much, much worse place in this time-line than our own.
I'm going to go out on a limb and say that the division of Turkey is going to be a more permanent state of affairs. It's hard to imagine how much worse it can get for Turkey beyond that.
4. In the 1920s, popular culture will be very different but not unrecognizable. In Germany, the period will be known as the Eilin Zwanziger - the rushing 20s. Compared to our time-line, there will be a much quicker dislocation of pre-war artistic traditions, a wider dispersal of the avant-garde into popular culture, and a much greater emphasis on the new technologies of radio and film. I can't say too much more without spoiling!
Huh that's interesting, although it does make a lot of sense. IOTL the trauma of the war and the rejection of the old ways helped kickstart a whole wave avant grade artistic movements like Futurism. This version of WW1 lasted a longer and presumably has a bit more of a body count I'm assuming this contributes to the quicker rejections of old pre-war traditions.
5. Don't count Serbia and Greece out quite yet. The Ottomans are very much not completely out of the picture, and the Serbs still occupy a pretty entrenched defensive position.
The question is if Serbia does better in the war than it did in OTL and if Greece enters faster than it did in OTL as well. It could contribute to how much of an utter clusterfuck this TL's WW1 is.
 
Timeline of Events: 1913, August-October
Timeline of Events: 1913, August-October

August 1st: The foreign relations committee votes to make Nicaragua a protectorate of the United States. The proposal now goes to the Senate for ratification.

August 2nd: Salonica is surrounded and besieged by Bulgarian forces. The Macedonian Front is quiet, with Serbian and Bulgarian troops alike digging trenches. The Bulgarians hope to launch an offensive later that in the year to throw the Serbians out of Macedonia, but have been forced to withdraw many of their reserve units to the Ottoman Front, where they still have reason to fear a Turkish intervention.

August 4th: Bryan's attempts to intervene in the Mexican Revolution backfire when Venustiano Carranza, the leader of the Constitutionalist faction of Revolutionary Mexico, refuses the attempts by the American government to broker a ceasefire before elections.

News of Salonica's siege causes panic in the British and Russian foreign policy offices. With Austria increasingly aligning with Bulgaria and a reconciliation of sorts effected between the Bulgarians and Romanians, there is fear that a Bulgarian victory in the 2nd Balkan War would see de facto Central Powers hegemony over the region. Debates begin in the British foreign policy office on the previously unthinkable: entering into a treaty of Alliance with the declining Ottoman Empire. Much more preferable, of course, would be a swift Ottoman intervention into the war that might avoid a complete Bulgarian victory. In any event, the Russians would have to be consulted, and Edward Grey is sent to moot how willing Sergey Sazanov is to providing incentives for an Ottoman Intervention.

Russia, meanwhile, simply warns ominously against the imposition of an "unjust peace" upon Serbia and Greece.

August 5th: The Senate of France passes the Three Years Act by an overwhelming margin.

August 6th: With Bryan focused on the passage and design of the new Federal Banking Reform Act and Carnegie still busy in the Balkans, Woodrow Wilson is officially assigned responsibility for "The Mexican Problem".

August 8th: The Senate votes to make Nicaragua a protectorate of the United States, making de jure what had long been a de facto relationship of American overlordship.

August 10th: Sergey Sazanov and Edward Grey meet to discuss the Balkan issue. Sazanov agrees to support an Ottoman intervention, but only if Russia is a part of the negotiating process.

August 11th: Despite the parlous state of the Greek Army, several incursions into Salonica have failed to make much head-way. The Greeks have been able to re-supply its defenders through the city's sizable port, and the Turks have refused transit of the Bulgarian Black Sea fleet through the Dardanelles. Pictures of the brutal reality of urban warfare circulate around the world, prompting sympathy with the Greeks.

August 13th: Russia announces it will not attend the Panama-Pacific International Exposition. The Bryan Administration had been hoping to secure Russian participation as a kind of riposte to the British refusal.

August 15th: Woodrow Wilson travels to Mexico City.

August 16th: The attempt by the six powers (Britain, France, Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany, Italy) to determine the boundaries of Albania are officially put on hold until the end of the 2nd Balkan War. The Entente powers fear Albania becoming a de facto Austrian dependency, and were hoping to give at least a portion of Epirus to Greece, but Austria insists that no territory be ceded to Greece until the conclusion of its war against Bulgaria.

August 19th: Sergey Sazonov meets with Enver Pasha and Said Halim Pasha in Istanbul. Representing the British is Louis Mallet, the ambassador. The move is seen by the Ottomans as something of an insult. In reality, the British did not wish to send Edward Grey to Istanbul because of the backlash such a visit might prompt among the traditionally anti-Turkish Liberal press. Despite the absence of the foreign minister, when the British Press does discover that the meeting took place, it will cause a minor scandal for the British Government.

The Ottomans believe - rightly - that the Entente powers are desperate for an Ottoman intervention. Nonetheless, neither the Russian nor the British expect that the Ottomans will request an outright guarantee of independence by the British in addition to the cession of Adrianople in return for their intervention into a war they have good prospects to win. This is something that the Russians refuse to countenance. Enver Pasha asserts that in the absence of a British Guarantee, the Ottomans might have to look for "other partners" to ensure its territorial integrity.

August 20th: Franz Ferdinand, nephew of the Emperor Franz Joseph, officially becomes heir to the throne of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

August 22nd: News of the Ottoman-Entente meeting reaches the German and Austrian foreign ministries, causing a considerable degree of panic and confusion. Ungrounded fears proliferate that the Ottomans might be drifting into the Entente's sphere, extending the encirclement of the Central Powers. Germany proposes that a guarantee be offered to the Ottoman Empire and a plebiscite used to determine the future of Adrianople. Austria, fearing that forcing a fait accompli on Bulgaria over Adrianople might alienate one of their few genuine Balkan Allies, instead proposes that the Ottomans be offered simply a guarantee in addition to some minor concessions. A diplomatic cable sent over-hastily gives the Ottomans the impression that the Germans have settled upon the notion of forcing Bulgaria to cede Adrianople in return for Ottoman non-intervention, which neither Bulgaria nor Austria had been consulted about at the time. The Ottomans therefore insist in coming negotiations on this maximalist version of German promises, halting progress.

August 24th: In a surprising move, Germany announces that it will attend the Panama-Pacific International Exposition, in a gesture widely seen as aiming to curry favor with the United States.

August 26th: The shelling of Salonica intensifies. Much of the outer portions of the city are steadily reduced to rubble. Carnegie visits the city to deliver American aid.

August 29th: Salonica falls. Now winning the war, Bulgaria refuses German requests to negotiate with the Ottomans over Adrianople. Preparations are underway for an offensive in October to push the Serbians out of Macedonia and secure favorable peace terms. Tens of thousands of Greeks are expelled from the city.

August 31st: Intending to force the hand of the British after the fall of Salonica, the Ottomans request an expansion of the German military mission. This backfires spectacularly; the already anti-Ottoman British Foreign Office concludes that the Turks are a lost cause, and the Germans treat it as a sign that the earlier concerns about an Ottoman alignment with the British were overblown. Shortly thereafter, the Germans withdraw their offer of a guarantee.

With the Turkish "option" now dead, an increasing number of French and British machine guns and light arms are smuggled into Serbia and Greece.

September 1st: The beginning of the "Month of Quiet" in the Second Balkan War. With Serbo-Greek forces on the defensive and Bulgarian ones marshaling their forces for a "decisive victory" in Macedonia, fighting consists largely of intermittent artillery duels and skirmishes between reconnaissance units.

September 2nd: The Battleship Resadiye is launched in Barrow-in-Furness. It is one of two dreadnought-class battleships commissioned for the Ottoman Navy.

September 5th: Woodrow Wilson returns to the United States. The peace mission is widely considered a failure; President Bryan announces shortly thereafter that the United States must remain neutral in the conflict along its Southern Border, but will negotiate in good faith with any democratic government.

September 7th: The Federal Banking Reform Act narrowly passes the House. The new bill mostly cuts out the private banking sector from governance of the new Federal Bank, providing them with a strictly consultative role in the selection of appointees. It is expected to face an up-hill battle in the much more evenly split Senate, though some progressive Republicans have signaled they may support the bill.

September 8th: Excavation of the Panama Canal is completed.

September 10th: In a high profile event, the foreign ministers of Panama, Guatemala, and El Salvador attend the White House, signing with William Jennings Bryan arbitration treaties that offer the promise of resolving differences between nations without war. Many European countries have still not signed such treaties with the United States, and a line in Bryan's speech later that day about "States that lack the will and desire to achieve international peace" is widely seen as targeting them.

September 12th: The beginning of the Albanian revolt. 6,800 Albanian fighters take control of the towns of Debar, Obrid and Struva. Marching Eastwards, they threaten the Serbian rear. Two Serbian reserve divisions are diverted to deal with the internal insurgency.

September 17th: With the Ottoman Army almost fully demobilized and prospects for peace looking dim between Bulgaria and the Greco-Serb alliance, Andrew Carnegie returns home for good after four months in and out of the Balkans. Despite his success in conciliating Bulgaria and Romania, the Republican press widely mocks the "Business Magnate turned hapless diplomat, wandering about the most unenlightened portions of the European Continent". The Democrats, attempting to spin this narrative around, largely succeed in painting Carnegie as something of a populist folk-hero: yes, a business magnate and a social elite, but one who was willing to spend time in a place as exceptionally unpleasant as the Balkans to work on behalf of American interests. The fact that he may have accomplished little was more evidence of the intransigence of the region's problems than a defect with Carnegie's diplomacy; his persistence in attempting to create the conditions for peace in the region is proof enough of the man's integrity and good-will. Despite his scant public appearances, a "Carnegie Cult" slowly emerges.

September 18th: The bulk of the Albanian partisan force led by Isa Boletini converges on the town of Kicevo. Forward Serbian units have managed to entrench in the town, but most of their division has not arrived. The battle of Kicevo begins.

September 21st: The Battle of Kicevo ends in a Serbian victory when additional units arrive to relieve the siege of the town. The Partisans retreat to their redoubts further West, with two Serbian divisions now in pursuit.

September 23rd: When news reaches Bulgarian command of the internal revolt, the decision is made to expedite the planned offensive from the fourteenth to the third of October. This will substantially reduce artillery stockpiles, but it is believed that the diversion of Serbian reserve divisions will make a breakthrough much easier to achieve.

September 25th: The American-Japanese Friendship Treaty passes the Senate, becoming law.

September 28th: Satisfied with its position in the Balkans, Austria-Hungary slightly reduces its planned military expansion, opting for a 550,000 rather than 600,000 man standing army and a war-time strength of 1,900,000 men.

October 2nd: The Panama Canal is completed. William Jennings Bryan gives a speech declaring that the foreign policy of his administration aims for the "Pacification of the World through Commerce and Exchange". The Canal will substantially increase the power projection of the American Navy, but it will also ease oceanic trade in the new world.

October 3rd: The Bulgarian offensive begins. Following a six-hour artillery bombardment, two Bulgarian Armies advance into Serbian lines. One thrust moves from Strumica north toward Stip, and the other from Kyustendil due west in the direction of Skopje. The aim of the offensive is to capture the key logistical hub of Skopje, and pin the bulk of Serbian forces South of it between the Albanian partisans who control southwest Macedonia and the Bulgarian Army.

October 4th: Despite heavy causalties inflicted upon the Serbian Army, no break-throughs are reported. The Greeks begin a small offensive over the Southern-most portions of the Vardar River in an attempt to relieve the Serbian front.

October 5th: Increasingly heavy causalties are inflicted on the Bulgarian Army by the "Chauchat" machine guns. Despite possessing a nearly 4:1 numerical superiority at some points in the front, Bulgarian forces struggle to make a break-through.

October 6th: The Greeks pause their offensive as attempts to bridge the Vardar River are foiled by Bulgarian artillery.

October 7th: Albanian partisans start raiding Serbian supply lines north of Skopje.

A Bulgarian breakthrugh is finally achieved in the eastward thrust heading out of Kyustendil. The army advances nearly eight miles before having to halt. The Serbians have rushed reinforcements into the area, and several thousand are captured before being properly equipped.

October 9th: The Bulgarian offensive toward Skopje advances around half-way to the city before pausing. With a break-through still absent on in the South, their own Southern flank is vulnerable. Bulgarian command makes the decision to split the army up, sending half toward Skopje while the other pushes toward Kocani, just north of Stip.

October 11th: Bulgarian forces are just outside of Skopje, but the Serbs have marshaled enough men in the area to make it untenable for the 15,000-man Bulgarian force to attempt to seriously assault the city. Around Kotani and Stip, Serbian forces are in an increasingly difficult situation, with their logistics strained now that Bulgarian artillery can strike the Vardar at will.

October 12th: Britain and Russia reach out to Germany to discuss a possible six-power conference to negotiate a peace deal in the Balkans.

October 13th: "Miracle in Skopje". The hastily-planned Serbian counter-offensive catches the Bulgarian divisions outside of Skopje off-guard, breaking through the lines and reversing Bulgarian progress.

October 14th: The Albanian partisans are surrounded in the towns of Debar and Obrid, having been expelled from Struva.

The captured Albanian partisans in Debar and the majority of its Albanian civilian population are executed by the Serbian Army in the "Debar Massacre". Images of the ethnic cleansing soon appear in the Chicago Daily News.

October 16th: Bulgarian forces north of Kocani withdraw as their own Northern flank is threatened. The Serbian Army continues its march from Skopje toward the Struma river.

October 17th: After Mexican President Victoriano Huerta arrests over 100 members of the Chamber of Deputies two weeks before scheduled elections, President Bryan inquires to his foreign policy staff about whether it might be in the American interest to provide some support for the constitutionalist faction of revolutionaries.

October 18th: With recent Bulgarian setbacks, Germany is now receptive to the prospect of six-power negotiations, but for the same reason, the Entente now chooses to delay them. With the conflict now widely recognized to be a proxy war, the fragile equilibrium between the great powers is increasingly seen as untenable.

October 19th: Williams Jennings Bryan publicly announces that the Philippine Commission will now be composed primarily of Filipinos, with the aim of putting the country on the path to "responsible democratic governance". Shortly thereafter, the members of the Philippine Commission are appointed - seven of the nine are Filipino.

October 23rd: The Greeks resume their offensive and manage to form a beachhead on the Southern Vardar shortly after the Bulgarians have to thin their lines to deal with the Serbian counter-offensive. The Serbs reach the towns of Bosilegrad and Kyustendil, but with many of their divisions at a fraction of their former strength and the troops reaching their logistical tether, they are forced to pause.

October 24th: Sensing blood in the water and feeling diplomatically isolated, the Ottoman Empire declares war on Bulgaria. The Bulgarian divisions stationed in the East begin a fighting retreat toward Adrianople.

October 26th: Bulgarian reserves manage to clear the Greek beachhead threatening Salonica.

October 29th: At a sit-down meeting with Bryan, several members of the diplomatic corps present him with options for smuggling arms to the constitutionalists, while informing him that little good will come from interfering this directly in the Mexican Revolution.
 
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Very interesting I can see your points about him being imperialist and how his polices are a different when him seeking flat out protectorates than unofficial ones.

The Balkan war has certainly taken a curious turn, I can see the repercussions from it like thanks to Serbia's actions selling a intervention later on and Greece thanks to their refugee crises and army loses being a lot more unpredictable.
 
Racing to Armageddon: The Zabern Affair and end of the Second Balkan War
Excerpts from the book: "Racing to Armageddon: The Years before the Great War", by Thomas Wainwright*

Published by Yale University Press, © 1979, New Haven, Connecticut.


In the final two months of 1913, two events occurred which exercised a large influence on the coming war: the end of the Second Balkan War and the "Zabern Affair". Although not initially seen to be a proxy war, Austria's public declaration of support for Bulgaria and the material support provided by the Entente powers to Serbia and Greece transformed a local conflict into a global one. It also wreaked devastation across the Balkans: conservative estimates of the death toll exceed 300,000, with many of the causalties being Greek and Albanian civilians. This was a dark portent of things to come.

The surprise Ottoman entry into the War gave the Entente hope that a decisive defeat could be inflicted upon Bulgaria. Yet it quickly became clear that the Ottomans intended once again to use their position as a bargaining chip. After dealing several defeats to the reserve Bulgarian forces stationed in the Southwestern Front and seizing the city of Adrianople, they reached out to the Central Powers, again seeking a guarantee in return for the conclusion of a peace deal with Bulgaria. This time, the Germans begrudgingly gave it, and the Ottomans were pulled into the sphere of the Central Powers. Several days later, Bulgaria and the Ottomans signed a separate peace, requiring Bulgaria to cede both Adrianople and large swathes of land to its West.

Nonetheless, with the freeing up of the forces around the Southwestern Front, the Bulgarians once again had numerical superiority to face the Serbs. The Serbs, not wishing to exhaust their armies, had ceased their offensive, and the Greek chief of staff had informed the King that the Greek Army was no linger fit for offensive operations. Tensions soon erupted between the Serbs and Greeks. The Serbs wished to seek out an armistice before the Bulgarians could mobilize the numbers necessary for another Macedonian offensive, while the Greeks sought a joint Greco-Serbian offensive in the South to retake Salonica. When the Serbian armed forces flatly refused such plans, the Pro-German Greek King contemplated the conclusion of a separate peace with Bulgaria. On December 5th, the Russian Ambassador to Greece became aware of Greek peace overtures to Bulgarians: the proposed deal would see Salonica remain with Greece as an Enclave and would cede land in Greek Macedonia to the Bulgarians. In exchange for the return of Salonica, Bulgaria would be able to pursue its maximalist war aims against an isolated Serbia.

The Entente decided that such an outcome was intolerable. When they reached out to the Germans on the 7th, they found them surprisingly receptive to a negotiated settlement. There was fear in the German government that the imposition of maximalist Bulgarian war aims on Serbia would provoke Russian intervention and perhaps even a general European War. Yet whatever intentions they may have had, the peace which was worked out between the German, French, and Russian foreign ministries over the next few months had the effect of alienating every Balkan nation involved from the two power blocs. This is no better indicated than the term of abuse it would gain - the "Loafers Peace" - used to deride the fact that the actual nations which had fought and bled in the war did little to actually determine the form that the peace would take. Instead, hoping to contain the war and stop it from metastasizing into a general European one, the six powers of Europe unilaterally imposed a peace that saw the Serbian Armies have to evacuate much of Eastern Macedonia and the Greeks cede Salonica but not Southern Macedonia to the Bulgarians.

The Bulgarians might seem to be the obvious victors: they had achieved their goal of taking a sizable share of Macedonia and had won Salonica as well. But they had also lost lands in the East to the Turks, and the peace deal prevented them from achieving hegemony in the Balkans by keeping a Serbia intact that could raise a substantial military force. Unsurprisingly, the Bulgarians grew resentful of the "betrayal" of the Central Powers. This was doubly so for the Serbians and their great power sponsors. Although it was likely that the Serbians would be forced to cede Macedonia in any event, the myth of the "Retreating Victors" took hold in the Serbian imagination as Serbian armies were forced to leave most of Macedonia. After the conclusion of the peace, Prime Minister Nikola Pasic increasingly became something of a figurehead, with a military clique concentrated around the infamous Serbian military intelligence chief Dragutin Dimitrijević, also known as "Apis", wielding most actual power.

In Greece, where the army had suffered proportionally the most casualties of any nation fighting in the war, the reception of the peace was more mixed. Many Greeks, though angered by the loss of Salonica, were pleased to see an end to the fighting. The Pro-German sentiment of the King found some support among the broader population, with many feeling that the country should have never gotten involved in the war. This sentiment was particularly prevalent in the country's large peasant population. There was another segment of the population, however, which the war radicalized: many students, professionals, and members of the middle class felt that Constantine I had failed to fully mobilize Greek society to fight the war. For them, there was no question that Greece should have been involved in the war; the pertinent matter to be addressed was whether the measures would be in place for Greece to fight the next one.

It was not only the various nations of the Balkans which were resentful of the "Loafer's Peace". America had been promised a role in future negotiations in the Balkans, and they were iced out from the settlement of the second Balkan War. Diplomats in both Britain and Germany had grown irritated with the attempts from President Bryan to intervene in Balkan affairs, with the British in particular feeling like the war could have reached a much quicker and less bloody conclusion if America had not prevented the entry of Romania. It was decided the because America did not have "vital interests" in the region, there was little reason for them to be included in the negotiations. This caused a considerable loss of face for the Bryan administration.

The second event which occurred was localized to Germany, but it had a lasting influence on German war-time politics. On November 2nd, it was reported in several Alsatian newspapers that the 20 year old German Lieutenant Gunter Freiherr von Forstner had insulted Alsatians during a troop induction. He is reported to have said: "Do not be afraid to take up your bayonet and stab a Wackes (derogatory term for native Alsatian) if you are attacked by one; many of them sympathize with the French anyways. For each you stab during such an event, you'll receive ten marks from me, for our duty here as soldiers and officers of the Kaiser is to keep order in the realm".

These remarks caused furor in the Alsatian population, and the governor of Alsace-Lorrane, Karl von Wedel, demanded that the commander of Forstner's regiment transfer him from the province. However, the German military felt that it was not the role of the civilian authorities to determine how they discipline their own officers; von Forstner was instead subjected to five days of house arrest for "intemperate remarks", and even this relatively light punishment was not reported to the public, leaving the impression that there was no punishment at all. Shortly thereafter, a dozen members of Forstner's company were arrested and charged with leaking details of the affair to the press.

Further protests soon erupted across several large Alsatian cities. In an unwise provocation, Forstner left the barracks following his house arrest to show himself in public, during which several demonstrators shouted profanities at him. This behavior was technically illegal, but Director Mahl, a native Alsatian in charge of civil administration in the town, refused the request of lieutenant Von Reuter to restore order. Von Reuter contemplated using troops to disperse the crowds by force, but did not believe he had enough at his disposal at the time.

A week later, a huge crowd gathered around the barracks itself. This time, Von Reuter ordered a response. Second Lieutenant Schadt was placed in charge of handling the crowd. After orders for the crowd to disperse were ignored, the soldiers used cavalry to drive the crowd across a courtyard, and arrested a great number of individuals, including legal officials associated with the nearby Court who were not participating in the protest. The Kaiser, currently at a hunting retreat, waited for a report from the military headquarters in Strausbourg before intervening. When he did finally make the journey to Alsace-Lorraine, he met solely with military officials, feeding the perception that he approved of their behavior. The Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg did not even make it in time to the conference, giving the impression to many that he was a powerless figurehead.

On December 2nd, a military exercise was held in Saverne. Karl Blank, a journeyman shoemaker, began jeering and mocking Forstner with a number of his acquintances and friends joining in shortly thereafterafter. In response, Forstner struck him his saber, prompting Blank's entourage to charge him. They were only stopped from assaulting him outright by the intervention of several members of Forstner's regiment. Two days later, Blank died from brain trauma.

When the news broke that the same officer who had gone unpunished in the wake of his insulting remarks had now killed a civilian, protests broke out across much of Alsace and in a few cities in the Reich proper. A "Concerned Citizens Assembly" gathered in Mulhausen on the 5th to protest against "military despotism". On the 6th, the Social Democratic Party called for a day of protests. Two days later, rallies took place in twenty-eight German cities demanding the resignation of Bethmann Hollweg and Falkenhayn. In Mulhausen and Strausbourg, "Citizens Assemblies" met once again, this time with a concrete list of demands which included trying Karl Von Wedel in a civilian rather than military court. In the Reichstag, the Social Democratic Party engineered a vote of no confidence in Bethman Hollweg, who garnered the approval of only fifty-nine out of more than 350 Reichstag Deputies. When the Kaiser chooses to retain him anyways, the Social Democrats nearly created a constitutional crisis by persuading half of the deputies in the Catholic Centre and Progressive People's Party to vote against Hollweg's budget on the 9th. Hollweg only managed to push through the budget with the assistance of the right wing of the Catholic Centre and Progressive People's Party, along with the unanimous votes of the National Liberals and Conservatives.

The budget vote turned out to be the high-point of this particular movement for reform. After the Social Democrats failed to gather the votes necessary to force the Kaiser to appoint a new chancellor, they only arranged a few further protests and refused to call a general strike. They were forced, for the time being, to acknowledge that the Kaiser held most of the cards. Nonetheless, in a sign of things to come, several trade unions affiliated with the Social Democrats engaged in work-to-rule protests, leading to a minor decrease in German steel production in December and January. Also notable is the radicalization which occured among the Catholic Trade Unions. Largely loyal to the German state following the end of most active stage of the Kulturkampf, the death of an Alsatian Catholic resurfaced the sectarian religious repression of the 70s and 80s. Proportionally, more unplanned strike activity occurred in the Catholic unions than the Social Democratic ones.

The victory of the Kaiser and military establishment would prove to be a pyrrhic one. The acquittal of Von Reuter and Schadt and the two-year sentence given to Forstner (eventually reduced to six months by an appellate court) discredited the German military among many of the Liberal intelligentsia and working class. On January 14th, intellectuals associated with the progressive wings of the Catholic Centre Party, Progressive People's Party, Social Democratic Party, and Polish Party declared the formation of a "Movement For the Protection of National Minorities", to be chaired by novelist Heinrich Mann. This organization would play a crucial role in organizing early opposition to the war among catholics and progressives.
 
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"Movement For the Protection of National Minorities", to be chaired by novelist Heinrich Mann. This organization would play a crucial role in organizing early opposition to the war among catholics and middle-class elements of German society
Ooh, I can see the dominoes being set up for something interesting
 
Now things are getting very interesting the Balkans a wildcard and Germany's military already alienating it's own people so fast.
 
I wonder if something akin to OTL "Trianon Syndrome" will spring up in TTL Greece. Perhaps getting the nickname "Salonica Syndrome".
 
The Sozialstaat (Spoilers Present)
And now, a brief skip ahead in time, looking at a German university textbook written in 1953. I've tried to keep this as spoiler-free as possible, but there will be some pretty important information dropped about the future of Belgium, Denmark, and Sweden!

Excerpts from the textbook: "Modern Times: Europe 1871-1936", by Johannes Adelberg*

Published by University of Hamburg, Germany © 1953, Hamburg, European Socialist Federation.


What is the Sozialstaat?

Amid the revolutionary turmoil engulfing Europe in the 1920s, a number of small, affluent nations with a history of Liberal-Parliementary institutions experienced milder but nonetheless significant revolutionary agitation. Unlike the rest of revolutionary Europe, however, established Social Democratic parties managed to capture much of this enthusiasm, and used it to create a historically new type of polity: the Sozialstaat. Today, the legacy of the Swedish, Danish, and Belgian social states are mixed. Some of the most comprehensive and sophisticated schemes of health and welfare provision were drafted and implemented in these three states, as well as the first experiments in the Universal Dividend. It is difficult to seriously dispute that the standard of life for the average worker in the Sozialstaat rose exponentially following the capture of the state by Social Democratic parties and their (at times coerced) social-liberal allies. Women also gained a slew of new political and civil rights from the sozialstaat, and middle to upper-middle class women became one of its most crucial support blocs within the bourgeois.

Nonetheless, one cannot neglect the more troubling aspects of these regimes, which ushered in a decay of parliamentary institutions without offering any sort of worker's democracy to replace them. The sozialstaat maintained capitalism and the presence of capitalists, but created a robust bureaucratic-administrative state with the regulatory powers to severely constrain their investment decisions. In the words of one Danish Social Democratic Deputy: "What harm is it in allowing the capitalist to maintain control over his money so long as he must invest it wherever the worker desires?". To maintain power, the sozialstaats created patronage networks, rigged trade union elections, gerrymandered parliamentary elections, purged their militaries of conservative and aristocratic officers, and used paramilitaries to cow political opponents.

At least at first, they required an alliance with Social Liberals to govern with a majority in national parliaments, and even after they begun winning outright majorities, they required bourgeoisie allies to create political consensus absent a revolutionary re-ordering of social relations. Consequently, the 1920s saw a series of laws passed which solidified the so-called "Marriage of Metalworker and Lawyer". Redistributionary schemes involving tax privileges for the professional classes saw the gulf between haute-bourgeois and upper-middle class significantly narrow. Actual control over the day-to-day running of enterprises was increasingly shifted to trade unions and educated managers with professional expertise, leading to the "Rule of Engineers". Capitalists naturally tried to take their money elsewhere, and many tried to emigrate, but they were constrained by extremely harsh exit taxes which made it more palatable to try to work with the current regime. A suite of new laws was passed liberalizing social relations, providing funding for the arts and sciences, and promoting the entry of women into the national economy.

The Sozialstaats adopted a pro-comintern foreign policy while proclaiming neutrality. Over the 20s, each of the regimes grew closer economically to the German-led bloc in Central Europe, with Sweden and Denmark even joining the Central European Customs Union. This allowed them to grow extra-ordinarily wealthy: it is estimated that in 1931 Belgium and Sweden had the highest Human Flourishing and Capability scores in the world. The infusion of British and American capital in 1929, in the attempt to gain some amount of leverage over these countries, only intensified the decade-and-a-half long economic expansion.

One oddity of these regimes frequently remarked upon is the maintenance of their monarchs. Although many Social Democratic voters favored deposing the mostly symbolic figures, the politicians themselves refrained from pushing for the declaration of a republic, largely because they feared it would alienate their bourgeois allies and provide a pretext for foreign intervention. The monarchs occasionally spoke out against the new governments, but they were typically cowed with a well-organized protest or two.

Finally, we must discuss the role of paramilitarism in the maintenance and perpetuation of the soziaalstaat. There have been many instances in the history of the soziaalstaat in which large, armed groups aligned with the government suppressed right wing protests and rival para-militaries. Some American historians initially likened these "Young Danes" and "Swedish People's Defense Militias" to fascist paramilitaries, but there is little evidence that paramiltarism was truly pervasive in these societies. Unlike fascist paramilitaries, the vast majority of those that rose in defense of the soziaalstaat first started as discussion groups, political advocacy clubs, or youth organizations. It appears that after engaging in para-military activities, they would lay down their arms until they felt they were required again - which could be anywhere between several weeks to several years. Finally, there is scant evidence that when they did engage in para-military activity, they employed anything like the excessive political violence associated with Fascism; if anything, they displayed a remarkable restraint in many instances where their superior concentration of numbers and arms would have allowed them to inflict real violence on their political opponents.
 
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Huh. I'm getting Deng-era China vibes from this, in a lot of ways, although with more union representation. The past tense and use of "legacy" worries me, though.
 
The Treaty of Budapest
Treaty of Budapest
Budapest, December 15/ December 25, 1913
Peace Treaty between Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria.

THEIR MAJESTIES the King of the Hellenes and the King of Serbia, on the one part, and His Majesty the King of the Bulgarians, on the other part, animated by the desire to put an end to the ruinous state of war presently existing between their respective countries and wishing for the sake of order and tranquility to establish peace between their long-suffering peoples, have resolved to conclude a lasting treaty of peace. Their said Majesties have, therefore, appointed as their plenipotentiaries the following individuals:

His Majesty the King of the Hellenes: His Excellency Elefterios Venizelos, President of his Council of Ministers, Minister of War; His Excellency Demetre Panas, Minister Plenipotentiary; M. Nicolas Politis, Professor of International Law in the University of Paris; Captain Ath. Exadactylos; Captain C. Pali;

His Majesty the King of Serbia: His Excellency Nicolas P. Pasitch, President of his Council of Ministers, Minister of Foreign Affairs; His Excellency Dr. Miroslaw Spalaikovitch, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary; Colonel K. Smilianitch; Lieutenant-Colonel D. Kalafatovitch;

His Majesty the King of the Bulgarians: His Excellency Dimitri Tontcheff, his Minister of Finances; Major-General Ivan Fitcheff, Chief of Staff of his Army; M. Sawa Ivantchoff, Doctor of Laws, formerly Vice-President of the Sobranje; M. Simeon Radeff; Lieutenant-Colonel Constantin Stancioff of the General Staff;

Who, in accordance with the proposal of the governments of the United Kingdom, Austria, Italy, Germany, Russia, France, and Romania have assembled in conference at Budapest, with full powers, and who having happily reached an accord in consultation with the delegates from the aforementioned nations, have agreed to abide in perpetuity with the following stipulations:

I.

From the day on which the ratifications of the present treaty are exchanged there shall
be peace and amity between His Majesty the King of the Bulgarians, His Majesty the King of the Hellenes, and His Majesty the King of Serbia, as well as between their heirs and successors, their respective States and subjects.

II.

The frontier between the Kingdom of Bulgaria and the Kingdom of Serbia shall follow, conformably to the map drawn up by the respective military delegates, that which is annexed to Protocol No.4 of December 21st 1913, of the Conference of Budapest, the following line:

The frontier line North of the town of Vranje will remain unchanged. Bulgaria recognizes that the towns of Pirot, Zajecar, Negotin, Knjazevac and Nis as inviolable Serbian territories. Serbia agrees to cede all territories it currently occupies south of the city of Vranje, except for the town of Priszen. South of Vranje, the border shall run along the Eastern branch of the Morava River until its termination; following that, the line shall run from its Southern point of the Morava's end to the town of Prizren diagonally, in such a manner as includes the town of Tetovo within Bulgarian territory.

A mixed commission, composed of an equal number of representatives of Bulgaria, Serbia, Germany, the United Kingdom, Russia, and Austria shall be charged, within ten days from the signing of the present treaty, with delimiting the new frontier, in conformity with the preceding stipulations.

This commission shall supervise the division of the lands and funds, which up to the present time may have belonged in common to the districts, communes, or communities separated by the new frontier.

III.

Questions relating to the Serbo-Bulgarian frontier shall be settled according to the understanding reached by the two Parties.

IV.

The frontier between the Kingdom of Greece and the Kingdom of Bulgaria shall follow, in accordance to the process-verbal drawn up by the respective military delegates and annexed to Protocol No.4 of December 21st, 1913, of the Conference of Budapest, the following line:

The frontier line shall start at the southern mouth of the Vardar River in the Aegean Sea. Greece cedes all land it currently occupies East of the Vardar River. The border west of the Vardar River shall run from the town of Florina, which will be ceded to Bulgaria, North of the Limni Vegoritida Lake, then run just south of the towns of Arnissa and Edessa, which will also be ceded to Bulgaria. Thereafter the line will be drawn straight to the Vardar River in a northeastern fashion in such a manner to include the settlements of Giannitsa, Koufalia, and Chalkidona within Greek territory, which Bulgaria recognizes as inviolable Greek territory. Bulgaria also renounces from henceforth all claim to the island of Crete.

The Bulgarian Government agrees to draft legislation creating legal protections for the new Greek Citizens within its enlarged borders, and to pay half of the costs associated with any Greek-speaking individuals' decision to emigrate to Greece.

A mixed commission, composed of an equal number of representatives of each of Greece, Bulgaria, France, Russia, Germany, and Austria shall be charged, within ten days from the signing of the present treaty, with delimiting the frontier in conformity with the preceding stipulations.

This commission shall supervise the division of the lands and funds, which up to the present time may have belonged in common to the districts, communes, or communities separated by the new frontier.

VI.

The headquarters of the respective armies shall be immediately informed of the signing of the present treaty. The Serbian, Bulgarian, and Greek Governments jointly commit to begin the process of reducing their armies to a peace footing on the day after such notification. They shall order troops to their garrisons, whence, with the least possible delay, the various reserves shall be returned to their homes.

VII.

The evacuation of Greek and Serbian territory, both old and new, shall begin immediately after the demobilization of the respective armies and shall be completed within a period of not more than ten days.

VIII.

During the occupation of the Serbian and Greek territories the various armies shall retain the right of requisition in consideration of cash payment.

Such armies shall have free use of the railways for the transportation of troops and of provisions of all kinds, without compensation to the local authority.

The sick and wounded shall be under the protection of the said armies.

IX.

As soon as possible after the exchange of ratifications of the present treaty all prisoners of war shall be mutually restored.

The Governments of the Parties shall each appoint special commissioners to receive the prisoners.

All prisoners in the hands of any of the Governments shall be delivered to the commissioner of the Government to which they belong, or to his duly authorized representative, at the place which shall be determined upon by the interested parties.

The Governments of the Parties shall present to each other, respectively, as soon as possible after all the prisoners have been returned, a statement of the direct expenses incurred through the care and maintenance of the prisoners from the date of their capture or surrender to the date of their death or return. The sums due by Bulgaria to each one of the other Parties shall be set off against the sums due by each of the other Parties to Bulgaria, and the difference shall be paid to the creditor Government in each case as soon as possible after the exchange of the above-mentioned statements of expense.

X.

The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Budapest within twelve days, or sooner if possible.
 
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The Crisis of Capitalist Europe: The Great War Commences
Note: This is a fairly general, high-level overview of the events that led to the outbreak of the Great War. I wanted to write it in narrative form, from the perspective of a historian ITTL, to give a sense of the scope and scale of events. In the next few posts, I'll try to fill in some of the more granular diplomatic and military details, and also provide updates on what happened in the rest of the world in the first half of 1914. Then, I will have to take a bit of a pause; I'm not very schooled on the military history of the first world war, and feel like I have some reading to do before I continue things (if anyone has recommendations for a comprehensive-ish military history of WW1, let me know. So far I have the Oxford Handbook and some of Hew Strachan's stuff on-hand). Thank you to everyone who has been reading and commenting so far, I really do appreciate it!
_______

Excerpts from the book: "The Crisis of Capitalist Europe: 1905-1914", by Enzo Traverso

Published by the Piedmont-Milan Federation of Publishing Collectives, © 1977, Milan, European Socialist Federation.


…Some might be tempted to say that the month or so which elapsed between the peace which ended the Second Balkan War and the beginning of the Albanian Crisis marked a point of relative tranquility between two separate crises. Yet, in truth, the very fact that Europe was on the verge of fratricidal blood-letting over the minor emendation of borders in the Balkans indicated that the crisis ran much deeper than any of its individual manifestations. Each time the imperialist powers met to impose a peace which they believed would constitute a final settlement, a new crisis reared its head.

Of course, the Albanian problem in all its particularity had never disappeared. Serbia and Greece had been forced to evacuate Albania following the end of the First Balkan War, since Austria insisted that a Serbian port on the Adriatic constituted a threat to its security. Then the Second Balkan War forced the six powers to postpone negotiations over the final drawing of Albanian borders, as Austria refused to cede Albanian lands to Greece as long as they were at war with Bulgaria. Though most of the great powers were not intrinsically hostile to Greek, Serbian, and Montenegrin claims, they jointly decided that it would be easiest to come to a diplomatic solution concerning Albania without the presence of troops from the minor powers in the Balkans. Both Serbia and Greece nursed some bitterness about this, but it is likely that they would have eventually forgotten it if it were not for the imposition of the "Loafers Peace" in 1913 and the sense of grievance both nations had over the losses in the Second Balkan War.

During the three weeks or so in January 1914 in which the Great Powers met to determine the form that a new Albanian state would take, some progress was made. The Austrians agreed that Southern Epirus and parts of rural, mountainous Northeastern Albania could be ceded to Greece and Serbia (respectively) in return for the Austrian right to station troops in the country, turning it into a de facto protectorate. Russia was wary of accepting this Austrian proviso, but with sufficient British pressure, they may have eventually consented. Nonetheless, it was all too little, too late. None of the imperialist powers had foreseen what was coming.

On January 24th, over five hundred Ottoman troops who had been smuggled into Vlore seized the city and declared Ahmet Izzet Pasha, an Ottoman general, the rightful Monarch of Albania. Vlore was the headquarters for the International Commission of Control, the transitional governing body composed of representatives of the Great Powers which was intended to run the country until the Great Powers determined its borders and installed a broadly acceptable civilian administration. The failure of the imperialist states to detect the build-up of Ottoman troops in the city is itself somewhat astounding, and testifies both to the failure of the control commission to create adequate police forces and to the failure of European states to understand the motives of the new Turkish government, which some (such as the English) erroneously believed to be secretly run by a clique of Mizrahim Jews. We are now aware that the one state which had knowledge of the coming Turkish intervention was Serbia, which chose not to share information about the Turkish plot with the Control Comission in the hope that the Turkish seizure of Vlore would provide a pretext for a Serbian military intervention.

In the following days, a coordinated response by European states may have forced the Ottomans to back down, but the Germans, though privately furious at the Ottomans, refused to countenance a joint military response for fear of alienating their new ally and creating an anti-bulgarian coalition in the Balkans. The British may have dissuaded the Ottomans with a naval blockade to prevent them from ferrying additional troops into the region, with the Germans perhaps looking the other way in such a situation, but the Liberal government believed that such a move would provoke a general European war (when in fact it may have been the only one that could have temporarily postponed it). And the Russians, though skeptical of Ottoman intentions, did not fear any direct threat to their interests in the region, which were not tied up in Albania.

By the time that the European powers had begun to look for a joint solution to the crisis, it had started to spiral out of control. The attempt by the Commission to solidify its control over the coastal cities by declaring martial law had turned the Albanian peasantry against them and led to a surge of support for the Ottoman troops among the population. The Prime Minister of Albania, Ismail Qemali, declared that he recognized Ahmed Izzet Pasha as the rightful Monarch of Albania. Recent historical documents reveal that he knew of the Ottoman attempt at a coup weeks in advance and had provided covert support for it. The fact that he did not declare his actual support until two days after it took place showed the tenuousness of Pasha's position.

Germany immediately became a prime suspect in the affair. Both Russia and France accused it of "Subverting order in the Balkans", and the German proclamations that it knew nothing of the Ottoman plot did not gain much purchase with their increasingly wary rivals. We now know that the German were not lying: their foreign policy ministry was genuinely shocked with the Ottoman behavior, and contemplated rescinding their guarantee. In fact, numerous memorandums reveal that it was the conclusion of the foreign ministry that it would have been in Germany's interest to break with the Ottomans, but they were prevented from doing so by the Kaiser himself, who believed that backing down would have led to a loss of Germany's international prestige.

The situation grew far more explosive after Elbasan fell to Ottoman soldiers and the march to Tirana begun. With the hinterlands of Albania largely out of the reach of the Control Commission, it looked inevitable that the Ottomans would soon regain suzerainty over more of the Balkans. A mixture of irredentism, anti-ottoman sentiment, and a genuine belief in the possibility of a mostly bloodless seizure of territory led both Greece and Serbia to mobilize against Albania. The reactionary government in Serbia, at this point led by a clique of military officers with ties to the terrorist Black Hand organization, desired to finally seize an Adriatic Port, whereas the Greek Government merely aimed to gain some territory in Epirus in order to compensate for the loss of Salonica.

Entente pleas for the Serbians and Greeks to pause mobilization fell on deaf ears: the imposition of the "loafers peace" had ensured that the smaller powers would no longer pay deference to the larger ones. Nonetheless, the more optimistic politicians in France and Russia nursed the illusion that there was some grain of truth to the Greek and Serbian pronouncements that they were intervening to "secure order and return land to the rightful authority of the control commission." The Liberal government in England, meanwhile, held no such illusions, and were increasingly skeptical of both Serbian and Greek intentions, a sign of the growing rifts within the Entente. Ironically, while the Entente powers tried to restrain their balkan allies, Austria attempted to have Bulgaria announce a mobilization, which many British historians later treated as evidence of Central Powers aggression. However, it is now clear that Austria intended Bulgarian mobilization to be a defensive measure that would convince Serbia and Greece to stand down. It is unclear whether this could have actually been successful, and must be left to writers of counter-factual history.

The Serbian offensive into Albania was slower than expected. Though they encountered little organized resistance, they were increasingly beset by roving bands of partisans, and roughly a week into the invasion, an up-rising within Kosovo amongst ethnic Albanians started to severely hamper their supply lines. Though the genocidal response of the Serbian armed forces against ethnic Albanians eventually succeeded in clearing their supply lines, in the short term it led to an intensification of the Albanian guerilla campaign and gave the small Ottoman force in Albania time to be reinforced and consolidated.

The Greek incursion was of a different character. Although some ethnic cleansing occurred, it seems clear that the Albanian population in Southern Epirus did not respond to the Greeks with similar hostility, and on the whole the Greek intervention was of a more limited nature, involving a smaller portion of their armed forces which purposefully avoided provoking the Ottomans. After seizing much of the Epirus region, the Greeks quietly signed an agreement with the Ottomans to avoid direct conflict between the armed forces of the two countries. This did have the effect of radicalizing many Greek nationalists against the government of Venizelos and Constantine, but at the time it was a popular move within a war-weary country.

By the middle of March, the stakes of the conflict had become clear. Having seized Tirana and liquidated many of the Albanian partisans (along with the civilian Albanian population in Kosovo), Serbia had a clear path to the coast, but Austria had declared that a Serbian presence on the Adriatic would be cause for war. The Serbians hoped to secure Russian support, but the Russians, in the absence of English backing, felt unable to provide a blank check to the Serbs. The great powers returned to the negotiating table, but progress was slow and marginal. What followed was a dangerous game of provocation and denouncement as the Serbs tried to see how far they could push into Albania without incurring an Austrian declaration of war. Intentionally avoiding direct thrusts toward the coast, they began offensives to the South, scouring much of the country-side of Ottoman forces and their Albanian supporters.

Fearing that a loss of Muslim Albania would imperil their reputation among the world's faithful, the Ottomans entered into negotiations with Bulgaria for their entry into the war. In return for a free hand with Serbia and the cession of Ottoman lands west of Adrianople, Bulgaria would declare war on Serbia. The Serbs had a little less than a third of their army in Albania, and another fifth facing the border with Austria. When the Bulgarians mobilized, they did so against Serbia alone, sending a clear signal to Greece that they had no desire for a two-front war. Although some voices in Greece called for the resumption of hostilities, many were skeptical that Greece could win the war. A rift soon emerged between the Prime Minister, Venizelos, who favored intervention, believing that the Greeks could regain Salonica, and the King, Constantine I, who feared that another war would be opposed by the majority of the population of Greece and result in the loss of Epirus and what remained of Greek Macedonia.

On April 2th, Bulgaria declared war on Serbia. Though they expected to quickly smash through Serbian lines, the muddy terrain and dogged defense of the Serbian Army resulted in a much slower advance than expected. The Serbian Army was also fully prepared for the Bulgarian intervention: a trail through Greece and Serbian-held Albania had provided them with Russian artillery and small arms, which in concert with the extensive network of defensive fortifications around Pirot and Prizden allowed the Serbians to inflict punitive losses on the Bulgarian divisions. It would take three weeks before the Bulgarian Army could make a real break-through, and it would take until the end of June until the Bulgarian Army began to approach Belgrade proper.

It is at this point, around June 27th, that most date the real beginning of the "Summer Crisis". As an Ottoman-Bulgarian force prepared to launch a July offensive that would surround and envelop Belgrade, Russia declared that an "Annexationist" peace against Serbia would see a Russian mobilization against the Ottomans. The day after, two Bosnian Serbs shot and injured Franz Ferdinand and his wife on a trip to inspect a military exercise in Austrian Bosnia, prompting the Austrians to announce "unconditional" support for Bulgarian war aims. On July 4th, the Bulgarians proceeded with their offensive into Belgrade's flanks and refused to respond to the Russian threat. On July 7th, the Russians began to partially mobilize against the Ottoman Empire. At this point, many of the European powers still believed that the war could be contained to a Russian-Ottoman one. Neither the Germans nor Austrians responded to the Russian mobilization with one of their own. Ottoman attempts to call in the German guarantee fell on deaf ears, with the German foreign ministry retorting that the Turks had begun the entire fiasco with their assault on the International Comission in Albania.

More importantly, the Russians had not begun a complete mobilization; they were still uncertain of French and British support. Over he following week, they eventually convinced the French government to support them in the event that a war with the Ottomans broke out into a war with Austria. Asquith's government, however, still waffled, split between the Russia-skeptical radicals and the more pro-entente moderates. Britain offered to mediate on the 22nd, proposing a "general diplomatic summit" between the Great Powers to hash out a "Final Balkan Peace", an offer that was reluctantly entertained by the Germans and Austrians.

On the 25th, German military reconnaissance units reported increased activity within Congress Poland. Even today, it is the source of some dispute whether this involved a genuine Russian mobilization within Poland; what is clear is that the Russian mobilization system involved the movement and transfer of armies in many different locations throughout the Russian Empire, and that following the British assurance of support, Russia had ramped up its mobilization efforts. In an important sense, "partial mobilization" was a fiction.

The Germans felt as if they were forced to mobilize by their war planning doctrine, which called for a decisive strike against France before the Russians could bring soldiers to bear on the Eastern Front. Once Germany feared that Russian mobilization might involve the concentration of troops in Poland and the Baltics, full German mobilization was nearly inevitable given the strategic thinking of the government

On the 26th, Germany began their mobilization. On the 27th, Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire. On the 28th, the Germans delivered an ultimatum to France demanding that they force Russia to stop its "aggressive and offensive" mobilization or face a German mobilization against France. In truth, the German mobilization had already begun, rendering any possibility of a receptive response from France null. On the 29th, Russia officially announced a general mobilization. On the 30th, Austria-Hungary began to mobilize against Russia and Serbia. On the 31st, Germany delivered an ultimatum to France demanding that it renounce its alliance with Russia or face a declaration of war. On August 1st, Germany declared war on France and Russia following an invasion of Luxembourg, and that morning delivered a demand to Belgium to allow for the free passage of German troops into France.

The world would never be the same. Within a week, all the great powers of Europe would be at war. Within a decade, the red flag would fly from Kiel to the Carpathians.
 
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And so it begins. Welp it's going to be fun seeing all of Europe's monarchies and parliamentary democracies dig their own graves by sending thousands of young men to die over petty nationalism and grudges.
The world would never be the same. Within a week, all the great powers of Europe would be at war. Within a decade, the red flag would fly from Kiel to the Carpathians.
Wonder how America's going to react to the whole of Europe going red.
 
Timeline of Events: 1914, January-March
Timeline of Events: 1914, January-March

January 1st: With the conclusion of the Second Balkan War, the Great Powers once again take up the matter of Albania. While Serbian and Greek troops have evacuated from the Principiality since the Treaty of London, the boundaries of the new country have not yet been determined. Reeling from their loss to Bulgaria, both Serbia and Greece are pressing for the partition of the country. While the Entente powers have agreed to Austria's condition that Serbia will not be allowed to gain a port on the Adriatic, the matter of Epirus and Northeastern Albania is not yet settled. Austria is open to the cession of most of Epirus, but wishes to avoid the cession of additional territory to Serbia.

January 2nd: The Federal Bank Reform Act narrowly fails to pass the Senate. It returns to committee, which works to find a compromise that will satisfy both Bryan and a majority of the Senators.

January 3rd: Military trials begin for Adolf von Reuter and Second Lieutenant Schadt, charged with unlawfully appropriating authority from the civilian police during Alsatian protests.

January 4th: In response to America being iced out of Balkan negotiations, planned toll rates for the use of the Panama Canal are hiked up considerably. In the coming months, many Latin and South American countries will receive "subsidies" which bring their canal tolls more in line with the initial ones, making clear that the real targets of the policy are the European powers.

January 6th: The Rice Affair. It is leaked that the British Ambassador Cecil Spring Rice has been dining privately with Theodore Roosevelt and a coterie of other Republican rivals to William Jennings Bryan. Bryan denounces "British interference" with the American political system. Despite continuing approval for Roosevelt, polls show the public is broadly sympathetic to Bryan.

January 8th: The Military Courts acquit Adolf von Reuter and Second Lieutenant Schadt. Sporadic protests erupt in German cities in response to the news, and more intense, concentrated ones in Strausbourg and Metz.

January 9th: Britain refuses to recall Cecil Spring Rice, further straining relations between the two countries.

January 10th: The "Movement for the Protection of National Minorities" is chartered as a non-profit organization, with the stated goal of "organizing for the amieloration of the plight of national minorities within the German Reich". On its coordinating committee are novelist Heinrich Mann, protestant theologian Friedrich Neumann, economist Alfred Weber, law professor Hugo Preub, philosopher Ernst Kassirer, Social-Democratic publicist Philip Scheidemann, and Catholic Centre Party deputy Matthias Erzberger. Among its first members is the 35 year old physicist Albert Einstein, in the process of moving back to Berlin from Switzerland. The rather bourgeois cast of the groups founding members, along with their professional-political connections, make it unsavory for the German Empire to attempt suppressing it.

Notably absent is the sociologist Max Weber, who cites "personal differences" with certain members of the organization, leading some within the academic community to speculate on his relationship with his brother who sits on the coordinating committee. Another family member is also absent: Thomas Mann, the novelist and Hanseatic Mandarin. The splits within German bourgeoisie families over the "Zabern Affair" are a precursor of things to come, with some French commentators comparing it to the Dreyfus Affair.

January 12th: President Bryan makes offhand remarks at a press conference praising the courage of Pancho Villa's soldiers, who have won a series of victories in Northern Mexico against Federal Soldiers. The remarks are criticized for violating Bryan's stated policy of neutrality toward the parties of the Mexican Revolution.

January 13th: At a meeting with Congressional Democrats, Bryan expresses impatience with the slow progress of the Federal Banking Reform Act and sets an April dead-line for the drafting of legislation acceptable to both him and the Senate.

January 15th: More information leaks about the Rice Affair, indicating that Rice was hoping to use Republican Senators to pressure Bryan over the Panama Canal fees. Roosevelt gives a speech defending his actions, declaring that he was simply acting as a "private citizen in the national interest of the United States". Polling indicates that though many voters disapprove of Roosevelt's behavior, few have their overall opinion of the man changed by it.

January 19th: In a major diplomatic coup, the United States and Germany work out an arbitration agreement similar to the ones already signed with France and Britain. With grain harvests soaring, Bryan hopes to persuade European countries to lower tariffs on American exports to avoid the depression of grain prices in domestic markets.

January 21st: The British government begins pressuring Russia to accept to Austrian demands over Albania. The British Liberal Government, particularly its radical members, are increasingly dissatisfied with the entente's growing ties to Serbia and wish to see a depolarization of the Balkans.

January 23rd: Russian intransigence over the British request further strengthens the radicals in the government, with many more moderate members starting to agree that Britain has provided too much support for Russia's Balkan policy.

January 24th: The beginning of the Albanian crisis. 500 Ottoman soldiers take control of the city of Vlore, the seat of the headquarters for the International Commission of Control, and declare Ahmed Izzet Pasha the Monarch of Albania. The International Comission, a governing body of officials from the six European powers intended to keep order in the country until its political institutions stabilize, lacks power outside of Vlore, and the strike on the city effectively paralyzes it. The Prime Minister of Albania shortly thereafter declares his recognition of the Monarch, hoping to leverage support from the Young Turks to avoid the partition of the country by Serbia and Greece. Many ethnically Albanian civil authorities will follow suit in the coming days, even those ostensibly affiliated with the "control commission".

January 25th: Roughly a third of Romania's army modernization has been completed. American military attaches believe that within six months, the Romanian force will be able to win a direct conflict with the Bulgarian Army.

January 26th: An attempt of the Albanian Commission of Control to declare martial law throws the Albanian peasantry into revolt. Russia charges that the Ottoman Empire, with the backing of Germany and Austria-Hungary, is subverting the attempt to peaceably settle the Albanian question. Germany vigorously denies involvement in the plot, a claim later historians have verified.

In a call that evening, the German Foreign Minister excoriates Enver Pasha, threatening to withdraw the German guarantee if Ottoman troops are not evacuated from Albania. The Ottomans hold firm, calling the German bluff.

January 27th: American attempts to mediate the Albanian crisis are accepted by the Ottomans, who intend to use Carnegie as diplomatic cover. The Control Commission refuses the attempt at mediation.

January 28th: The German Government meets to discuss the Albanian Crisis. Bethmann Hollweg, the Kaiser, Gottlieb von Jagow, Falkenhayn and Tirpitz are all in attendance. Bethmann Hollweg favors coordinating a response with Britain to force the Ottomans out of Albania, but the Kaiser and military refuse to take actions that could alienate their newfound ally. Von Jagow worries that making enemies of the Ottomans could lead to a Serbo-Greek-Ottoman Anti-Bulgarian axis.

January 29th: Bulgaria begins offering Albanian partisans in Macedonia free transport into Albania and Kosovo, pleased to be rid of the volatile element.

January 30th: Elbasan falls to a mixture Ottoman troops and pro-Ottoman Albanian militias. Much of the country lacks any form of central authority, particularly in its hinterlands.

February 2nd: Informal talks between the German and British governments fail to make progress. The British government considers unilaterally committing more troops to the control commission or imposing a naval blockade, but radicals fear that an attack against the Ottomans could spiral into a broader European war.

February 4th: The battle of Tirana begins. Many of the gendarmerie of the city, unsure of the international situation, refuse to fight. The city falls within two hours.

February 5th: Ivan Goremykin is appointed Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation by Nicholas II, a rebuke of Vladimir Kokovtsov's more cautious Balkan policy.

February 6th: Greece and Serbia mobilize against Albania, declaring that they intend simply to "secure order and return land to the rightful authority of the Control Commission".

February 7th: The "Law of the Jungle" speech. William Jennings Bryan delivers a weekly address warning that Europe is "Falling into the law of Darwin, the law of the jungle where man is degraded to a beast of the wild, and all his higher sensibilities are muzzled by mute and unthinking violence". In the speech, he reveals that the "Mohammedens" of the Ottoman Empire had more interest in "the maintenance of peace and civilization" than "all the European powers which we are told daily are the pinnacles of our modern civilization, yet in truth have begun to descend into a barbarity more savage and decadent than any imaginable by the primitive peoples of this earth".

February 8th: British pleas for the two countries to halt their mobilization orders fall on deaf ears following the imposition of the "loafers" peace. Bulgaria, which has demobilized following the end of the 2nd Balkan War, refuses Austrian requests to mobilize against Serbia and Greece to deter them from attacking Albania. British attempts to force Russia into making Serbia stand down are unsuccessful, widening the rift between the two ostensible allies.

February 10th: International newspapers report the beginning of the "Third Balkan War" as Serbia and Albania begin to move troops into border regions. Numerous columnists observe that at the current pace, the Balkans may experience more wars by 1920 than the entirety of Europe had in the 19th century following the Congress of Vienna.

February 12th: Advance Greek units begin moving into Southern Epirus with little resistance.

February 13th: Germany and Austria announce that they are withdrawing their troops from the International Control Commission, a move treated by some in the Entente as proof that they are conspiring with the Ottomans.

February 14th: Rosa Luxembourg, at the time a socialist anti-war activist, stands on trial for anti-war speeches.

February 16th: Facing little opposition besides roving bands of peasant militias, the Serbian Army advances into Kukes, moving in a column down to the city of Tirana. They intend to force a fait accompli upon their great power sponsors, forcing them to cede Albanian border-lands in return for transferring Tirana and other Albanian cities back to the control commission. At this point, it is only the mountainous terrain that slows them down.

February 17th: Citing the "illegal Serbian and Greek incursions" into sovereign Albanian territory, the Ottomans begin shipping more troops into Albania.

February 18th: Gjirokaster and Korce fall to Greek troops. Despite their rapid success, the Greeks do not push significantly further, wanting to avoid a broader war. The Ottoman forces are largely to the North, preparing to defend against the Serbian advance.

February 19th: In the midst of increasing tensions between the Ottomans and Russia, the Turks withdraw from the Armenian reform talks, further angering nationalistic elements in the Russian government.

February 20th: A sympathetic crowd gathers outside the courthouse in which Rosa Luxembourg is being tried, chanting slogans against Prussian militarism. Police attempts to disperse the crowd lead to several injuries.

February 21st: The Kosovo Revolt: Ethnic Albanians in the Kosovo region begin partisan activities against the Serbians, straining their logistics. In Albania proper, Serbian forces also struggle with partisan activity in the mountain passes stretching toward Tirana.

February 23rd: The Alsatian Citizens Organization narrowly votes to endorse protests at the courthouse. A group of Alsatian citizens begins the journey to the inner Reich.

Parliementary elections in Bulgaria return an absolute majority for the Liberal Concentration for the first time. Widely viewed as incumbents, the Liberal parties have benefited from the slate of new territories recently won by Bulgaria and the Liberal slant of most voters in Salonica.

February 24th: The Albanian genocide begins as Albanian men in Serbian-controlled territory are subjected to mass executions. The resistance to the Serbian advance toward Tirana grows increasingly fanatical, but is still mostly composed of partisan militias which are not capable of direct battle with the Serbian Army.

February 26th: The Alsatian Citizens Organization peacefully protests outside of Luxembourg's courthouse, calling for an end to the prosecution of anti-war activists. An image soon spreads across the Liberal German press of an elderly Alsatian bourgeois gentle-man bearing a sign reading "Better to associate with a Socialist who will steal from you than a Junker who will shoot you".

William Jennings Bryan refuses the request of the Governor of Texas to order American troops to retrieve the body of a deceased American rancher in Mexico, believing that it would constitute an act of war. It is thought that the rancher was killed by Federal soldiers in Mexico.

February 29th: Greece and the Ottomans sign an informal armistice, outraging some Greek nationalists. Nonetheless, the Greeks have managed to secure much of Epirus for themselves, along with a few small Islands in the Aegean Sea. The Ottomans have no desire to face off against the Greek Navy with their logistical route into Albania already incapable of supporting an army large enough to beat back the Serbian advance.

February 30th: The Albanian-majority towns of Pristina, Prizren, Ferizaj, Gjilan grow increasingly restive as news spreads of Serbian atrocities.

March 1st: The Serbs reach and begin assaulting the city of Tirana. Ruptures continue emerging in the Entente as the United Kingdom insists on putting more pressure on the Serbs to pause their advance, while the Russians wish to see the Ottomans expelled for good from Albania.

March 2nd: British pressure manages to stop the Russians from sending warships through the Dardanelles, a move intended to provoke the Turks.

March 3rd: The overstretched Serbian army has trouble completely surrounding Tirana, and supplies continue to find their way into the city. They have been forced to send only a third of their battered army into Albania by the threat of Bulgarian remobilization and Austrian intervention. Still, they remain an overmatch for the mixture of poorly supplied Ottoman troops and Albanian peasants.

March 6th: Tirana is finally surrounded by the Serbian Army. The city cannot be subjected to artillery bombardment due to a shortage of Serbian shells at the front.

March 7th: The logistical situation of Serbian troops around Tirana grows more desparate as an Albanian uprising in Prizren paralyzes the key Serbian logistical hub. Running out of ammunition, the siege is lifted once again, allowing more supplies to stream into the city.

March 9th: The Prizren massacre. Half of the pre-war population of Prizren is killed over the course of three days. 15,000 civilians, overwhelmingly ethnic Albanians, will be killed by Serbian troops. Unlike previous killings, in this one little distinction is made between women, children, and adult men.

March 10th: Ivan Goremykin is appointed Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation, in a rebuke of Vladimir Kokovtsov's more cautious Balkan policy.

March 11th: Images from the Prizren massacre appear in the radical Liberal newspaper The Daily Chronicle, courtesy of British war correspondent Alexander Devine. Despite efforts from the British Government, they will soon appear across most British newspapers. Out-rage against the massacres galvanizes opinion in Britain and further strengthens the position of the Radicals in the British Government; many citizens begin to question the nation's alignment with Russia.

March 12th: As the supply situation of the Serbian Army improves, Tirana is once again encircled. Within two days, the shelling of its defences will commence.

March 14th: The Federal Reserve Reform Act is vetoed by President Bryan, who says that he will not "Sign over control of the nation's finances to private banks uninterested in the welfare of the average American, anymore than I would sign away my land to a man who holds a grudge against my family". The vetoed bill had significant concessions to the banking industry, and though it offered private banks less leeway over the planned Federal reserve system than the initial draft of the law in the house, it was still seen as unacceptable by Bryan. For the time being, the project of establishing a Federal banking system is dead in the water.

March 15th: Congressional Democrats meet with Bryan to consider their next piece of of legislation. Though Bryan has wanted major legislation to limit the power of trusts and enhance the bargaining power of labor unions, Congressional Democrats believe it is imperative that they achieve a legislative victory quickly, before the mid-terms. They propose that the nation's budget surplus be used to create a social insurance system. Bryan agrees, so long as the legislation can be passed over the next few months.

March 17th: Tirana falls to Serbian troops. Ottoman and Albanian prisoners of war are executed outside the city.

March 18th: Congress begins drafting the "Old Age and Unemployment Relief Act", which will establish a national social security system and unemployment benefits.

March 20th: In a public statement, Austrian Foreign Minister Graf von Berchtold Leopold declares that a Serbian advance to coastal Albania would constitute a "vital threat to Austria's security". The statement is widely understood to mean that a declaration of war would shortly follow the Serbian capture of an Albanian port.

March 22st: On a phone call between Edward Grey and Sergey Sazanov, Grey makes clear that Britain will not back Russia in the event of a war caused by a Serbian thrust to the coast. When the French learn of this, they also make clear to Russia that its misbehaving client state needs to be restrained.

March 24th: Diplomatically isolated, Russia informs Serbia that they will not guarantee their independence in the event of an Austrian declaration of war.

March 25th: The Ottomans begin trying to negotiate Bulgarian entry into the war. Negotiations founder when the Bulgarians request the return of territory lost in the Second Balkan War, or failing that, a protectorate in Albania. Neither of these is acceptable to the Ottoman leadership at the moment.

March 27th: The Serbian Army begins to march south, intentionally avoiding a thrust to the coast. Only the intervention of Franz Ferdinand prevents an Austrian War mobilization, urged on by the Austrian Chief of Staff Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf, who has used the past dozen meetings with Franz Joseph to urge a declaration of war on Serbia.

March 28th: The Liberal Manchester Guardian features several columns calling for an "Anglo-German" reapprochment and the end of the "unnatural alliance with Asiatic Despotism".

March 30th: The Old Age and Unemployment Relief Act makes it out of committee, and debate begins on the floor of the House.

March 31st: Serbian forces approach the outskirts of Elbasan.
 
You know things are getting serious when the Guardian starts talking more like the Daily Fail.
 
March 9th: The Prizren massacre. Half of the pre-war population of Prizren is killed over the course of three days. 15,000 civilians, overwhelmingly ethnic Albanians, will be killed by Serbian troops. Unlike previous killings, in this one little distinction is made between women, children, and adult men.
I kind wonder how this'll affect perceptions of WW1 when Europe goes red. I get the feeling a number of the more revolutionary schools of thought when it comes to WW1 will use it as a point to show where the utter hellscape of the war started to dehumanize the combatants themselves to the point they were committing atrocities.
March 11th: Images from the Prizren massacre appear in the radical Liberal newspaper The Daily Chronicle, courtesy of British war correspondent Alexander Devine. Despite efforts from the British Government, they will soon appear across most British newspapers. Out-rage against the massacres galvanizes opinion in Britain and further strengthens the position of the Radicals in the British Government; many citizens begin to question the nation's alignment with Russia.
And the seeds of doubt in Britain have started to form. I'm going to go out on a limb and say those doubts are going to grow wider and more pronounced as the war drags on.
February 26th: The Alsatian Citizens Organization peacefully protests outside of Luxembourg's courthouse, calling for an end to the prosecution of anti-war activists. An image soon spreads across the Liberal German press of an elderly Alsatian bourgeois gentle-man bearing a sign reading "Better to associate with a Socialist who will steal from you than a Junker who will shoot you".
While I think that sign's meant to be a joke on the part of the protester, I think this might become more serious when his grandkids start coming home in coffins while the junkers continue push for maximalist war goals based upon delusional nationalism and the need to enrich themselves. There's a reasons the anti-war movement here started picking up steam once the Vietnam war grew more intense.
You know things are getting serious when the Guardian starts talking more like the Daily Fail.
Truly the first sign of how much worse this TL's WW1 is going to be.
 
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You know things are getting serious when the Guardian starts talking more like the Daily Fail.

Actually, at the time the Manchester Guardian would be more likely to use language like this than the Daily Mail to describe Russia, primarily because it was the conservatives who tended to be most invested in maintaining the entente and the Liberals (particularly the Radicals) who were traditionally anti-Russian and more skeptical of tying Britain to a reactionary autocracy. A similar dynamic exists in France as well, with the more Liberal-Reformist wing of the Government being most interested in restraining Russia and most ambivalent about the entente.
 
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