The Able Archer War - A Timeline

Ever'body might be just one big soul, well it looks that a-way to me
(State of Nations Part XXVII)

United States of America
Despite significant hardships, the US continues its upward economic trajectory in the postwar years, seemingly with multiple limbs tied behind its back. These drags include massive debt, major societal disruptions, and significant political violence. But the debts and leveraged investments of the US pay off, with the unifying and stabilizing world repaying loans and trust with profitable windfalls. The political violence dissipates in the face of a uniting people who find new national goals to strive for. And the societal disruptions, though hardly a smooth ride, provide opportunity to significantly improve standards and modes of living.

The nativism of the early Reagan years is thrown aside as the US is once again seen- at least in the domestic discourse- as the savior of the world, and therefore somewhat responsible for its continued well-being. This paternalism merges with long-present strains of liberalism and progressivism to clear the way for a massive uptick in immigration. Unprecedented numbers arrive from China and Korea, with smaller but still major waves from most of the rest of the unsteady nations of the world.

Though global immigration slows overall as the world continues to stabilize through the 1990s, the US still remains the country of first choice for most immigrants seeking to leave their home regions. European and East Asian immigration comes in a bubble that drops off significantly by the mid-to-late 1990s. Latin American immigration (seeing a general upward trend before the war) never recovers to previous levels thanks to significant opportunity in that region's major economies. The US only ever sees smaller waves from South and Southeast Asia, which are also plateauing by the turn of the century. Only immigration from Saharan and Central Africa is on the uptick.

The strongest effect this has is on the nation's once stumbling industrial cities. Urban areas that had been losing population since the 1940s and 50s see major growth, with entire ethnic neighborhoods springing up in every population center across the Rust Belt. Federal programs make resettlement attractive in these areas, with an entire public-private construction sector springing up to provide housing and infrastructure for the new arrivals and resettling citizens alike.

Roughly 20% of new immigrants join a different resettlement pattern: that being undertaken most commonly by internal migrants leaving mostly rural areas to swell the small towns and cities of the nation outside of major cities. For example, while the rural population of Iowa drops by more than 25% from 1985 to 1995, almost 80% of relocating Iowans stay in the state, most moving to places like Cedar Rapids, Des Moines, and the Quad Cities. Many relocate within the same county, swelling the populations of county seats and edge towns around the smaller metro areas and micropolitan statistical areas.

As the cooling period comes to a close, some efforts are made to re-settle the temporarily untenable parts of the country. This effort is mired in political squabbling, with dozens of priorities competing in open Congress. The reality is, though, that the nation has changed. The new focus on local food self-sufficiency means domestic markets for unbroken leagues of farmland no longer exist. While some contribution to global food sufficiency is welcomed, the movement towards local production has advanced across the planet, meaning the full effort of the pre-war US agriculture sector is no longer tenable. Beyond that, only about 30% of former rural Americans want to return to their old lives, with even lower percentages of new and recent immigrants considering such a move. Still, roughly 6 million acres of farmland are returned to production in the hands of mostly family farmers and purely economic land cooperatives.

Speaking of, one constituency ready to occupy fallow farmland is the growing communitarian movement, with communities of all political stripes and makeups occupying close to 8 million acres of land redistributed by the government. Another factor is Indigenous Americans, with over 500 tribes growing their holdings by a combined 18 million acres, though the vast majority of this is actually land being taken out of standard commercial agriculture and developed as restorative ecology projects with some commercial components. These native-run wilderness sanctuaries and conservation areas are joined by 22 new national parks by the turn of the century, as well as almost 200 additional federally-protected units administered by the NPS. The symbol of this shift is the large-scale reintroduction of the North American bison, underway across 15 western states as of 2000.

One area where the US lags the developed world is in the power sector. Wind leases sell fast enough, but solar adoption is the slowest among wealthy nations. Nuclear regulation is also only cautiously updated after proofs of concept elsewhere demonstrate the benefits of next-gen thorium plants. Nuclear share of power stands at 24% in 2000, but is finally expected to take off in the next decade to achieve at least 33% by 2010. The US also maintains the largest number of "traditional" nuclear plants in the world, treating them as a strategic reserve to construct fissile weapons should the need arise.

With domestic power consumption skyrocketing in the new era, the lion's share is made up by increased fossil fuel production. This deepens future battle lines as the cooling period ends and the international consensus begins to focus on impending global warming. On the bright side, it means there's significant slack in the world's largest economy for growth in alternative energy. The conservative energy mindset produces positive results in another sector: the electrification of automobiles. Increased demand for petroleum in other sectors helps speed the transition to EVs throughout the 1990s. But even here the US is a following market. Whereas close to 1/3rd of all new car sales globally are electric by the year 2000, in the US this number is 1/4th.

However, the transformation of society has somewhat altered the relationship between America and cars. With living patterns changing, auto ownership is no longer the omnipresent right of passage it once appeared to be in the US. People are increasingly getting by with public transit, motor scooters, bicycles, and their feet. Two-car families no longer represent the median, and by 1994 51% of teenagers no longer receive their license by age 17.

The US catches up slightly to the developed world in terms of its rail network, with high speed corridors running on both coasts- from Seattle to San Diego in the west and Boston to Charlotte in the east. There are also two additional high-speed systems under construction as of 2000: one from Minneapolis to St. Louis via Milwaukee and Chicago, and the other running in a triangle loop from Dallas to Houston to San Antonio. More than 60 US cities have subway systems thanks to programs begun during the war, and another 70 light rail and streetcar systems are also in operation or under construction (there is significant overlap between the two lists). 41 states have existing regional rail systems, 33 of them expanding. Most of this is done thanks to slack in freight rail systems due to altered internal US trade patterns, but new right-of-ways are often carved out in highways as well.

Another sacred cornerstone of Americana sees a tremendous drop in status during the cooling period: the grass lawn. It is estimated that lawn cover in 2000 is less than 30% of what it was in 1983. Naked, purposeless grass has many replacements: infill development for booming suburban populations; neighborhood parks; personal and community gardens; low-water, native ground cover to save energy and promote natural habitats for native species. Root-dense plants that hold the soil through the windy, dry winters of the cooling period are the most common replacement. Private citizens are raising more chickens than at any time in the modern era. Fruit trees and bushes are planted in record numbers. Apiculture thrives.

The extra time devoted to food production and local food co-ops (which, as in most countries, replace commercial markets as the primary node of staple food distribution) is part of a broader trend devoting hours to community endeavors. Programs created during the war to keep people occupied and perform vital organizational tasks are modified into service programs that contribute to community development all across the country. Over 70% of the working-age population (and substantial numbers outside that demographic) work at least five hours a week in a wide range of public works, teaching, environmental maintenance, and civic beautification projects. These hours are part of the calculus used by state governments to support increased benefits such as vouchers for housing, transit, health care, utilities, and food programs.

The effort is possible due to a general reduction in working hours, with full-time redefined federally (and adopted by most of the private sector soon after) as 37 hours a week in 1985 and 32 hours a week in 1994. Six new federal holidays are added to the calendar by 2000 as well: Civil Rights Day (marked by the observed birth of Martin Luther King Jr.); Constitution Day (marked by the observed date of Congressional adoption of the Constitution); Exploration Day (marked by the observed date of the first lunar landing); Pursuit of Peace Day (marked by the observed date the Stockholm Treaty was signed); Earth Day; and the Friday after Thanksgiving.

The US remains outward-looking through the turn of the century, swimming in a heady mix of triumph, shared trauma, and a preoccupation with the nation's role in it all. The wary nation grows more comfortable with international legalism, seeing the war as a referendum on their way of life that the planet has come to accept as a unifying standard (not exactly how the rest of the world sees it, but many would say that's par for the course as far as the Yanks are concerned).

Military spending remains extremely high by world standards. The practical argument for this is that present US military commitments actually exceed those of pre-November 1983. Draw-downs in Central Europe and East Asia are more than countered by major garrisons in the former Eastern Bloc. This is before UN commitments are taken into account. While most other nations are drastically downsizing their militaries, the US confirms the majority of expansion plans greenlit during the war.

Beyond practicalities, the military expansion is a manifestation of the nation's fear: the fear of being taken by surprise again. It's the shadow projected by the light of the new internationalism and opening up that completes the American dialectic in this period.

It's only in the last two years of the Leland presidency that military budgets begin to see signs of vulnerability. Reductions of 6% and 2% in the federal budgets for '96 and '97 are not expanded upon as Republican Nancy Kassebaum takes office in '97, but she does maintain those cuts and continues to look critically at projects on the drawing board.

But even within the context of an expanding military, not every program is safe. The nuclear arsenal is stripped down to 1,000 warheads, freeing up resources that are redeployed elsewhere. The important role of air forces during the war keeps the funds mostly under the roof of the USAF, with major programs in electronic warfare, air transit, logistics, and long-range bombing (most notably the B2) being the largest beneficiaries.

The US Army goes through a major restructuring in response to the speed of the war and the need for increased modularity in responding to post-war threats. The conversion from combat divisions to brigade groups begins as early as the Schulz presidency and is completed under Leland. Changes in doctrine instill an even heavier focus on improved communication and battlefield awareness. The US maintains 52 active combat brigades by the year 2000, though this is likely to shrink somewhat in upcoming federal budget negotiations as active deployments finally begin to taper off.

While maintaining by far the largest fleet of submarines in the world, the Navy gradually reallocates resources from that arm elsewhere. The Navy is often the first-responder to crisis zones, and as new ships are developed the focus is on speed, staying power, and maximum self-sufficiency away from friendly harbors. The decision is made to once again remove the big gun battleships from service. Rather than the mothball fleet, the two recommissioned ships and two still-mothballed ships are converted into floating museums but maintained at a state of readiness to be fairly quickly recalled to service if needed.

Though the Marines maintain their divisional formations, they enhance their ability to deploy fractally, which helps them maintain a nimble presence in southern China where they are mainly deployed.

The US also maintains the largest space organization independent of GAEA, with NASA remaining the only outside service to continue manned missions to outer space. Originally set to cease manned operations, the US Congress finds the budget to keep a reduced manned program running. The organization hands over much of its observational and scientific remit to GAEA and reverts somewhat to the character of its early days: NASA is a hotbed for technology testing and proof-of-concept work, where the test pilots rule the roost.

While most of the shuttle fleet is transferred to GAEA, NASA maintains two shuttles as of 2000: the converted Enterprise and the Kitty Hawk. The latter is the last craft in its class. GAEA determines it has enough shuttles to suit its needs and moves to cancel the final vessel before construction begins. The US government steps in to foot the bill for one last shuttle- mostly to allow the manufacturers time to find new contracts before the workers are affected and that crucial aerospace capability is potentially lost.

Private outer space enterprises also come into their own in the US, though on a much smaller scale. These businesses rely on government subsidies, surplus military rockets, and orbital infrastructure developed for GAEA to remain viable for the time being. But reliable satellite launches occur from over a dozen commercial spaceports, mostly located near military and NASA launch sites. And the first three private, manned spacecraft systems are currently in development from three groups. Two are entirely American: the worker-owned Martin-Grumman Corporation, and a partnership between Civitas Space Corp, GE, and Boeing. The third is a partnership between the team behind the Concorde and Concorde II- Aérospatiale and British Aerospace- as well as US company Northrop and Canadian company Héroux-Devtek.

On December 28th, 1999, several hours before midnight, Ralph C. Smith passes away in his sleep after a bought with pneumonia. He is 106 at the time of his passing. Smith learned to fly as a young second lieutenant, instructed by Orville Wright himself. He fought against Pancho Villa and in World War I on the Western Front. He commanded the 27th Infantry Division in the Pacific during World War II, the last surviving American general officer of that war at the time of his passing.

Coming partially out of a long retirement in 1983 at the age of 90, he helps manage evacuation convoys out of central California and into the Sierras. He oversees the conversion of a deep mineshaft into shelter space and serves on the governing council of the community. After the war he returns to his home in the Bay Area more active than he's been in decades, giving seminars on war and the process of peace with a particular focus on his work in post-war famine relief in Western Europe. He consults on relief projects and helps push funding to those in need. He advocates for the new international system. He also converts his home into a triplex, taking in two families of refugees in 1985, one Chinese and one Korean. They become like family.

Smith's passing isn't particularly noteworthy, nor is it particularly obscure. His obituary is carried in most papers and his funeral befits his wishes and military protocol for a general officer. He is not the most generous spirit of his time, and conclusively far from the least. Some might say, if they were inclined to force a metaphor, that he could be said to exemplify the American Century. Beginning with promise, mystique, an air of adventure. Proceeding through a slog of middle years to controversy, hard study, effort, and sober choices. Drifting into a twilight of uncertainty. Snapped back into focus, drive, and purpose by one final terrifying crisis. And closing with growth and grace. It's not the worst metaphor; a square peg in a slightly rectangular hole.

What Ralph Smith's memorial on the crisp morning of January 1st will come to be known for in the future, however, is the last public appearance by President Ronald Reagan. Most doctors say his decision not to run for a second term gave him a reprieve from the early symptoms of dementia, setting in by the end of the war. He still slows down through the 1990s, never again leaving California after attending Richard Nixon's memorial in 1993. But the extent of the illness is hidden from the public. His yen to attend the Smith funeral comes out of nowhere, lights a fire under the household, and gets his wife excited for the prospect of a new wind for her husband.

But it doesn't last. As taps is played, Nancy notices the tears streaming down his face in a way that signals to her, who knows him so well, that her partner is no longer entirely present. With the end of the service she signals their agents to get him quickly back to the car. She says their goodbyes to the surviving grandchildren and Smith's late-adopted family, the two Asian American households who embody so much change and so much promise for the land Ron loves. The Reagans travel to the airport and then home.

Ron would survive that year, but in a way, he wouldn't. And the world moves one man further away from Ur.

America in this timeline is literally this song, and I love it so much.
 
Last edited:
Did NATO units conduct war crimes and if they did, were they reprimanded heavily as opposed to the Soviets?

I think likely a similar degree of accountability as in various OTL wars, so certainly to answer your question to its most literal extent, yes, war crimes would be committed. You probably meant to query the degree or amount, and I don't have much of an answer for that. For excuse I'll just plead that it is yet another absolutely awful topic that I have no interest in delving into.

I will say that there are two instances in the TL where it is mentioned that the Allies commit significant war crimes against enemy troops: following the liberation of Seoul and in the Battle of Berlin. From what's written it is implied that there's at least an *effort* to uphold official standards at other times during the war. I believe it's also written that efforts are taken in Iran to be extra punctilious with the locals.

It's also worth keeping in mind that the majority of fighting takes place on Allied territory. Not that soldiers can't commit offenses against Allied civilians, but that they're much more likely to be punished for them.

I will say that international justice is beefed up, and it's likely some cases against Allied troops will make it to the ICC. I expect a significant amount of political capital will be expended to mitigate these charges, but given the way the world works now, some of the more egregious ones are likely cut loose to face the full consequences of their actions.
 
I imagine that Freddy Heineken will have a huge sigh of relief in this timeline.

He wouldn't know to be relieved of course, and in all likelihood is a ball of nerves over his business and the state of the world. It's a funny thing, AH.

What was the general view of the war from NATO's perspective? Is it a war of self-defense or a way to destroy communism once and for all.

Overwhelmingly shorthanded as a war for self-defense. The discussion on the thread the other week was about how certain people *could* claim this was a brilliant strategy to destroy communism, but that's not most people.
 
Just a question I have but are you considering to make a new Where Were They Then entry once you're finished with the countries or once you had you're break?
 
Last edited:
Just a question I have but are you considering to make a new Where Were They Then entry once you're finished with the countries or once you had you're break?

I don't think so. For one thing it's a lot of work in general. For another, based on current trends I'd just get bombarded with edgelord requests asking to know what the Grand Wizard of the KKK is up to.

Another question about about Russia, were KGB and millitary officers banned from running for office?

Beg pardon if I'm contradicting myself; I know I did several drafts with changing information before posting. My recollection is that no, as a class, former Soviet officials are not banned from service. There are bans on those convicted in the ICC.

This is meant to be one area where we see a manifest difference between the Stockholm Treaty and unconditional surrender.

Likely they are banned in a few former parts of Russia: Okhotsk and Ingria would have at least partial bans, and Kola likely something close to a full ban. None in Gagaringrad, Siberia, or Yakutia. The other breakaway parts of Russia, based more on anti-Russian ethnic solidarity, might aim for repression of influence by ethnic Russian officials, but not due to their professional backgrounds. Anyone experienced in those countries willing to serve are probably going to find employment.
 
I imagine that the JNA will reform and reorganize during the war, taking advantage of lessons learnt from the war as well as changing defense tactics since NATO pretty much surrounds them (not really, but you get the point).

Also curious what did Lieutenant Colonel Ratko Mladic did in the course of the war?
 
Last edited:
State of Nations Part XXVIII
When the stars threw down their spears
(State of Nations Part XXVIII)

Republic of Upper Volta
Just before the war, a revolution installs Thomas Sankara as president of Upper Volta. Initially hostile to Western- especially French- influence, he makes the hard decision to pause his rhetoric in the face of Soviet aggression and the widespread chaos caused by World War III. Though various French intelligence agencies propose using the turmoil in the region to depose Sankara, Mitterand forbids it. With the fall of every government from Mauritania to Chad, the region needs any amount of stability it can get.

Without preconditions, Mitterand proposes aid to Sankara in order to both maintain some level of peace in Upper Volta and to prepare the nation to become a major refugee corridor from points north. Sankara takes note of the change in global order happening around him and agrees.

This small opening leads to a slight thaw in relations between the two nations, with much of Sankara's more fiery rhetoric re-tailored to more palatable pan-Africanism and Non-Aligned Movement talking points. He manages to leverage his celebrity into a position within the Paris Economic Conference after the war, where he proves adept at forming alliances with a crucial bloc of crisis-minded pragmatists, fair-minded egalitarians, and no shortage of high-minded idealists to help fundamentally shift the nature of the global economy. Formerly an outspoken opponent of the IMF, Sankara is the first head of state to pledge his nation to its reimagined programs.

Throughout the 1980s and into the 90s, Upper Volta experiences an unprecedented level of reform. Sankara is one of the first world leaders to grasp that the ecological crisis faced by the world is well beyond the scope of a temporary downturn in temperature. He sets the model for anti-desertification policies that will spread to the rest of the arid nations of the world by the year 2000. His promotion of women's rights, education, expansion of basic sanitation and medical care quickly bring Upper Volta to the forefront of the region in terms of development metrics, irrespective of its economic progress (which itself is fitful and only moderate compared to the likes of Ivory Coast).

Upper Volta also serves as an important rear area for the UN during the Takfiri Wars, hosting more refugees than any other country and providing supply infrastructure for the Blue Helmets. Improvements funded by the UN that will begin to significantly benefit the nation in the post-war years.

Sankara's star does wane somewhat as he resists the democratic reforms that begin to take over in neighboring countries; a process he puts off until his health begins to suffer from lymphoma in 1991. He more or less writes a new constitution on his own, enshrining significant freedoms in a bill of rights that goes beyond the liberal broad strokes to include concepts such as a fundamental right to housing, medical care, education, gender equality, protections from certain levels of debt, and even some protections for the gay community. The threshold for altering the constitution makes it technically possible but extremely unlikely in the future.

For a government, he creates a lower chamber popularly elected by national list (to erode the power of tribal elites) and an upper chamber elected on nonpartisan lines. All members of the upper chamber are required to be graduates of a political education program curated by Sankara through the University of Ouagadougou. Following Sankara's death in 1996, this is the only provision in the constitution that has been successfully removed, and the chamber comes to be dominated quickly by older civil servants. Both chambers are required to maintain gender parity.

Bucking the trend of localism, Upper Volta is among the more centralized states in West Africa. Tribalism is supported purely through the government's cultural offices, with the only devolved power and funding granted to seven elected regional councils that are completely subservient to the national government.

Though the guardians of Sankaranisme remain steadfast within Upper Volta, they retain his pragmatic foreign policy as far as the wider region goes. Upper Volta not only supports the West African Single Market but is among the most vocal calling for its expansion to include the recovering Sahel countries.

Oriental Republic of Uruguay
Uruguay's democratic transition is sped up due to the war, with dictator Gregorio Alvarez folding to labor demands in the face of a proposed general strike- a move foisted upon him by more moderate members of the junta. The victory for labor increases the popularity of the leftist Broad Front moving into elections in early 1984. With the left sapping votes from the Colorado Party, Wilson Ferreira's right-leaning National Party emerge with a bare plurality and the presidency. Ferreira effectively governs in a benign but undefined broad coalition with the other two parties until his death from cancer in 1986.

Amnesty is granted to the former military regime, albeit in the context of a gradual dismantling of the institution. The active military is replaced by a National Guard and an empowered National Gendarmerie. The Navy is absorbed by the Coast Guard. This is done in the context of an empowered Mercosur, which begins talks to field its own unified military force in the late 1990s.

Uruguay under the National Party from 1984 to 1994 experiences a massive spike in immigration from Europe, particularly Eastern Europe. These new arrivals tend to swarm to the National Party and the Broad Front, sapping the Colorado Party of relevance. In the 1994 elections, the Broad Front secures 43 seats, the NP 40, and the CP only 6.

The country is well positioned to take advantage of the crisis, with its resources and industrial capacity buoyed by the rising fortunes of Brazil and Argentina. Unlike many of its neighbors, green politics are absorbed by the BF and NP rather than expressed as new parties. The green cast from all corners of the political establishment helps make Uruguay a world leader in ecological policy development.

Uzbekistan
KGB head Viktor Chebrikov uses the excuse of World War III to conduct a massive anti-corruption crackdown in Uzbekistan, which serves as adequate cover to crack down on potential dissent in the region. The anti-corruption charge is seen as a fine cover for tackling potential religious dissent, which sees almost 3,000 religious figures laundered through the mass corruption trials amongst the 8,000 relatively legitimate arrestees.

Internal deportation of most of the Uzbek elite (and even the mid-ranks of the bureaucracy) is conducted by the end of November, when the Soviet Union still has the resources to manage the feat. However, the convoys out of Uzbekistan become notorious for their mistreatment, and roughly half the prisoners die by the time they reach the Amur Oblast. Eventually, barely 900 make it back to Uzbekistan after the war.

The clan patronage system of Uzbekistan- always kept underground, but powerful nonetheless- is in total disarray by the beginning of 1984, with non-Uzbek leaders imposed by Moscow existing only on paper; very few end up actually traveling to the country. Like the rest of the Soviet Union, the population disperses to the countryside. Here, a revival of semi-nomadic traditions serve as an undercurrent to the broader crisis. In the absence of elders and religious figures, leaders pragmatically emerge.

Meanwhile, junior Uzbek figures in the security state pull back instinctively from the few Russian KGB and MVD battalions, under-reporting their strength and dispersing their assets. When the Union collapses, they offer to "escort" the Russians to the Kazakhstan border. The offer is broadly accepted.

But the Uzbek security forces are unable to consolidate power, with the displaced, mobile bands forming their own alliances, and some of the heirs to the corrupt state apparatus using their remaining wealth to form their own armed groups. Uzbekistan is potentially heading for a civil war.

With the help of Turkish agents and diplomats (supported by other Western governments), a peace conference is called in Tashkent even before the war officially ends. The most prominent voice calling for this conference presents the country with an unlikely national symbol: Shukria Alimi Raad, daughter of the last Emir of Bukhara and a broadcaster and producer at Voice of America. Fear and curiosity push off the violence for the moment, and a massive, ungainly parliament descends on Tashkent.

It takes more than four months just to agree on an official structure for the gathering, with another six months negotiating the form and functions of a new state to internal and international satisfaction. The state forgoes a national parliament, choosing only to retain an executive council elected from a national list to run the national bureaucracy. Regions are maintained for administrative purposes, but district and city parliaments are where legislative power is maintained. They retain executive authority over a moderate number of local issues, but also serve as the combined national legislature. Bills are introduced to the district parliaments by the executive council, which must be approved by both a simple majority of parliaments and the total members of parliament nationally.

This structure recognizes the autonomy of Karakalpakstan in nomenclature, but the decentralized nature of the state is seen as providing sufficient autonomy for the region without establishing additional rights. A Karakalpak National Assembly is formed to promote culture and language across the population, but it has no further political power.

The unpopular cotton monoculture is almost entirely abandoned, representing the nation's economic colonization by Moscow. With major international support, the nation's devastating irrigation system is dismantled and rebuilt on more sustainable, traditional lines. The Aral Sea begins to return to its natural dimensions.

Uzbekistan retains a culture of low-grade corruption, but progress is made as they adopt the structures of the West Asian Common Market. By the turn of the century, the symbolic exchange of unofficial money is seen as little different from tipping culture in the US, albeit provided before services are rendered and across a much wider range of sectors.

The nation is something of a model in the region for IMF restructuring, willing as the population is to move on from cotton and enthusiastic in seeking aid to do so. Natural gas, alternative energies, light manufacturing, and the service sector all see significant development in the post-war years. Starting in the mid-1990s, a dedicated effort picks up steam to create new GM crops tailored to the needs and limitations of the land.

The decentralized state lags the region in several key indicators, such as unequal health care provision and secondary education rates. But basic nutrition, sanitation, and literacy are universal by the year 2000.

Cooperative Republic of Venezuela
Unlike many other nations that re-style themselves "cooperative republics," Venezuela does so with no significant violence and entirely via the ballot box. The nation's petroleum sector is in high demand both by the US and the rising economies of South America. Its expansion occurs in concert with increased demands for agricultural exports and new opportunities in many unexplored sectors relating to Venezuela's position and trade relationships.

The ruling Social Christian Party governs thanks to a strong contingent of labor populists that defected from the left due to the war. Their presence in the coalition leads to labor laws promoting the kind of labor capitalism gaining popularity in India, with worker profit-sharing and required participation on boards of directors in most sectors. Efforts to promote public-private enterprise with labor considerations given precedence over profit begin to make their way through the halls of power.

Many within the nation's economic elite try to push back and bribe or otherwise convince several members of congress to leave the Social Christian Party to form a right-wing opposition and leave President Caldera without a governing majority. The plan backfires when Democratic Action agrees to support Caldera in congress in exchange for an expansion of these new labor practices and to create the kind of mass, shared ownership culture seen in some parts of the former Eastern Bloc, such as Czechia.

Proving a popular policy, Democratic Action secure a substantial majority in 1988 on the promise of making these gains permanent. The "council culture" that emerges from this arrangement leads to a proliferation of sometimes confusing and overlapping decision making or advisory bodies, often demanding significant time commitments from each citizen. Railing against this, the government submits a simplified plan to create local cooperatives replacing and subdividing municipalities beneath the state level. These cooperatives appoint councils through sortition, whose members are paid and required to attend meetings relating to the financial management of various national funds. Any regular citizen may also attend and have their vote counted, but are not paid nor are they allowed to address the chamber without permission from the council.

The structure of states and the federal government remains largely unchanged, but the cooperative councils replace the former municipalities for the purposes of managing various local services in addition to their financial management remit. But by the 1998 elections, so much of society is focused on cooperative council business that a new round of constitutional amendments strips power from the states and turns the nation officially into a Cooperative Republic.

Meanwhile, Venezuela undertakes significant financial and bureaucratic reforms as the Mercosur relationship is tightened and empowered. Though prompting its share of culture shock, the end result is a powerful economic alliance set to make a significant mark on the world in the 21st century.
 
I imagine that the JNA will reform and reorganize during the war, taking advantage of lessons learnt from the war as well as changing defense tactics since NATO pretty much surrounds them (not really, but you get the point).

Also curious what did Lieutenant Colonel Ratko Mladic did in the course of the war?

Sure, most militaries are going to take note of the war and make some changes. But Yugoslavia is also more integrated into the European experiment ITTL and will likely follow the trend of lower military spending as time goes by. The Balkan Community probably undertakes smaller reductions than other blocs, but reductions nonetheless.

I don't know what Mladic did during the war, wiki has one sentence on him being a Lt. Colonel at this time.

Related, and just so it's stated somewhere, it should also be evident that the negative connotation the word "Balkan" gained IOTL doesn't happen ITTL. If anything, it's the Caucasus region that serves that role. Though due to the vagaries of linguistics, I don't think "Caucasusized" is going to catch on in the English language.
 
Why didn't Sankara change the name of the country to Burkina Faso, keeping with his pan-africanism talking points?

Just butterflies, mostly. At first a small, hidden gesture to tell the French (without telling them) that their financial assistance was amenable. My understanding is that the renaming didn't have much to do with Pan-African ideology and was more about fostering unity among the diverse people within the country's borders. It does that by borrowing from three different linguistic traditions to form the country's name and demonym. But such a move would prompt more *national* unity than the kind of sans-frontieres spirit of a broader continental or at least regional outlook.

By the time Sankara is fully invested in regional transnationalism, his renaming priorities would have shifted. Likely he could think of a more appropriate name to reflect those priorities than I have. My thought was that Upper Volta is a pretty generically accurate way to label the region, especially compared to many names enforced by colonialism. Locally, the three rivers that form the Volta are distinct and have distinct names. Treating the river as a cross-border system by adopting its common name is meant to symbolize the arbitrary nature of the current borders. (Perhaps ironically, Ghana, home to most of the Volta system, is left out of most of the regional transnational agreements, but it's a symbol nonetheless.)
 
I wonder how WP veterans will be treated once their home countries have stabilized enough.

That's a big question with lots of countries and lots of different circumstances. Some armies helped overthrow old governments. Many more refused to fight during the war. Most servicemembers are perceived as being at least somewhat unwilling, coerced, or deceived.

Some regressive elements remain in some countries. In some they're in power, in others they're fringe groups, even militants or criminals.

By and large, I expect they'll be treated fine outside of those convicted of crimes.
 
One question that no one asked is about Russian arts and non Soviet/Comunist cultural monuments aquired during the Russian Empire, that after the war are now in new countries like The Bronze Horseman, The State Russian Museum and the Hermitage Museum, the world's second largest museum that is now in Ingria, is the Russian government asking for those art works back, even those made by Dutch and German artists, or at least the ones that were made by Russian artists?
 
Last edited:
Beg pardon if I'm contradicting myself; I know I did several drafts with changing information before posting. My recollection is that no, as a class, former Soviet officials are not banned from service. There are bans on those convicted in the ICC.

This is meant to be one area where we see a manifest difference between the Stockholm Treaty and unconditional surrender.

Likely they are banned in a few former parts of Russia: Okhotsk and Ingria would have at least partial bans, and Kola likely something close to a full ban. None in Gagaringrad, Siberia, or Yakutia. The other breakaway parts of Russia, based more on anti-Russian ethnic solidarity, might aim for repression of influence by ethnic Russian officials, but not due to their professional backgrounds. Anyone experienced in those countries willing to serve are probably going to find employment.

So Putin has a chance to rise in politics ITTL aswell?
 
One question that no one asked is about Russian arts and non Soviet/Comunist cultural monuments aquired during the Russian Empire, that after the war are now in new countries like The Bronze Horseman, The State Russian Museum and the Hermitage Museum, the world's second largest museum that is now in Ingria, is the Russian government asking for those art works back, even those made by Dutch and German artists, or at least the ones that were made by Russian artists?

Concerning Ingria specifically, from their perspective they are Peter's European dream. I don't think there's too much controversy domestically about statues of him, in fact I would expect new art featuring him to emerge. And more generally, the presence of "heritage art" in a given successor state is going to depend on the outlook of that state. Many groups- Siberians, Kolans, Okhotskans, etc.- will be willing to embrace many aspects of Russian influence as heritage. More ethnically-based states might tear everything down (or at least send it back to Moscow as part of a "good will" exchange).

Back to Ingria, the contents of the museums might get somewhat contentious. I would also expect the Ingrian government to be fairly generous in redistributing parts of its collections as a diplomatic effort with the Soviet successor states. Antiquities held representing the cultures of now-independent ethnic groups might be repatriated in full. Art collected from around Europe is probably staying put. The looted stuff found IOTL in 1991 is not going to stay, but probably won't be going back to German private collections, either. Perhaps display in some of the grand buildings of new international or continental institutions?

The question of Russian (and to a lesser extent Slavic) cultural patrimony is probably a lot thornier. I'm not overly familiar with the collections, but I imagine there are a lot of artifacts from pre-unification Russia in the Hermitage. Some of the neo-medievalist movements in Russia are going to make repatriation a major issue, and it's possible some artifacts may be returned to various cities on case-by-case basis. But any calls for non-specific division of the collections based on claims that the Soviet government put it in that Soviet city for the benefit of all Soviet citizens...not gonna fly.

One possibility is the modern OTL trend of international branches catches on a little earlier: the Hermitage Moscow, the Hermitage Ekaterinburg, the Hermitage Kyiv, etc. This level of cultural exchange is something we can expect, especially from a place like Ingria that has less ill-will to and from the successor states. And they certainly have the contents to spare. They could literally open up ten equally-sized Hermitages and still have about half their collection in storage.

So Putin has a chance to rise in politics ITTL aswell?

Putin could! He's landed in Gagaringrad. I can't remember if it's in the TL or just my head-canon, but consider this the final word on Putin: he ends up as a vice president in a big management consulting firm, the kind of guy who can never really tell you what he does, takes credit for anything good, is always ready with a compelling story to place blame on others when stuff goes bad. He's not so much despised by his employees as he is utterly avoided when at all possible, because you know your day is going to be wasted. He'll never help you get ahead or single you out for praise, and anything you bring him he'll take credit for. And the downside is if you're on his radar he might snake you.

Twice divorced, kids he doesn't see who despise him, mistresses he doesn't care about other than as status symbols. Growing drinking problem. Gets bad hair transplants. Eventually forced out by some restructuring or other when he can no longer justify his existence, takes early retirement. Moves to Spain, gets skin cancer frequently, dies at 66 when his liver finally gives out. Only a few bored golfing associates show up at his local funeral. No family bothers to come.
 
A question that I have is that did German industry completely stopped due to the war? I mean, did they continue building things like small arms, tanks, communication devices and uniforms at least in the first few days of the war before being asked to evacuate?
 
Last edited:
Back
Top