Year 3
Nation/Entity Name: Wat Tyler's Rebellion
Commonly Known As: Great Rising, Peasant Revolt
Government: Peasant/burgher rebellion nominally loyal to a feudal monarchy
Capital(s): London
Technology Level: Medieval
Year ISOTed from: 1381
Population: Approximately 90-100,000
Religions: Catholicism
Languages: Dialects of English
Head(s) of State: Wat Tyler, John Ball, John Wrawe
Brief History: Conditions in England had been deteriorating, as legal action attempted to keep the peasantry's wages and conditions the same as they had prior to the Black Death while taxes rose to pay for an unpopular war. Culminating on May of 1381, attempts to force the peasantry spiraled into risings that successfully seized London
Nation/Entity Name: German Peasant's War
Commonly Known As: Great Peasants' War, Great Peasants' Revolt
Government: Peasant and plebian rebellion
Capital(s): London
Technology Level: Early Modern
Year ISOTed from: 1525
Population: Approximately 300,000
Religions: Catholicism, some Protestant influence
Languages: Dialects of German
Head(s) of State: The Christian Association, Thomas Müntzer, Michael Gaismair, Götz von Berlichingen
Brief History: As princes of the Holy Roman Empire adopted roman law and enserfed free peasantry, resistance grew, culminating in the peasantry forming armed bands and organized associations of resistance.
Europe
In a flash of light, approximately 400,000 people from across time and space are deposited across the northern coast of France. Confusion reigns, as these people are from two groups but are intermixed, however enough common ground is found in their dialects that some communication is established.
Near three hundred years separate these groups, but they find themselves sharing a common cause - revolts against the aristocracy, both secular and ecclestial. And as both groups found themselves transported with their supplies, including food and drink, a series of grand feasts were held.
At the same time, it was quickly determined that no one who hadn't at least been a sympathizer of these rebellions had been transported. The theological implications were obvious, especially to radical preachers like John Ball and Thomas Müntzer. They who had fought against corrupt earthly authorities had been blessed, and taken to a land free of serfdom, poll taxes, and the countless other injustices of their lives. Some speculated that this was the Garden of Eden, but others pointed to the presence of wild animals like great bears and sabre-toothed cats that had no fear of humans as proof that they were somewhere else. A few proposed Purgatory or Limbo, and the theological discussion became a major thread of the daily lives of the peasantry and plebians.
The other major thread was the struggle to survive. Hunting, gathering, and fishing were all plentiful, and initial supplies were at least sufficient, but while personal items such as hand tools and weapons had come with them, there were no farms, nor livestock, nor houses, to say nothing of the sort of goods and facilities the urban sympathizers and participants were used to having.
The German peasant bands formed their rings, including their English compatriots, although their lesser numbers and the language barrier combined to reduce the influence of the latter. A series of decisions were steadily made. First, given the lack of other people and the apparent harmony, they did not need to worry about establishing any sort of military. The conventional hue and cry would serve to handle any misdeeds or dangerous animals. With no concern for self-defense, centralization was deemed unnecessary, and it was proposed that the bands would scatter and establish new villages around the general area. No one found this particularly disagreeable, but debates about who settled where quickly rose up, and it was proposed that an elected body would be formed to vote on these disputes, and their meeting place would be right in the center of where these people appeared.
No one disagreed with either of those ideas either, and the first Council of the Free and Blessed Peasant's (usually just the Peasant's) Confederation was established, consisting primarily of the leadership of the varying revolts, including Wat Tyler, Peter Passler, and the Christian Association of the Upper Swabian Peasant's Confederation, who the Council broadly modeled themselves on.
The first few months were generally peaceful and prosperous, despite some difficulties with winter and the unfamiliar environment. Then came the first helicopters.
General Ochoa's war was not going as well as it should have. It wasn't the man's fault, for he was leading competently enough, and he was still unquestionably winning. Several more cities on Hispaniola had fallen, and an attempted counterrevolutionary rising by some of the remaining Cuban slaveowners had been crushed. The Spanish navy had been almost entirely sunk.
But that did not change the fact that the Cubans had no way to transport their armored vehicles across the sea to where they were needed, or that ammunition for uptime weaponry was running dry, or that supplies of fuel were almost out and what was left was reserved for emergenices.
General Ochoa had already seized what ships were available, and an improvised Red Navy was quickly formed out of this motley mix of steamships and sailing craft to supply the troops on Hispaniola. But it wasn't enough (especially since he insisted on keeping some ships out patrolling out of concern for what other forces or lands might suddenly appear), and critical shortages, especially of shells for artillery, threatened to slow the conflict unacceptably. A crash-shipbuilding program had been initiated, along with several other efforts to improve the longevity of the Cuban army.
The problem was that each of these programs stretched the supply of aid workers, engineers, and downtime labor thinner. The work done designing and testing a breechloading blackpowder rifle meant work was not done constructing apartments for those rendered homeless during the war. The labor used to establish and staff a semi-industrial workshop for those rifles was labor not planting, harvesting, or fishing. The nurses kept on call for industrial accidents were nurses not establishing hyigene and sanitation programs or running medical classes.
Not even integrating the Dominican rebels and primarily transporting them back to Cuba as extra labor was able to resolve this critical shortage.
If they had been in a warmer climate, the crop packages the aid workers had brought with them, the existing farms, and supplemental sources like fishing would have been plenty. But the unfamiliar cold blighted much of the harvest, cutting grievously into the margins of food. Combined with the various additional demands on Ochoa had placed on labor, and the situation was just shy of desperate.
The food supply should be sufficient to avoid famine, if rations for "non-essential" labor was cut to the bare minimum. That was the general's sole concern for the civilian economy. Everything else was fuel for the fires of war.
The general stated that his first priority was the total defeat of reactionary forces, and then a vanguard party could be established to cultivate a proletariat. But what some saw was a would-be Bonaparte taking an existing proletariat and treating them like cogs in a machine of empire, no different from any capitalist.
This was especially true when the patrolling ships reported that they had spotted sudden evidence of human habitation on the coast of France, and that they appeared to be largely medieval or similar.
General Ochoa announced that these potential reactionaries would be met with a demonstration of the might of the Cuban army, and dispatched one of his most reliable officers in some of the few precious helicopters to secure the newly inhabited territory. In exchange for the protection against counterrevolutionary forces, Ochoa wanted two things from these people:
Food and labor.
The Council of the Peasant's Confederation met the strangers, gaping in shock at the men who could fly like birds and who wielded guns deadlier than anything they could imagine. Their terms were met with sullen obedience, as they were no different than those of the feudal lords these peasants had thought themselves free from. Significant portions of the fields were enclosed for mass agriculture, while the slowly growing granaries and meat stockpiles of the Confederation were stripped nearly bare.
Ochoa looked at the numbers he was given in the reports and found them satisfactory for a start. The extra meat, especially, would boost the morale of his troops.
But while he had been looking at those numbers, and at ammunition counts, and all the other business of war, there had been other things he hadn't been looking at.
Things like the growing discontent among those soldiers who remained on Cuba, and the aid workers they cooperated with. Things like the political education classes among the laborers, emphasizing that they were disposable living machines no longer, but workers, with rights, including the right to a democratic government. Things like secret messages being passed between officers.
The overthrow of Ochoa was very nearly a perfect success. A radio broadcast went out, scathingly condemning the general as a Bonapartist, a capitalist in the mask of a revolutionary, and a few other things. Workers in the new factories and shipyards went on strike in mass, with the guards deserting to stand in solidarity or remaining paralyzed by contradicting orders. Handpicked military units marched into Ochoa's main base, arresting and disarming his loyal soldiers with relatively little bloodshed.
The soldiers on Hispaniola paused in their attacks, but no orders to pull back to Cuba or disarm or do anything in particular came, and there were still reactionaries to kill and proletariat to liberate. They resumed the offensive, albeit slower, in case supplies became limited.
Meanwhile, the Provisional Revolutionary Council that had overthrown Ochoa watched in dismay as the general fled in one of the few remaining helicpoters, making it to his troops currently occupying the Peasant's Confederation, trusting that they, at least, would be on his side.
Especially since the PRC had been no less scornful of them than him, given that they accused the occupying troops of being engaged in open imperialism, treating the peasantry no differently than how the US treated the Cubans.
The people of the Peasant's Confederation would have certainly agreed with that comparison, assuming the context had been explained to them. The occupying troops had been brutal in response to any resistance, performing mass reprisals and seizing dangerous amounts of food, to say nothing of their generally abusive behavior among the locals. Hostility had started at a low simmer and was rapidly boiling over. These people had all been ready to overthrow their better-armed, better-trained would-be superiors before. These people had sacked London and warded off Landsknechte. Only the evident strength of the Cuban army's weaponry prevented a mass rising...and some, like John Ball and Michael Gaismair, thought that such a rising would be worthwhile anyway. The thought of remaining as a serf after tasting even a few months of freedom was intolerable to many, and while active resistance seemed impossible, passive defiance or simply running away had become common in the scant months since the Cuban army had come.
And then Ochoa had arrived in a helicopter, and everything went to hell. The garrisons scattered among the varying villages and "collective farms" were immediately ordered to return the Council building they had made their main base around, and those orders were obeyed in a panic. Panic meant weakness. Weakness, to the hungry, angry peasantry, meant opportunity.
Attempts at seizing the remaining village granaries were resisted with force. Isolated soldiers were attacked, and columns were harassed from the dense, primeval forest. The advanced weaponry of the Cuban soldiers meant that most columns were successfully able to fend off the peasant uprisings, but in the process they depleted their ammunition and exhausted themselves.
What came next was a strange sort of stalemate. The PRC needed to priortize feeding their people, and establishing and propagandizing their ambitious (and not immediate) goal for achieving communism, defining it, as Lenin did, as soviet power plus the electirification of the whole country. Combined with the ongoing war against Hispaniola and the need for a future offensive against Puerto Rico, they did not have the capacity to force Ochoa and his remaining loyalists to surrender. Regular radio broadcasts promising potential amnesty were the extent of their efforts against him. At least until the Spanish on Hispaniola surrendered, freeing up enough troops and weapons that they could supply the Peasant's Confederation with them.
Ochoa and his loyalists, meanwhile, were stuck in a loose siege, unable to expand their army or improve their capabilites due to the need to conserve ammunition for when the PRC came and the universal and mutual hostility between them and then the Peasant's Confederation.
The Peasant's Confederation, meanwhile, needed to priortize not starving, and no one was particularly eager to be the first to attack assault rifles with their chests.
So for months, the situation persisted in this unstable status quo - the PRC frantically farming every bit of green space and fishing every body of water while their soldiers crushed the last armies on Hispaniola, the Peasant's Confderation farming and hunting and glaring at Ochoa's soldiers, Ochoa's soldiers huddling in their resentment in their encampment.
West Asia
The struggles of building communism in medieval Palestine are many, but most are ones the members of the PFLP would have anticipated if you had proposed the concept to them. One they had not anticipated was relative isolation. Not only are the citizens of the PRP the only people around, as far as they know, but the individual members of the PFLP are widely scattered in small groups. Though there is a common language and some common experiences across the divide in time, this creates an uncanny feeling in many, making socialization a struggle. People cope with this differently, some throwing themselves into work, others finding various distractions. More than a few, however, begin slipping into unhealthy habits, with some resorting to medicinal solutions to their feelings of despair and isolation.
With the basics of a welfare state established, the beginnings of an education system created, and new crops increasing the food surplus, the next matter is land reform. However, the delay while the party debated has led to the peasantry taking the matter into their own hands, with a series of uprisings and revolts against the remnants of local nobility resulting in rough land-to-the-tiller style distribution of land. The left wing of the party is torn between admiration of their independent mass action and frustration at the fact that the peasantry did not collectivize or cooperatize the land, at least not more than it already was.
The aristocracy who survived mostly flee into the surrounding lands, eking out little homesteads and stewing in their resentment. Some begin launching raids on each other, and on the periphery of the PRP.
The food surplus has created a labor surplus in turn. This surplus is taken advantage of. While a number of projects remain focused on agriculture and educations, such as the founding of a small-scale nursing school and the expansion of irrigation to provide surplus water and energy for mills, the first tentative steps into industrialization are made. Crude mines are expanded, and a few oil wells are sunk. The fuel will provide energy for further industrialization, but they still need a supply of coal for coking. An expedition to Turkey or Egypt is proposed, but other matters rear their head first.
Firstly, whether intentionally or not, the new members of the party have mostly been Palestinian Muslims. Delegations from local Christian and Jewish communities have made complaints regarding this, as they have been no less devoted, no less assidous.
Secondly, the initial plan for mining on Cyprus (and in future colonies) is for a full time cadre of mixed uptimers and downtimers to be present, but between the relatively primitive conditions on Cyprus and the isolation, this proved untenable. A series of strikes and protests began, with the strikers demanding three month rotations and increased focus on improving living conditions on the colony.
Commonly Known As: Great Rising, Peasant Revolt
Government: Peasant/burgher rebellion nominally loyal to a feudal monarchy
Capital(s): London
Technology Level: Medieval
Year ISOTed from: 1381
Population: Approximately 90-100,000
Religions: Catholicism
Languages: Dialects of English
Head(s) of State: Wat Tyler, John Ball, John Wrawe
Brief History: Conditions in England had been deteriorating, as legal action attempted to keep the peasantry's wages and conditions the same as they had prior to the Black Death while taxes rose to pay for an unpopular war. Culminating on May of 1381, attempts to force the peasantry spiraled into risings that successfully seized London
Nation/Entity Name: German Peasant's War
Commonly Known As: Great Peasants' War, Great Peasants' Revolt
Government: Peasant and plebian rebellion
Capital(s): London
Technology Level: Early Modern
Year ISOTed from: 1525
Population: Approximately 300,000
Religions: Catholicism, some Protestant influence
Languages: Dialects of German
Head(s) of State: The Christian Association, Thomas Müntzer, Michael Gaismair, Götz von Berlichingen
Brief History: As princes of the Holy Roman Empire adopted roman law and enserfed free peasantry, resistance grew, culminating in the peasantry forming armed bands and organized associations of resistance.
Europe
In a flash of light, approximately 400,000 people from across time and space are deposited across the northern coast of France. Confusion reigns, as these people are from two groups but are intermixed, however enough common ground is found in their dialects that some communication is established.
Near three hundred years separate these groups, but they find themselves sharing a common cause - revolts against the aristocracy, both secular and ecclestial. And as both groups found themselves transported with their supplies, including food and drink, a series of grand feasts were held.
At the same time, it was quickly determined that no one who hadn't at least been a sympathizer of these rebellions had been transported. The theological implications were obvious, especially to radical preachers like John Ball and Thomas Müntzer. They who had fought against corrupt earthly authorities had been blessed, and taken to a land free of serfdom, poll taxes, and the countless other injustices of their lives. Some speculated that this was the Garden of Eden, but others pointed to the presence of wild animals like great bears and sabre-toothed cats that had no fear of humans as proof that they were somewhere else. A few proposed Purgatory or Limbo, and the theological discussion became a major thread of the daily lives of the peasantry and plebians.
The other major thread was the struggle to survive. Hunting, gathering, and fishing were all plentiful, and initial supplies were at least sufficient, but while personal items such as hand tools and weapons had come with them, there were no farms, nor livestock, nor houses, to say nothing of the sort of goods and facilities the urban sympathizers and participants were used to having.
The German peasant bands formed their rings, including their English compatriots, although their lesser numbers and the language barrier combined to reduce the influence of the latter. A series of decisions were steadily made. First, given the lack of other people and the apparent harmony, they did not need to worry about establishing any sort of military. The conventional hue and cry would serve to handle any misdeeds or dangerous animals. With no concern for self-defense, centralization was deemed unnecessary, and it was proposed that the bands would scatter and establish new villages around the general area. No one found this particularly disagreeable, but debates about who settled where quickly rose up, and it was proposed that an elected body would be formed to vote on these disputes, and their meeting place would be right in the center of where these people appeared.
No one disagreed with either of those ideas either, and the first Council of the Free and Blessed Peasant's (usually just the Peasant's) Confederation was established, consisting primarily of the leadership of the varying revolts, including Wat Tyler, Peter Passler, and the Christian Association of the Upper Swabian Peasant's Confederation, who the Council broadly modeled themselves on.
The first few months were generally peaceful and prosperous, despite some difficulties with winter and the unfamiliar environment. Then came the first helicopters.
General Ochoa's war was not going as well as it should have. It wasn't the man's fault, for he was leading competently enough, and he was still unquestionably winning. Several more cities on Hispaniola had fallen, and an attempted counterrevolutionary rising by some of the remaining Cuban slaveowners had been crushed. The Spanish navy had been almost entirely sunk.
But that did not change the fact that the Cubans had no way to transport their armored vehicles across the sea to where they were needed, or that ammunition for uptime weaponry was running dry, or that supplies of fuel were almost out and what was left was reserved for emergenices.
General Ochoa had already seized what ships were available, and an improvised Red Navy was quickly formed out of this motley mix of steamships and sailing craft to supply the troops on Hispaniola. But it wasn't enough (especially since he insisted on keeping some ships out patrolling out of concern for what other forces or lands might suddenly appear), and critical shortages, especially of shells for artillery, threatened to slow the conflict unacceptably. A crash-shipbuilding program had been initiated, along with several other efforts to improve the longevity of the Cuban army.
The problem was that each of these programs stretched the supply of aid workers, engineers, and downtime labor thinner. The work done designing and testing a breechloading blackpowder rifle meant work was not done constructing apartments for those rendered homeless during the war. The labor used to establish and staff a semi-industrial workshop for those rifles was labor not planting, harvesting, or fishing. The nurses kept on call for industrial accidents were nurses not establishing hyigene and sanitation programs or running medical classes.
Not even integrating the Dominican rebels and primarily transporting them back to Cuba as extra labor was able to resolve this critical shortage.
If they had been in a warmer climate, the crop packages the aid workers had brought with them, the existing farms, and supplemental sources like fishing would have been plenty. But the unfamiliar cold blighted much of the harvest, cutting grievously into the margins of food. Combined with the various additional demands on Ochoa had placed on labor, and the situation was just shy of desperate.
The food supply should be sufficient to avoid famine, if rations for "non-essential" labor was cut to the bare minimum. That was the general's sole concern for the civilian economy. Everything else was fuel for the fires of war.
The general stated that his first priority was the total defeat of reactionary forces, and then a vanguard party could be established to cultivate a proletariat. But what some saw was a would-be Bonaparte taking an existing proletariat and treating them like cogs in a machine of empire, no different from any capitalist.
This was especially true when the patrolling ships reported that they had spotted sudden evidence of human habitation on the coast of France, and that they appeared to be largely medieval or similar.
General Ochoa announced that these potential reactionaries would be met with a demonstration of the might of the Cuban army, and dispatched one of his most reliable officers in some of the few precious helicopters to secure the newly inhabited territory. In exchange for the protection against counterrevolutionary forces, Ochoa wanted two things from these people:
Food and labor.
The Council of the Peasant's Confederation met the strangers, gaping in shock at the men who could fly like birds and who wielded guns deadlier than anything they could imagine. Their terms were met with sullen obedience, as they were no different than those of the feudal lords these peasants had thought themselves free from. Significant portions of the fields were enclosed for mass agriculture, while the slowly growing granaries and meat stockpiles of the Confederation were stripped nearly bare.
Ochoa looked at the numbers he was given in the reports and found them satisfactory for a start. The extra meat, especially, would boost the morale of his troops.
But while he had been looking at those numbers, and at ammunition counts, and all the other business of war, there had been other things he hadn't been looking at.
Things like the growing discontent among those soldiers who remained on Cuba, and the aid workers they cooperated with. Things like the political education classes among the laborers, emphasizing that they were disposable living machines no longer, but workers, with rights, including the right to a democratic government. Things like secret messages being passed between officers.
The overthrow of Ochoa was very nearly a perfect success. A radio broadcast went out, scathingly condemning the general as a Bonapartist, a capitalist in the mask of a revolutionary, and a few other things. Workers in the new factories and shipyards went on strike in mass, with the guards deserting to stand in solidarity or remaining paralyzed by contradicting orders. Handpicked military units marched into Ochoa's main base, arresting and disarming his loyal soldiers with relatively little bloodshed.
The soldiers on Hispaniola paused in their attacks, but no orders to pull back to Cuba or disarm or do anything in particular came, and there were still reactionaries to kill and proletariat to liberate. They resumed the offensive, albeit slower, in case supplies became limited.
Meanwhile, the Provisional Revolutionary Council that had overthrown Ochoa watched in dismay as the general fled in one of the few remaining helicpoters, making it to his troops currently occupying the Peasant's Confederation, trusting that they, at least, would be on his side.
Especially since the PRC had been no less scornful of them than him, given that they accused the occupying troops of being engaged in open imperialism, treating the peasantry no differently than how the US treated the Cubans.
The people of the Peasant's Confederation would have certainly agreed with that comparison, assuming the context had been explained to them. The occupying troops had been brutal in response to any resistance, performing mass reprisals and seizing dangerous amounts of food, to say nothing of their generally abusive behavior among the locals. Hostility had started at a low simmer and was rapidly boiling over. These people had all been ready to overthrow their better-armed, better-trained would-be superiors before. These people had sacked London and warded off Landsknechte. Only the evident strength of the Cuban army's weaponry prevented a mass rising...and some, like John Ball and Michael Gaismair, thought that such a rising would be worthwhile anyway. The thought of remaining as a serf after tasting even a few months of freedom was intolerable to many, and while active resistance seemed impossible, passive defiance or simply running away had become common in the scant months since the Cuban army had come.
And then Ochoa had arrived in a helicopter, and everything went to hell. The garrisons scattered among the varying villages and "collective farms" were immediately ordered to return the Council building they had made their main base around, and those orders were obeyed in a panic. Panic meant weakness. Weakness, to the hungry, angry peasantry, meant opportunity.
Attempts at seizing the remaining village granaries were resisted with force. Isolated soldiers were attacked, and columns were harassed from the dense, primeval forest. The advanced weaponry of the Cuban soldiers meant that most columns were successfully able to fend off the peasant uprisings, but in the process they depleted their ammunition and exhausted themselves.
What came next was a strange sort of stalemate. The PRC needed to priortize feeding their people, and establishing and propagandizing their ambitious (and not immediate) goal for achieving communism, defining it, as Lenin did, as soviet power plus the electirification of the whole country. Combined with the ongoing war against Hispaniola and the need for a future offensive against Puerto Rico, they did not have the capacity to force Ochoa and his remaining loyalists to surrender. Regular radio broadcasts promising potential amnesty were the extent of their efforts against him. At least until the Spanish on Hispaniola surrendered, freeing up enough troops and weapons that they could supply the Peasant's Confederation with them.
Ochoa and his loyalists, meanwhile, were stuck in a loose siege, unable to expand their army or improve their capabilites due to the need to conserve ammunition for when the PRC came and the universal and mutual hostility between them and then the Peasant's Confederation.
The Peasant's Confederation, meanwhile, needed to priortize not starving, and no one was particularly eager to be the first to attack assault rifles with their chests.
So for months, the situation persisted in this unstable status quo - the PRC frantically farming every bit of green space and fishing every body of water while their soldiers crushed the last armies on Hispaniola, the Peasant's Confderation farming and hunting and glaring at Ochoa's soldiers, Ochoa's soldiers huddling in their resentment in their encampment.
West Asia
The struggles of building communism in medieval Palestine are many, but most are ones the members of the PFLP would have anticipated if you had proposed the concept to them. One they had not anticipated was relative isolation. Not only are the citizens of the PRP the only people around, as far as they know, but the individual members of the PFLP are widely scattered in small groups. Though there is a common language and some common experiences across the divide in time, this creates an uncanny feeling in many, making socialization a struggle. People cope with this differently, some throwing themselves into work, others finding various distractions. More than a few, however, begin slipping into unhealthy habits, with some resorting to medicinal solutions to their feelings of despair and isolation.
With the basics of a welfare state established, the beginnings of an education system created, and new crops increasing the food surplus, the next matter is land reform. However, the delay while the party debated has led to the peasantry taking the matter into their own hands, with a series of uprisings and revolts against the remnants of local nobility resulting in rough land-to-the-tiller style distribution of land. The left wing of the party is torn between admiration of their independent mass action and frustration at the fact that the peasantry did not collectivize or cooperatize the land, at least not more than it already was.
The aristocracy who survived mostly flee into the surrounding lands, eking out little homesteads and stewing in their resentment. Some begin launching raids on each other, and on the periphery of the PRP.
The food surplus has created a labor surplus in turn. This surplus is taken advantage of. While a number of projects remain focused on agriculture and educations, such as the founding of a small-scale nursing school and the expansion of irrigation to provide surplus water and energy for mills, the first tentative steps into industrialization are made. Crude mines are expanded, and a few oil wells are sunk. The fuel will provide energy for further industrialization, but they still need a supply of coal for coking. An expedition to Turkey or Egypt is proposed, but other matters rear their head first.
Firstly, whether intentionally or not, the new members of the party have mostly been Palestinian Muslims. Delegations from local Christian and Jewish communities have made complaints regarding this, as they have been no less devoted, no less assidous.
Secondly, the initial plan for mining on Cyprus (and in future colonies) is for a full time cadre of mixed uptimers and downtimers to be present, but between the relatively primitive conditions on Cyprus and the isolation, this proved untenable. A series of strikes and protests began, with the strikers demanding three month rotations and increased focus on improving living conditions on the colony.
