Tabascoheath
Unkempt, Evil-eyed Charlatan, and Pseudo-Mystic
- Location
- Your Nearest Orbital Habitat
Next turn Random, next turn we'll show them all what superior agriculture can do.
The American Experiment (Riot Quest)
- Thread starter Physici
- Start date
- Alt. History
- Location
- A haze of forgetfulness
- Pronouns
- She/Her
[X] Appalachian Brotherhood
-[X] After a recent bout of seasonal flooding from the north-west oil fields of Pennsylvania, to northern West Virginia coal mines, the intelligentista, farm workers, oil workers, steel workers, and mine workers of the region declared that the nonexistant response of the national or state authorities meant that the region was on its own. Half an effort of nation building, half an expression of the already unique regional cultures and conditions of the area, the group has a dream of being free and equal. From south-west new york, to the southern part of the mountain range, they have yelled the call of liberation for the colonized region of Appalachia from the imperialist USA.
-[X] Pittsburgh and the surrounding countryside
-[X] Appalachian Folk of various stripes.
-[X] From liberal parliamentarian democracy to anarchism the AB acts as a large-tent for anyone left of center that wants a free and equal Appalachia
-[X] After a recent bout of seasonal flooding from the north-west oil fields of Pennsylvania, to northern West Virginia coal mines, the intelligentista, farm workers, oil workers, steel workers, and mine workers of the region declared that the nonexistant response of the national or state authorities meant that the region was on its own. Half an effort of nation building, half an expression of the already unique regional cultures and conditions of the area, the group has a dream of being free and equal. From south-west new york, to the southern part of the mountain range, they have yelled the call of liberation for the colonized region of Appalachia from the imperialist USA.
-[X] Pittsburgh and the surrounding countryside
-[X] Appalachian Folk of various stripes.
-[X] From liberal parliamentarian democracy to anarchism the AB acts as a large-tent for anyone left of center that wants a free and equal Appalachia
The Red and the Black: The SLP's Inclusion to the United Front
Chimeraguard
We do deserve to exist.
A/N: Here's an omake that occurred to me when I thought about how the SLP's offer to join the United Front might be more fractious than mere votes imply. Had some help from WCUA (@Zimmerwald1915) , FAM(@Random Member), and SUS(@Godwinson) players in making sure I got the internal divisions within the various groups right.
---
The Prelude
To those who did not know of the divisions within the American leftist movement, the integration of the Socialist Labor Party into the United Front would have seemed like a natural result, a merging of two leftist factions within the growing American socialist movement. The truth however, was far different, and the Marxist SLP's alliance with the Anarchist-leaning United Front was a divisive and fractious affair, and one with potentially worldshaking implications.
Over two decades before the formation of the United Front, the 1872 Hague Conference of the International Workingmen's Association (also known as the First Internationale) had famously resulted in a rift between the Anarchist and Marxist sections, when Karl Marx had argued for the necessity of the proletariat taking control of the state for a successful revolution, an attitude the Anarchists had naturally objected to. In response, Anarchist leaders Mikhail Bakunin and James Guillaume were ejected, marking the end of the Internationale as an alliance of all socialist factions.
By the 1880s, that divide had been fully solidified within the American socialist movement, with the Socialist Labor Party suffering significantly from splits and factional squabbling between not only the Marxists and the Anarchists (who would soon leave the movement), but also one between those who emphasized the importance of union organization, and those who wished the Party to focus primarily on electoral campaigns. While the SLP decayed, its rival movements continued to pick up steam, with the anarchist International Working People's Association even stealing away much of the SLP's own left wing. Despite the occasional rebound, it seemed as if the SLP was doomed for irrelevancy.
It was the 1890s that would prove to be the tipping point within American politics, a decade that would see an explosion of grassroots organizations that would balloon from unremarkable sidenotes to potent actors within a handful of years. The most legendary of these events would be the spontaneous organization of the Society of Universal Suffrage. There, the disgraced heiress Walpurga Voight and her associates had combined within it socialists, anarchists, feminists, racial minorities, and more into a movement that called for universal liberation from all forms of tyranny.
Within a year of its formation, the SUS was already making history at the Chicago World's Fair of 1893. A festival of grand proportions to showcase how far the USA had come. To others, it was an unforgivable insult, from African Americans denied the right to put up an exhibit to share their history to leftists who viewed it as a galling reminder of how the government would spend millions on prestige projects and not a cent on the worker and impoverished that flirted with starvation.
But this World's Fair would be different. When the fair opened, it found itself filled with thousands of activists, protestors, and agitators rallied together by an alliance of leftist and left-leaning minority organizations. More than simply a demonstration of outrage, it was a sign to many of how radicalized many within America were becoming.
And more than even that, it was a sign to those who organized and participated in the rallies of how much they could accomplish together. At the tail end of the Chicago World's Fair, the Society of Universal Suffrage, the Revolutionary Federation of American Anarchists, and the Forty Acres Movement would form the United Front, a big-tent leftist alliance that would quickly become the largest socialist activist group in the world.
The SLP's initial response to the United Front was muted and disapproving. It was large, yes, but it was denounced as unwieldy. At best, it was a naive attempt to rally together groups that had proven could not tolerate one another decades ago. At worst, it was a so-called "socialist" movement that had betrayed the Socialist cause by allowing in revisionist and non-Socialists of every stripe. One of the founding members, the FAM, was arguably not leftist at all, merely having a powerful left wing that had dragged the rest of the movement along for the ride.
To the Socialist Labor Party, all of this indicated the United Front would falter as quickly as it had formed. But 1894 would, at least to a growing amount of the SLP, prove otherwise. Every member of the United Front, including the newly joined West Coast Union Association, would experience meteoric growth, with the coalition as a whole numbering well over half a million members by the end of the year. The SLP meanwhile, though it had benefited somewhat from the increasing radicalization of the American public, lost as many members as it gained as some SLP members left the party in favor of what they saw as a far more successful organization.
It would be in 1895 when Daniel De Leon, rising star in the Socialist Labor Party, made his own statements on the United Front. To summarize, the United Front was a chimerical abomination, a conglomeration of every cause and ideology it could stuff into itself, except anything that resembled actual Socialism. And yet, one could not deny that it had been far more successful in capturing the minds of the American people in spite of its shambolic nature. It was a vehicle that could be used to bring about Socialism in America, but it lacked the all-important ability to fight in the political sphere. This, the SLP could provide, and in doing so, get the UF on the right track at last.
It was with this mindset that the Socialist Labor Party made its offer to the United Front: a joining of forces that would make the SLP the United Front's official political party, bringing with it the experience with political and electoral action that none of the United Front's own members could provide.
An offer that would prove quite divisive within the ranks of the United Front itself.
—
The United Front
As a big-tent organization that desired to encompass a general leftist movement across the United States, the United Front held under it a variety of viewpoints. The Society of Universal Suffrage's brand of Intersectional Socialism made it, in many ways, a big tent organization within a big tent organization, but even the more 'focused' members of the United Front had their own internal divisions and wings.
The Forty Acres Movement was the largest member of the United Front (though the SUS trailed close behind), and to the most ideologically aligned, was the odd man out. Rather than a specifically leftist organization, the FAM was an Agrarian and African American movement focused around land redistribution and opposition to the sharecropping system.
Politically, the FAM was divided into a "United Left" wing, and a right-wing consisting primarily of Jeffersonians. Furthermore, each of the Wings had its own divisions, with the Left divided between Agrarian Socialists and Anarchists (who also held significant sway among the newly affiliated New Orleans unions), while the Jeffersonians were divided between the more mainstream Right-Jeffersonians, and the Left-Jeffersonians who combined land-to-the-tiller rhetoric with a communal system for capital goods, sales, purchases, and insurance.
In general, it had been the left-wing that had taken up overall leadership of the FAM and ensured it had aligned with the United Front. The parts of the Movement outside of the United Left were more skeptical of this move, but with a steadily escalating conflict with the White League they were content enough to join if it would help their struggle.
Third and last of the original founders of the United Front was the Revolutionary Federation of American Anarchists. Centered in New York City, the RFAA had found itself growing exponentially in 1894, its numbers swelling with unionized and striking workers and tens of thousands that had been impoverished and unemployed by the recent economic crisis.
Within this rapidly growing federation was a new strategy. To the RFAA, the most important step towards revolution would be creating an alternative to the conventional power structure within the state. By the formation and coordination of mutual aid societies, cooperatives, industrial unions, and eventually militias, the proletariat could be organized into a coherent force that could be brought to bear against the state, without the statism and elitism they saw as inherent to political parties.
This approach was not without its detractors within the RFAA though, particularly with its skepticism to more traditional Insurrectionary Anarchism, most famously its refusal to assist in Alexander Berkman's Propaganda of the Deed assassination attempt of infamous industrialist Henry Clay Frick. While this lack of support isolated the RFAA from the backlash that other Anarchist groups faced in spite of its size, it also showcased a divide between the main body of Anarcho-Collectivists that made up the official RFAA line, and a large number of pro-insurrectionary Anarcho-Individualists that had joined as the RFAA continued to grow.
The final and most recent member of the United Front was the West Coast Union Association. Having almost doubled its membership in a single year, the WCUA had seen great boosts to both its left and right wings, the former from newly formed Unions and the expanding Western Federation of Miners, and the latter from a large number of more conservative ones that had been recently incorporated into the Association. Additionally, the recent decision to adopt the One Big Union strategy had also not been unanimous, with disagreements ranging from a reluctance to openly oppose the AFL, to those who were concerned about the ability to wrangle the more Anarchist-leaning unions of New England into agreement, given the WCUA's official Marxist ideology line.
All of these groups, and the factions within them, would have very different viewpoints on the SLP's offer to become the United Front's official political party.
—
The Debate
The SLP's offer ignited a firestorm of debate within the United Front's meeting in Chicago. The WCUA proved the most enthusiastic supporters, with the majority of the SUS also seeing it as another step towards forming a true "All Fronts" offensive that could fight for liberation in every sphere. The RFAA representatives meanwhile, were outraged at what they perceived as a movement away from direct action and towards Marxist political action. The Anarchist wings of the SUS and FAM were less outspoken with their opposition, but remained concerned at this offered step. They however, could largely be kept in line by their fellow representatives, with the normally reluctant Jeffersonian wing of the FAM supporting the push towards electoral politics alongside the Socialist portion of the United Left.
But the RFAA remained firm in its opposition, and had been further provoked at the time by a dispute with the WCUA over the Marxist-leaning association taking the role of a Union Federation for the entirety of the United Front. While the Federation was easily outnumbered by the other representatives enough to push the vote to include the SLP regardless, Voight and her fellow SUS members decided to take a more tactful approach to avoid risking a repeat of the 1872 split, reassuring them that the SLP's inclusion would not detract from the direct action and parallel society activities of the RFAA (or other United Front members,) Instead, they argued, it augment them by providing legal support and a political platform to advertise them from. While this did not fully convince the RFAA representatives (who chose to still symbolically vote against the SLP's inclusion), it was enough to convince the RFAA not to oppose the move any further.
With the Anarchists both outvoted and mollified, the inclusion of the SLP continued without any further drama. Outside the meeting rooms of the United Front, leftists across the world were taken aback yet again by a well-established (albeit generally acknowledged to have been on the decline) Marxist party openly joining a larger leftist alliance where so much of the membership were avowed Anarchists. Unaware (though perhaps suspecting) the amount of internal friction that had occurred behind closed doors, some dared theorize that this was the beginning of a rapprochement between Marxists and Anarchists first in America, then possibly worldwide. A hope eagerly fanned by members of the United Front, with Voight herself quoting the words of Otto von Bismarck upon hearing of the initial split in 1872: "Crowned heads, wealth and privilege may well tremble should ever again the Black and Red unite!"
---
A/N: The bonus I'm asking for would apply to the United Front as a whole rather than any individual group. Main idea would be a boost to the supraorganizational actions of United Front actions so they provide a bonus to all United Front member (or boosting the bonus they'd provide if they'd already all provide one.) Like how the SUS's National Newspaper bolstered ideology actions and Recruitment for all United Front members, even if by a smaller amount than it does for the SUS itself.
---
The Prelude
To those who did not know of the divisions within the American leftist movement, the integration of the Socialist Labor Party into the United Front would have seemed like a natural result, a merging of two leftist factions within the growing American socialist movement. The truth however, was far different, and the Marxist SLP's alliance with the Anarchist-leaning United Front was a divisive and fractious affair, and one with potentially worldshaking implications.
Over two decades before the formation of the United Front, the 1872 Hague Conference of the International Workingmen's Association (also known as the First Internationale) had famously resulted in a rift between the Anarchist and Marxist sections, when Karl Marx had argued for the necessity of the proletariat taking control of the state for a successful revolution, an attitude the Anarchists had naturally objected to. In response, Anarchist leaders Mikhail Bakunin and James Guillaume were ejected, marking the end of the Internationale as an alliance of all socialist factions.
By the 1880s, that divide had been fully solidified within the American socialist movement, with the Socialist Labor Party suffering significantly from splits and factional squabbling between not only the Marxists and the Anarchists (who would soon leave the movement), but also one between those who emphasized the importance of union organization, and those who wished the Party to focus primarily on electoral campaigns. While the SLP decayed, its rival movements continued to pick up steam, with the anarchist International Working People's Association even stealing away much of the SLP's own left wing. Despite the occasional rebound, it seemed as if the SLP was doomed for irrelevancy.
It was the 1890s that would prove to be the tipping point within American politics, a decade that would see an explosion of grassroots organizations that would balloon from unremarkable sidenotes to potent actors within a handful of years. The most legendary of these events would be the spontaneous organization of the Society of Universal Suffrage. There, the disgraced heiress Walpurga Voight and her associates had combined within it socialists, anarchists, feminists, racial minorities, and more into a movement that called for universal liberation from all forms of tyranny.
Within a year of its formation, the SUS was already making history at the Chicago World's Fair of 1893. A festival of grand proportions to showcase how far the USA had come. To others, it was an unforgivable insult, from African Americans denied the right to put up an exhibit to share their history to leftists who viewed it as a galling reminder of how the government would spend millions on prestige projects and not a cent on the worker and impoverished that flirted with starvation.
But this World's Fair would be different. When the fair opened, it found itself filled with thousands of activists, protestors, and agitators rallied together by an alliance of leftist and left-leaning minority organizations. More than simply a demonstration of outrage, it was a sign to many of how radicalized many within America were becoming.
And more than even that, it was a sign to those who organized and participated in the rallies of how much they could accomplish together. At the tail end of the Chicago World's Fair, the Society of Universal Suffrage, the Revolutionary Federation of American Anarchists, and the Forty Acres Movement would form the United Front, a big-tent leftist alliance that would quickly become the largest socialist activist group in the world.
The SLP's initial response to the United Front was muted and disapproving. It was large, yes, but it was denounced as unwieldy. At best, it was a naive attempt to rally together groups that had proven could not tolerate one another decades ago. At worst, it was a so-called "socialist" movement that had betrayed the Socialist cause by allowing in revisionist and non-Socialists of every stripe. One of the founding members, the FAM, was arguably not leftist at all, merely having a powerful left wing that had dragged the rest of the movement along for the ride.
To the Socialist Labor Party, all of this indicated the United Front would falter as quickly as it had formed. But 1894 would, at least to a growing amount of the SLP, prove otherwise. Every member of the United Front, including the newly joined West Coast Union Association, would experience meteoric growth, with the coalition as a whole numbering well over half a million members by the end of the year. The SLP meanwhile, though it had benefited somewhat from the increasing radicalization of the American public, lost as many members as it gained as some SLP members left the party in favor of what they saw as a far more successful organization.
It would be in 1895 when Daniel De Leon, rising star in the Socialist Labor Party, made his own statements on the United Front. To summarize, the United Front was a chimerical abomination, a conglomeration of every cause and ideology it could stuff into itself, except anything that resembled actual Socialism. And yet, one could not deny that it had been far more successful in capturing the minds of the American people in spite of its shambolic nature. It was a vehicle that could be used to bring about Socialism in America, but it lacked the all-important ability to fight in the political sphere. This, the SLP could provide, and in doing so, get the UF on the right track at last.
It was with this mindset that the Socialist Labor Party made its offer to the United Front: a joining of forces that would make the SLP the United Front's official political party, bringing with it the experience with political and electoral action that none of the United Front's own members could provide.
An offer that would prove quite divisive within the ranks of the United Front itself.
—
The United Front
As a big-tent organization that desired to encompass a general leftist movement across the United States, the United Front held under it a variety of viewpoints. The Society of Universal Suffrage's brand of Intersectional Socialism made it, in many ways, a big tent organization within a big tent organization, but even the more 'focused' members of the United Front had their own internal divisions and wings.
The Forty Acres Movement was the largest member of the United Front (though the SUS trailed close behind), and to the most ideologically aligned, was the odd man out. Rather than a specifically leftist organization, the FAM was an Agrarian and African American movement focused around land redistribution and opposition to the sharecropping system.
Politically, the FAM was divided into a "United Left" wing, and a right-wing consisting primarily of Jeffersonians. Furthermore, each of the Wings had its own divisions, with the Left divided between Agrarian Socialists and Anarchists (who also held significant sway among the newly affiliated New Orleans unions), while the Jeffersonians were divided between the more mainstream Right-Jeffersonians, and the Left-Jeffersonians who combined land-to-the-tiller rhetoric with a communal system for capital goods, sales, purchases, and insurance.
In general, it had been the left-wing that had taken up overall leadership of the FAM and ensured it had aligned with the United Front. The parts of the Movement outside of the United Left were more skeptical of this move, but with a steadily escalating conflict with the White League they were content enough to join if it would help their struggle.
Third and last of the original founders of the United Front was the Revolutionary Federation of American Anarchists. Centered in New York City, the RFAA had found itself growing exponentially in 1894, its numbers swelling with unionized and striking workers and tens of thousands that had been impoverished and unemployed by the recent economic crisis.
Within this rapidly growing federation was a new strategy. To the RFAA, the most important step towards revolution would be creating an alternative to the conventional power structure within the state. By the formation and coordination of mutual aid societies, cooperatives, industrial unions, and eventually militias, the proletariat could be organized into a coherent force that could be brought to bear against the state, without the statism and elitism they saw as inherent to political parties.
This approach was not without its detractors within the RFAA though, particularly with its skepticism to more traditional Insurrectionary Anarchism, most famously its refusal to assist in Alexander Berkman's Propaganda of the Deed assassination attempt of infamous industrialist Henry Clay Frick. While this lack of support isolated the RFAA from the backlash that other Anarchist groups faced in spite of its size, it also showcased a divide between the main body of Anarcho-Collectivists that made up the official RFAA line, and a large number of pro-insurrectionary Anarcho-Individualists that had joined as the RFAA continued to grow.
The final and most recent member of the United Front was the West Coast Union Association. Having almost doubled its membership in a single year, the WCUA had seen great boosts to both its left and right wings, the former from newly formed Unions and the expanding Western Federation of Miners, and the latter from a large number of more conservative ones that had been recently incorporated into the Association. Additionally, the recent decision to adopt the One Big Union strategy had also not been unanimous, with disagreements ranging from a reluctance to openly oppose the AFL, to those who were concerned about the ability to wrangle the more Anarchist-leaning unions of New England into agreement, given the WCUA's official Marxist ideology line.
All of these groups, and the factions within them, would have very different viewpoints on the SLP's offer to become the United Front's official political party.
—
The Debate
The SLP's offer ignited a firestorm of debate within the United Front's meeting in Chicago. The WCUA proved the most enthusiastic supporters, with the majority of the SUS also seeing it as another step towards forming a true "All Fronts" offensive that could fight for liberation in every sphere. The RFAA representatives meanwhile, were outraged at what they perceived as a movement away from direct action and towards Marxist political action. The Anarchist wings of the SUS and FAM were less outspoken with their opposition, but remained concerned at this offered step. They however, could largely be kept in line by their fellow representatives, with the normally reluctant Jeffersonian wing of the FAM supporting the push towards electoral politics alongside the Socialist portion of the United Left.
But the RFAA remained firm in its opposition, and had been further provoked at the time by a dispute with the WCUA over the Marxist-leaning association taking the role of a Union Federation for the entirety of the United Front. While the Federation was easily outnumbered by the other representatives enough to push the vote to include the SLP regardless, Voight and her fellow SUS members decided to take a more tactful approach to avoid risking a repeat of the 1872 split, reassuring them that the SLP's inclusion would not detract from the direct action and parallel society activities of the RFAA (or other United Front members,) Instead, they argued, it augment them by providing legal support and a political platform to advertise them from. While this did not fully convince the RFAA representatives (who chose to still symbolically vote against the SLP's inclusion), it was enough to convince the RFAA not to oppose the move any further.
With the Anarchists both outvoted and mollified, the inclusion of the SLP continued without any further drama. Outside the meeting rooms of the United Front, leftists across the world were taken aback yet again by a well-established (albeit generally acknowledged to have been on the decline) Marxist party openly joining a larger leftist alliance where so much of the membership were avowed Anarchists. Unaware (though perhaps suspecting) the amount of internal friction that had occurred behind closed doors, some dared theorize that this was the beginning of a rapprochement between Marxists and Anarchists first in America, then possibly worldwide. A hope eagerly fanned by members of the United Front, with Voight herself quoting the words of Otto von Bismarck upon hearing of the initial split in 1872: "Crowned heads, wealth and privilege may well tremble should ever again the Black and Red unite!"
---
A/N: The bonus I'm asking for would apply to the United Front as a whole rather than any individual group. Main idea would be a boost to the supraorganizational actions of United Front actions so they provide a bonus to all United Front member (or boosting the bonus they'd provide if they'd already all provide one.) Like how the SUS's National Newspaper bolstered ideology actions and Recruitment for all United Front members, even if by a smaller amount than it does for the SUS itself.
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I honestly dpubt that, the clothing industry aint really it unless you intentionally sell shoddy clothes, what you wanna do is make hemp based single use items, or building materials, like making sailing yatchs using hemp as sail material or hemp seed oil for industrial uses
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Magoose
SV's Questing Fanatic
- Location
- California USA
- Pronouns
- He
Or we could just flood the European and Asian markets with our cheap crap.
That sounds fun.
- Location
- United States
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
Canon, got a name for it?
Also what actions are you talking about?
Chimeraguard
We do deserve to exist.
Mmm, not really. Maybe "The Red and the Black: The SLP's Inclusion to the United Front"
I'm thinking of big actions where the activities of one group could affect those of other United Front members. Like, WCUA's One Big Union adoption maybe provides a bonus to actions involving Unions for all United Front groups. Like how the National Newspaper of the SUS boosted its own activities, but also provided a boost to other United Front members, presumably since there' at least some parts of it that are advertising the cause of the United Front and all of its members as a whole, rather than just the SUS.
- Location
- United States
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
That's already the case when relevant. The WCUA's one big union approach gives them more actions, not a bonus, so isn't relevant.
Chimeraguard
We do deserve to exist.
Hmm. In that case, what about an boost to the ideological coherency of all United Front members?
- Location
- America
A little unilateral to ask for that from the GM isn't it?
Chimeraguard
We do deserve to exist.
It's something that groups already get from things like newspapers already. What's the problem with it?
But if that's not valid either, I guess I'll go digging through wikipedia articles for some minor historical butterfly.
But if that's not valid either, I guess I'll go digging through wikipedia articles for some minor historical butterfly.
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Fred Douglass dies, Theodore Roosavelt become president of the nyc police board, and the Nobel prize is established all in '95
Edit: also i think the Kellog brothers are active in Michigan rn...awww dammit i forgot the actual doctor was the racist fuck of the two...huh the doctor founded a free (secular) medical school...with a cult, but still!
Edit: also i think the Kellog brothers are active in Michigan rn...awww dammit i forgot the actual doctor was the racist fuck of the two...huh the doctor founded a free (secular) medical school...with a cult, but still!
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- Location
- America
Oh, I thought you meant bringing the individual constituent groups more in line with the United Front
- Location
- Lake Wobegon
- Pronouns
- He/Him/His
On what basis? It doesn't have a programme of its own.
Also, if anyone could spare votes for WCUA, would very much appreciate it.
- Location
- America
I read "boost ideological coherency" as "more coherent with each other" rather than "more coherent toward their own ideology"
So it was just that I read it weird.
- Location
- United States
- Pronouns
- He/She/They
Sure. And yes it'll be towards their own ideology.
Another idea is to encourage/speed up the developement of geothermal power, it's like almost a decade away but the technology and understanding it there.
Cassiemouse
Market Atheist
[X] Uranus Gathering for People of Queer Orientation and Allies
[X] Appalachian Brotherhood
[X] Appalachian Brotherhood
- Location
- America
[] Primeval Society Army
-[] Circumstance of Founding: Billy Harkness is a man of great charisma, little sense, and zero empathy. When his attempts to suborn a pre-existing leftist group were discovered and foiled, he was kicked out and blacklisted, having been labeled an insane, violent psychopath. However, he was very good at finding and gluing together those who have beliefs that are useful for his purposes. When the local anarchist commune alerted the Sheriff to the armed madman He and his followers disappeared before the Sheriff was able to raise a big enough posse to apprehend him.
-[] Locale: Texas
-[] Core Supporters: "awakened intellectuals" and additionally right wing hyper-conservatives, and fundamentalist religious armed groups piggybacking off the PSA's efforts.
-[] Ideology: A violent accelerationist subset of Anarcho Primitivism who believe that in order to achieve a true anarchist-communist society that all institutions which have classes and persons who own capital must be destroyed first through force before progress may begin on the true establishment of the promised society. Their first goal is the complete destruction of the United States of America and the purging of its agents and institutions which the organization believes will protect the lives and property of the holders of capital and so must first fall before the capital holders can be properly purged.
Trying to channel posadas vibes with this one. Like "How do i do posadism but earlier and also absolutely insane"
-[] Circumstance of Founding: Billy Harkness is a man of great charisma, little sense, and zero empathy. When his attempts to suborn a pre-existing leftist group were discovered and foiled, he was kicked out and blacklisted, having been labeled an insane, violent psychopath. However, he was very good at finding and gluing together those who have beliefs that are useful for his purposes. When the local anarchist commune alerted the Sheriff to the armed madman He and his followers disappeared before the Sheriff was able to raise a big enough posse to apprehend him.
-[] Locale: Texas
-[] Core Supporters: "awakened intellectuals" and additionally right wing hyper-conservatives, and fundamentalist religious armed groups piggybacking off the PSA's efforts.
-[] Ideology: A violent accelerationist subset of Anarcho Primitivism who believe that in order to achieve a true anarchist-communist society that all institutions which have classes and persons who own capital must be destroyed first through force before progress may begin on the true establishment of the promised society. Their first goal is the complete destruction of the United States of America and the purging of its agents and institutions which the organization believes will protect the lives and property of the holders of capital and so must first fall before the capital holders can be properly purged.
Trying to channel posadas vibes with this one. Like "How do i do posadism but earlier and also absolutely insane"
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