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OMNIA: MAIN THREAD

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Despotate of Epirus

Michael Komnenos Doukas, kin to Emperors, and would-be lord of the Epirotes​

A flurry of messengers on horseback ride out from the city of Arta in every cardinal direction, flanked by bodyguards in unobtrusive armor. Days pass and then a river of soldiers follows one of the northward riders, streaming out to conquer or intimidate the Albanian and Greek clans throughout Epirus into submission. Fine Epirote steel garbs and arms the soldiers, who use it to full effect to enact the will of Michael Komnenos Doukas, would-be lord of all Epirus. Along with steel comes silver, to grease the palms of those who would gladly pay homage without a fight.

Michael rides with them, a splendid sight on his white steed, not yet garbed in the purple reserved for emperors, but cloaked in a shade of red, a martial color. He accompanies his troops to the castles and fortresses of those who pay him homage, taking only a modest title of "Doux" for himself, not yet ready to claim the imperial title. The self-proclaimed Doux declares his loyalty to the rightful emperor to anyone who asks, and yet, avoids answering who that rightful emperor was. He lets those local notables he meets make their own conclusions. Maybe he is loyal to the Crusaders, the lords of Constantinople. Perhaps seeks to unite Epirus under the banner of the Nicenes. In truth, he keeps his loyalties and ambitions to himself, always implying whatever others wish to hear.



The first messenger of the aforementioned flurry of riders rides south, for Corinth in Greece. @Foadar

We bring you greetings and good tidings, lord of Corinth. For we also have a quarrel with the Venetians and the Latins, and their lackeys. We desire to topple their new order in Constantinople, and we hope that we will have an ally in yourself and others who oppose them. Perhaps we can seek a closer friendship by marriage of our heirs, when that time comes? And if you are not interested in an ally in Epirus, perhaps we could agree to simply not get in each other's way.

Michael Komnenos Doukas, Doux of Epirus

The second rider gallops to the northwest, to the court of Hungary's master. Michael Komnenos Doukas, Doux of Epirus to Emeric, King of Hungary, Croatia, etc @ByzantineCaesar

We bring greetings to you, Emeric King, and seek only friendship and peace with your Apostolic Majesty. We would be most gladsome if your kingdom proved to be a friend to the Epirotes, whom we even now seek to unite. We are not so presumptuous as to claim to be lord of all Rome, and the imperial claim eludes us. We simply seek to find a rightful liege of Kommenid blood, who knows the ways and traditions of our people.

Regardless, we do not seek any conflict with your Apostolic Majesty, nor your vassals. We hope that you do not seek conflict against us as well.

Michael Komnenos Doukas, Doux of Epirus

A third rider dashes off towards Bulgaria, bearing a message for the lord of the Bulgarians. @Sejanus

We bring greetings to you, King Kaloyan! We seek friendship and peace with you, and hope that we can prove as good a friend to Bulgaria as you may be to Epirus. We wonder if you might be opposed to the Crusaders and their cruelties as we are, and ask you to consider the benefits of an ally of imperial blood. We do not claim the purple, we wish only to reclaim our people from the depredations of the Venetians and their crusader lackies. Or, if you do not seek alliance, we wish only to stay out of each other's way while the two of us reclaim these lands from them. We hope that we do not come into conflict with your people.

Michael Komnenos Doukas, Doux of Epirus.
 
​
The humiliating disasters of the last few years wear heavily on Johns conscious. Though in the first 2 years of his reign he was able to assert his dynastic interests within France he increasingly found himself at a loss for as to actually save the situation. In the campaign of 1203, Philip Augustus, King of France had majestically advanced throughout all of Normandy, capturing Rouen with slight resistance and conquering even the Plantagenet homeland. The blows would only be compounded with the death of his mother Eleanor in 1204. Not only a grievous personal blow to him; it also tore at the fabric the Angevin Empire was built on for his mother's support was what enabled the South of France to be a bastion of support for him.
His only major victory thus far in the war against the Lusignans of La Marche and Arthur of Brittany at Mirebeau as well have been turned into poison harming the foundations of the Empire. While the defeat and capture of the Lusignan family was uncontroversial for their patriarch Hugh IX had kidnapped Eleanor before her death and duressed her into giving up La Marche, a serious blow for Angevin aspirations in Poitou. It was Arthur of Brittany who would be far more controversial though. As the eldest son of the first born Prince of Henry II and Eleanor, by rights Arthur should have been the head of the family. Arthur himself certainly had thia opinion and had joined forces with King of France against his kin, an ancient tradition of the Plantagenet family. When he was captured, John had breathed a sigh of relief. However, though a series of events that John may or may not have instigated, Arthur had died in captivity, negating the danger of John being deposed in England, bur spelling disaster for the holdings in France. Philip would have to have been a bumbling fool to not take advantage of Arthur's death, and at the first opportunity Philip confiscated all his occupied lands legally, bringing Normandy and Anjou into the Capetian Royal domains.
In the coming year, John would struggle to find ways to counter this, with La Marche, Thouars, the King, and other actors moving against him. Though unpopular, John would be forced to raise yet more resources from England and Ireland just to stave off collapse.

Envoy of John, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine and other lands arrives at tbe Court of Philippe (@Sneakyflaps )

It is libel and slander of the highest order, and a dangerous accusation to make against a peer of the realm. Arthur's death, though a great tragedy, was not the fault of man but of God who took him home when his time was up. His sister Eleanor herself is under safekeeping with her relatives and with Louis' marriage to Blanche, can't be considered a Capetian woman. As a premier Lord in charge of lands like Aquitaine, I am exempted from needing to show up to Paris to face my lesser peers.


Envoy of King John of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine and Normandy, to Llewellyn ap Lorwerth, King of Gwynedd (@Setsura )


To the King of Gwynedd, Llewellyn son of Lorwerth. I am pleased at the relations we enjoy and the submission rendered to the Kingdom of England. As your Overlord, I wish to arrange a marriage between my Daughter Joan and to either you, or betroth her to your son until he comes of age.


A missive arrives to the Court of Alfonso of Leon and Galicia from King John of England (@Tyrell )


To the King of Leon, I wish to negotiate a marriage between my niece Eleanor and to your personage to bind our realms together in
holy matrimony.
 
Vitalian said:
Envoy of King John of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine and Normandy, to Llewellyn ap Lorwerth, King of Gwynedd (@Setsura )


To the King of Gwynedd, Llewellyn son of Lorwerth. I am pleased at the relations we enjoy and the submission rendered to the Kingdom of England. As your Overlord, I wish to arrange a marriage between my Daughter Joan and to either you, or betroth her to your son until he comes of age.
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Thank you for your magnanimity, Your Grace. Lady Joan is close in age to my son Gruffudd, so I think it might be more prudent for her to be betrothed to my son. But at the same time, since she will now become the future Queen of Gwynedd, I would like to ask for Lady Joan to come to Gwynedd along with my son, for her to know the way of the Welshmen and her future people.

Llywelyn ab Iorwerth, King of Gwynedd
 
Setsura said:
Thank you for your magnanimity, Your Grace. Lady Joan is close in age to my son Gruffudd, so I think it might be more prudent for her to be betrothed to my son. But at the same time, since she will now become the future Queen of Gwynedd, I would like to ask for Lady Joan to come to Gwynedd along with my son, for her to know the way of the Welshmen and her future people.

Llywelyn ab Iorwerth, King of Gwynedd
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An enjoy from London arrives with a massive from Llewellyns overlord King John

To my faithful vassal Llewellyn son of Lorwerth. The King of England has heard your plea for Joan to be dispatched to your Court. I, the King, am moved by your sincerity and loyalty to the Kingdom of England and has agreed with your request. They have been betrothed in England in a ceremony, but they will both be dispatched to you in the coming months in light of the the impending union in Holy Matrimony
 


Ayyubid Embassy to Yahya ibn Ishaq "Heir of the Almoravids"
@Kirook
​
In the first months of the year 601, a large embassy departed from the metropolis of Cairo heading west into the deserts of Ifriqiya. They bore the standard and the words of Sultan al-Adil and were guarded by some three hundred elite Turkish and Kurdish ghulams. When they arrived in Tunis, they bore the following message.


In the Name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful
From: Sultan al-Adil Ayyubid, Ruler of Egypt, Syria, and the lands of the righteous,
To: Yahya ibn Ishaq, Heir of the Almoravids and Conqueror of Tunis, may Allah guide you.

Peace be upon you, and the mercy and blessings of Allah.

It has come to my attention, O noble prince, that your recent triumphs have revived the glory of your forebears, whose valor and piety were renowned across the lands of Islam. The conquest of Tunis, achieved by your hand, is a testament to your wisdom and strength, as well as to the justice of Allah, who grants victory to those who strive in His cause.

Yet, even the most valiant of rulers must tread cautiously in times of strife. The Almohads, whose ambitions stretch like a shadow over the Maghreb, are relentless in their pursuit of dominion. Their designs threaten not only your sovereignty but the stability and unity of our shared Ummah.

Know that I, as a servant of Allah and protector of His people, bear no desire for discord among the faithful. Rather, I seek to strengthen the bonds of fraternity and ensure the safety of all who uphold the banner of Islam. Thus, I extend to you an offer of alliance that is both just and beneficial.

If you will accept my sovereignty and become a vassal under the banner of the Ayyubids, I pledge to you my unwavering support in your struggle against the Almohads. I shall dispatch to you the aid of men and arms, as well as the wisdom of my generals, that together we may repel those who threaten your realm. You shall retain your authority over Tunis and its surrounding lands, ruling them in my name, with your rights and dignity preserved.

In return, I ask for your fealty and cooperation in matters of mutual defense and prosperity. Let this agreement be one of trust and shared purpose, sealed by our common faith and the will of Allah, who commands us to stand united against those who seek to sow discord among the believers.

Reflect well upon this proposal, O noble Yahya, for it is born not of coercion but of a desire for peace, stability, and the preservation of the legacy of Islam. May Allah guide your heart to what is best for your people and our Ummah.

Written by the hand of my trusted scribe in the gardens of Cairo, this 12th day of Jumada al-Awwal in the year 601 AH (1204 CE).

Sultan al-Adil Ayyubid,
Servant of the Two Holy Sanctuaries and Defender of the Faith
 
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Vitalian said:
To the King of Leon, I wish to negotiate a marriage between my niece Eleanor and to your personage to bind our realms together in
holy matrimony.
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Greetings,

Cousin, I have considered your proposal but I would urge you to ignore any rumors of discord between the good lady and Queen, Berengaria and I. Instead, I would offer a betrothal between my eldest Ferdinand and your lady niece. Though, should the requirements of the situation demand that a more seasoned knight be put at your disposal there is my half-brother Sancho Fernández who would be in a good position to advance our mutual interests. There are rumors of the severity of the situation between your liege lord in the lands of the West Franks and your person. A seasoned warrior might serve you better than my eldest who has only seen a few battlefields so far?

By my own hand,
I, the King
 
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The end of the Thronstreit
and the ascension of Philip of Swabia as King of Germany
(@Tyrell, @John7755 يوحنا)


Emperor Frederick I with his sons, Emperor Heinrich VI and King Philip.​

The failure of Emperor Heinrich VI's plans for a hereditary Holy Roman Empire began a period of disunity that threatened the supremacy of the House of Staufer over the land. After many twists and turns, which included Otto of Welf's own brother turning on him, the rivals for the German throne began talks to bring peace to the Kingdom of Germany. Under the auspices of King Otto's primary backer, Archbishop Adolf of Cologne. The Staufers and indeed majority of the princes by 1204 had condemned Pope Innocent III's Decretale Venerabilem as an affront against the Imperial constitution. At the same time, an open breach between the most powerful secular ruler and the Church diminished the majesty of the Imperial office by diluting its sacred character. By the same token, for the States of the Church to enjoy peace required a strong and friendly ruler in beyond the Alps that could discipline the Roman nobility when called upon.

Philip, the champion of the Staufers beyond the Alps, was a reluctant king. As a child, Philip was initially prepared for an ecclesiastical career. He learned to read and also learned Latin, and was placed at the Premonstratensian Monastery in Adelberg for his further education. He then was was provost at the collegiate church of Aachen Cathedral, while his father Frederick Barbarossa left Germany for the Third Crusade in 1189. Then shortly after the ascension of his brother as Heinrich VI, Philip was elected Prince-bishop of Wurzburg but without consecration to holy orders. His marriage to Irene Angelina, daughter of Emperor Isaac II, was meant to smooth relations between the Germans and Greeks. His interests before becoming as Anti-King were wholly directed towards the maintenance of the dynasty. These plans were quickly undone by the reluctance of the Queen Mother of Sicily and her advisors to allow Philip's nephew, Frederick, to submit his candiacy for the German throne during the crisis of 1198.

Half a decade later Philip had finally reconciled King Otto to accepting his rule. Otto's desire to recover his possessions in France, namely the County of Poitou, allowed a breakthrough in negotiations. Philip would pardon Welf partisans and give his material support from his possessions in Burgundy, Franconia, Swabia, and the Rhineland to outfit a force for Otto to lead in support of his uncle King John of England. He hoped this act would encourage Pope Innocent III to return to the project that had been presented the previous year that would have seen the Margravate of Tuscany granted to a nephew of the Pope in exchange for a Staufer bride and Philip's coronation. With this in mind and at the request of Otto, Philip requested an envoy be dispatched to Germany to witness and oversee the transition of authority between Otto and Philip, as well as to engage in talks for Philip's coronation as Emperor of Rome. The accord was sealed at the Staufer stronghold in Speyer and immediately Philip presented the sums promised to Otto for his campaign to recover Poitou.

Gift giving was the key to Philip's strategy to manage the German lords. Philip was able to attract high ranking Welf supporters to his side by showing more grace and favor than Otto. For example, Philip rewarded Count Wilhelm II of Julich with valuable gifts for his expressed will to win over all of Otto's important supporters for the Staufer. Otto, in contrast, refused to give his brother Heinrich, the city of Braunschweig and Lichtenberg Castle. Heinrich then went over to the Staufer side. For his fealty, not only was the Palatine of the Rhine restored to him by Philip, but he was also given a substantial subsidy.

Philip would not remain to savor this victory at his primary residence at Speyer for long. Bernhard of Anhalt, Duke of Saxony, had warily watched previous Danish incursions into Pomerania, towards the city of Sleswig, and into the lands of Saxon Holstein. These brazen acts were no doubt inspired by the civil war in the Empire. The intentions of the new Danish King, Valdemar II, were as of yet unknown but Philip wished to make a strong showing in favor of the Northern Lords, in particular the House of Anhalt that had loyally served the Staufer's throughout the throne crisis. Thus, King Philip gathered his banners to visit his father's old comrade in arms in Anhalt.
 
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An envoy from the Duchy of Brabant arrives to the Court of Philip von Hohenstaufen, Duke of Swabia and King of Germany @Cloud Strife
Following a series of courtesies and etiquettes, the envoy would send pass the message of the Duke of Brabant, whom wished to reconcile with the German King.

Hendrik, Duke of Brabant, personally visited his uncle, Albert II, Count of Dagsburg, at his residence, accompanied by his family. The visit aimed to strengthen and nurture their familial bond, especially given that his two sons just recently passed away two years ago, but more discreetly—and most critically—Hendrik sought to ensure that his claim to his uncle's inheritance remained secure and uncontested from any outsider. @Tyrell
 
Mino said:
An envoy from the Duchy of Brabant arrives to the Court of Philip von Hohenstaufen, Duke of Swabia and King of Germany @Cloud Strife
Following a series of courtesies and etiquettes, the envoy would send pass the message of the Duke of Brabant, whom wished to reconcile with the German King.
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The King lets it be known that he has no quarrel with the Duke of Brabant and indeed, he invites him to speak without fear of penalty regarding the situation in the County of Holland. It is the tradition of that part of the realm that Lady Ada be her father's heir and yet her uncle William has chosen to contest this with force of arms. The entire situation is most vexing to the Crown and King Philip asks that Henry of Brabant convey to William of the Hague that this matter is subject to the Crown's judgment. In exercise of that judgment the King directs the Duke of Brabant to mediate between the parties and report back to him if a peaceful outcome has been reached, in accordance with the correct custom.
 
From Hendrik, Duke of Brabant, to William, Count of Frisia, and Louis II, Count of Loon, husband to Lady Ada of Holland @Tyrell

To the Noble Lords William and Louis, guardians of the peace and prosperity of the County of Holland,

Greetings in the name of justice and concord.

The matter that has arisen regarding the rightful succession to the County of Holland weighs heavily not only upon your houses but also upon the peace and stability of our shared realm. His Highness, King Philip, has entrusted me with the solemn duty of mediating between your parties to avoid further bloodshed and to bring this dispute to a just resolution in accordance with the traditions and laws of the realm.

As such, I bid you both to lay aside arms for the time being and to meet at a neutral place under my guarantee of safety, where we may deliberate on the claims of both sides in good faith. I trust that both of you, as honorable lords, will heed the King's direction and allow reason and law to prevail over the sword.

To William, Count of Frisia, I entreat you to consider that while your claim may be rooted in principle, the use of force to assert it will bring no glory to your name if it casts the realm into disarray. His Highness has declared that this matter falls under his judgment, and it would be wise to respect his sovereignty in this matter.

To Louis II, Count of Loon, Your wife's right, derived from the custom of inheritance in Holland, is acknowledged by many, yet peace cannot be maintained without understanding the grievances of the opposition. I urge you to approach these discussions with a willingness to compromise for the sake of Holland's prosperity.

Both of you bear the responsibility of guiding the County of Holland through this trial without the stain of fratricidal conflict. Let us meet as stewards of peace, not as adversaries, and work toward a resolution that secures justice while preserving unity.

Send word of your acceptance of this mediation to my court in Leuven without delay, that we may fix a time and place for these discussions. Let it not be said that either of you refused the call to reason and reconciliation.

By the grace of God and in service to the Crown,
Hendrik, Duke of Brabant
 

The Secret Delegation to Rome @Tyrell
(OOC: Thought I would post this here as the rules state that all diplomacy should be in thread with no external negotiations or fait accompli posts meant to be allowed. Meant to be anyway.) ​

In the Year of Our Lord 1204, amid the tumult of the German throne crisis and the wavering fortunes of the House of Staufer, Denmark turned her gaze southward to the Holy See. King Valdemar II, ever vigilant of his realm's sovereignty and the tides of power in the Empire, dispatched envoys to Rome with solemn purpose. These ambassadors bore not only the petitions of their king but also the weight of a kingdom whose faith was steadfast and whose cause was just.

The halls of Rome had grown restless with murmurs of breach and betrayal. The Donation of Constantine, the sacred compact of realms temporal and spiritual, had been defied by both Philip of Swabia and Otto of Brunswick. These German contenders, blinded by their ambition, dared to cast aside the decrees of Pope Innocent III, diminishing the sacred majesty of the imperial office. This affront to the Church was no mere quarrel of princes; it was an assault upon Christendom itself.

Before the pontiff, the Danish envoys stood as representatives of a northern kingdom that had long upheld the Church's teachings. Their words were eloquent and measured, crafted to draw Rome's favour. They condemned the arrogance of Philip and Otto, who, in rejecting the Donation's tenets, had set a perilous precedent for secular rulers to defy divine authority. The envoys reminded His Holiness of the dangers posed by disunity in Germany, a land whose order was vital to the peace of Europe and the safeguarding of the papal domains.

King Valdemar's emissaries also sought to highlight the Danish crown's piety and devotion. They presented Denmark as a bulwark of Christendom in the north, a land where pagan strongholds had been shattered and the light of the Gospel spread. Denmark, they argued, was a kingdom whose actions aligned with the Church's mission, in stark contrast to the sacrilege of the German rivals.

Above all, the envoys sought to assure the Pope that Denmark's intentions were pure. The kingdom's incursions into Holstein and Pomerania, they claimed, were not acts of aggression but measures to secure lands occupied by heathens, rebels and enemies of the church, wars which had been approved of by the Pope. They urged Innocent III to recognize the peril of Philip's designs upon the northern lords, whose allegiance could threaten Denmark's borders and the stability of the Church itself.
It was the hope of the Danish delegation to be given written Papal confirmation of Valdemar's position as Papal ally and recognition of Valdemar's support for Innocent III upholding the Donation of Constantine within the Holy Roman Empire.


The Secret Delegation to Phillip Augustus @Sneakyflaps ​


In the Year of Our Lord 1204, as the embers of contention between the crowns of Christendom flared anew, word reached the court of Valdemar II of Denmark that an accord had been struck between the rivals of the German throne, Otto of Brunswick and Philip of Swabia. This pact, wrought in Speyer, bound the two German kings in a scheme to reclaim Poitou from the Angevin Crown, thereby drawing the might of Otto southward in alliance with his uncle, King John of England. The implications were clear: the French King, Philip Augustus, was now faced with war on two fronts, an opportunity seized by Valdemar to solidify ties with the House of Capet.

Valdemar, a sovereign of foresight and ambition, dispatched a delegation to the French King, who yet remained in the field amidst the siege towers and battered walls of Normandy. The Danish envoys were men of grave demeanour, chosen for their sharp minds and silver tongues, bearing not only their king's word but also gifts emblematic of Denmark's martial and cultural wealth: finely wrought swords, Baltic amber, and even a relic of the saints blessed by Danish clergy. These offerings sought to underscore the alliance of Christian monarchs in the face of shared foes.

Upon their arrival at the French camp, amidst the sounds of smithies and the cries of captains rallying their troops, the envoys were received with honour. Before Philip Augustus, they knelt, presenting their letters of credence and saluting the valour of the French King, whose victories against the Angevin Kings of England had inspired all of Christendom. They spoke of the kinship between Denmark and France, two realms united in their faith and in their resistance to the machinations of the Welfs and their English allies.

The Danish envoys conveyed Valdemar's assurance of goodwill and offered intelligence on the shifting allegiances in the north. They recounted the maneuvers of the German princes and warned of Otto's intent to turn imperial might upon the French. Though Denmark's campaigns in the Baltic demanded vigilance, they pledged that their king wished to come to an accord with Phillip Augustus that the 'Unholy Fraternity' created by Phillip of Staufer and Otto of Brunswick would not spread their poison into the lands of France or of Denmark.



A Lion Enraged @Tyrell @Cloud Strife
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In the Year of Our Lord 1204, the ports and harbors of Denmark teemed with life as King Valdemar II summoned his warriors and ships to gather for a campaign of monumental import. From Roskilde to Århus, the sound of hammer on iron and the cries of soldiers rang through the crisp northern air. The royal banners of House Estridsen—blue lions rampant on fields of gold—flew above the mustering grounds, a symbol of unity under the sovereign hand of Valdemar, King of the Danes and Lord of the North.

The host was vast, a testament to the strength and ambition of Valdemar's rule. Its purpose was clear: to intervene in the civil strife of Norway, backing Erling Stonewall's claim and securing Denmark's influence over the Norwegian crown. It was a calculated campaign, one that promised to extend Valdemar's dominion over the Scandinavian world. Yet, even as the oaths were sworn and ships prepared, word arrived from the south that cast a shadow upon the king's plans.

Philip of Swabia, now ascendant over his rival Otto of Brunswick, had declared his intent to march northward with a host to bring Denmark to heel. The Staufer king, who dared defy the Pope himself, claimed Denmark's southern marches as imperial lands and dismissed the kingdom's holy purpose in the Baltic as little more than opportunistic conquest. This proclamation struck Valdemar's court like a thunderclap. It was not merely a challenge to his reign but an affront to the sacred mission entrusted to him by the Holy Church—the cleansing of Wendish heathenry and the spread of Christendom in the Baltic.

The king's reaction was one of tempered fury. In Roskilde's great hall, as the herald's words faded, Valdemar rose and spoke with the measured authority of a ruler whose realm had grown strong under his hand. "The Empire's crown sits heavy on a brow unworthy of its weight," he said, his voice carrying to every corner of the chamber. "Philip of Swabia, who scorns the Pope and strikes at Christendom's defenders, will learn that Denmark is not his to command."

Valdemar's plans shifted with the weight of this new threat. Though his army and fleet remained primed for the Norwegian campaign, he ordered preparations to secure Denmark's borders and reinforce its southern defences. Fortifications in Schleswig were manned, and patrols extended across the marches. The navy, poised to set sail for Norway, was held in readiness to defend the kingdom's coasts should Philip's forces attempt to strike from the sea and to ship armies into the Southern Marches should Phillip be fool enough to attack.

Yet Valdemar was not content merely to await his enemy's move. He sent forth a delegation southward, bearing a message to Philip himself. The envoys, chosen for their eloquence and unwavering loyalty, carried the king's demands for an explanation. They reminded Philip of Denmark's holy mandate, bestowed by the Pope, to spread the light of the Gospel among the Wends and Other Heathens. They demanded to know why an emperor-elect, who owed his crown to the Christian faith, would march against a king doing the Church's work. These words were not merely a protest but a challenge, for Valdemar made clear his resolve: should Philip press his claim, Denmark would rise to meet him.

In the days that followed, the army swelled further, knights and freemen rallying beneath the golden banners of Estridsen. Valdemar moved among them, his presence a source of strength. To his captains, he spoke of the choices that lay ahead—whether to press forward into Norway, as planned, or to face Philip's forces in defence of Denmark's sovereignty. Both courses bore risks, yet the king's resolve never faltered. He had built his realm on strength and faith, and he would not see it undone by the ambitions of a Staufer prince.

As the fleet lay anchored in the harbours and the army waited in readiness, Denmark stood at a crossroads. The winds of war blew strong, carrying with them the weight of great decisions. Yet those who saw their king, mounted and clad in mail, with the lions of Estridsen glinting upon his shield, knew that he would not falter. Whatever course Valdemar chose, Denmark would meet the storm with the courage of its king and the strength of its people.
 
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A Bohemian Bride @CaptainShadow
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In the waning months of the Year of Our Lord 1204, amidst the clamor of preparation for war and the weighty deliberations of a sovereign kingdom, King Valdemar II of Denmark turned his mind to a matter of both state and heart. In the halls of Roskilde, where banners of blue lions on gold adorned the stone walls, the king summoned his scribes and emissaries. The matter at hand was the finalization of his betrothal to the fair Princess Dagmar of Bohemia, a union that promised to bind Denmark to one of the most powerful houses of the Holy Roman Empire.

Dagmar, renowned throughout Christendom for her grace and piety, was the daughter of King Ottokar I Přemyslid of Bohemia. Her name was spoken with reverence from Prague to Lübeck, her beauty matched only by her reputation as a devout and virtuous maiden. For Valdemar, a king of ambition and vision, her hand in marriage was a fitting alliance, one that would bolster Denmark's standing in the courts of Europe and strengthen its ties with the Přemyslid dynasty at a time when imperial politics swirled with uncertainty.

The betrothal had been negotiated with care, and as the agreement neared its consummation, Valdemar moved to secure the union with the dispatch of envoys to King Ottokar. These men, chosen for their eloquence and fidelity, carried letters sealed with the Estridsen lion and gifts of fine Danish craft. The missives bore Valdemar's pledge of honour and faith, confirming that the marriage would take place in the following year. In his words, the king expressed his joy at uniting with a house of such noble lineage and conveyed his anticipation of welcoming Dagmar as Denmark's queen.

It was said in Roskilde that Valdemar himself took care to ensure the envoys carried messages befitting both their kingdoms and their faith. "Let them see in my words the strength of our bond," he instructed, "and the promise of a future blessed by God's grace." He also ordered preparations for the arrival of Dagmar the following year, envisioning a grand wedding to celebrate the union not only as a bond of hearts but as a covenant between nations.

The court of Roskilde hummed with activity as plans were laid for the joyous occasion. Nobles spoke of the wealth and splendour that the Přemyslid bride would bring, while the common folk, inspired by the tales of Dagmar's virtues, prayed for a queen who would bring peace and prosperity to the realm.
 
ZealousThoughts said:
Yet Valdemar was not content merely to await his enemy's move. He sent forth a delegation southward, bearing a message to Philip himself. The envoys, chosen for their eloquence and unwavering loyalty, carried the king's demands for an explanation. They reminded Philip of Denmark's holy mandate, bestowed by the Pope, to spread the light of the Gospel among the Wends and Other Heathens. They demanded to know why an emperor-elect, who owed his crown to the Christian faith, would march against a king doing the Church's work. These words were not merely a protest but a challenge, for Valdemar made clear his resolve: should Philip press his claim, Denmark would rise to meet him.
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The impromptu Hoftag assembled to hear the Danes did not seem impressed by their haughty demeanor. Philip restrained his reaction to their arrogance and simply replied that as King of Germany he was making a royal progress thorough the northern reaches of his realm. He was further confused by Danish claims to territories of Saxony. What Wendish Crusade was to be fought in the territories of the Prince-Archbishopric of Bremen? Indeed, Emperor Frederick had bestowed the Privilege of 1186 so recently on the burgers of that city to enjoy imperial immediacy. Was not also Mecklenburg and Pomerania sworn to Germany from time immemorial?

Not wishing to be dragged into a drawn out debate, Philip instructed that Valdemar of Denmark do homage and liege service for the lands he legitimately held in the Empire, and in the case of disagreement if those lands were outside the German Crown he reminded the Danes that a Papal envoy had been invited to Speyer who could hear their master's grievances. He also made it clear that such an occasion would be a good time to have the Pope hear of German grievances regarding the bishop of Schleswig.
 
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Tyrell said:
Partitio Terrarum Imperii Romaniae
Partition of the lands of the Empire of Romania

EVENT
@EmuEmperor @Carol​

The Fourth Crusade ended with the capture of Constantinople by the Crusader and Venetian forces on 13 April 1204.

Shortly before the attack on Constantinople, the crusading barons and Doge Enrico Dandolo of Venice agreed to rules that would govern the election of a new emperor and the division of the Byzantine Empire, should the great city fall to them. According to this treaty, commonly called the "March Pact", six Venetians and six Franks would be chosen to elect the emperor. The new emperor would receive one-quarter of the empire, while the remaining three-quarters would be divided equally between the Franks and Venetians.

A commission of twelve Venetians and twelve Franks would later be elected to decide on the lands given to each of the greater crusaders. After the crusaders captured Constantinople, it was clear that there were two contenders for the imperial throne: Boniface of Montferrat and Baldwin of Flanders. Partisans of both sides were deadlocked over the choice of imperial electors, each attempting to seat those favorable to their candidate. In an attempt to grease the wheels, it was decided that whoever lost the election would instantly receive, before the division of any property, all of Asia Minor and Morea.

When the election was finally held, Baldwin of Flanders received a majority of the votes, largely because of Venetian support, and he was crowned emperor on 17 May. Shortly after the coronation, Boniface of Montferrat appeared before Emperor Baldwin to receive Asia Minor and the Morea, yet Boniface was not really, interested in Asia. Instead, he dreamed of the crown of Thessalonica, which had been promised to his brother Renier by Manuel I Comnenus. Now Boniface offered to trade all of Asia Minor for Thessalonica and its surrounding lands...
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Carol said:
Boniface was central to the crusading enterprise. It was under his leadership that the crusaders took the empire in the first place. Whatever the history before the coronation, Baldwin supplanted him after. In return, Asia Minor was promised to him as a consolation. Boniface instead asked to exchange it for a principality around Thessalonike. There was much discussion in the imperial court about the exchange. For one, no partition of the empire was made by a competent commission of partitores as specified on the March Pact so he lacked the legal merit to grant the request [3]. In light of the importance of crusading cohesion and the fact that the promise of Asia Minor had already breached the cited pact, Baldwin granted the exchange so long as his rights as suzerain over it and Boniface were recognized through homage. Indeed, God's favor never came cheaply. The journey was only half-done. There were rebels to subdue and a Holy Land to be won.​
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Restless sleep and deep thinking had brought conflict into the mind of Boniface. Thessaloniki had been his dream, yes... but perhaps a dream from another world. Asia Minor was a land of great value, and perhaps one of greater possibilities... perhaps, he had been mistaken. Thesaloniki was where his brother's claim held sway, yes, but to be offered Asia on a silver platter?

Perhaps Thessaloniki was the true temptation. Asia Minor was full of enemies, with infidels threatening to seize it should the weakness of the Greek empire be allowed to continue. What battles were to be won in Thessaloniki - warring against other Christians? They may be misguided, but surely his true duty should be to cast out the Sultan of Rum and restore the worship of Christ to the east. The Holy Land remained outside of their protection... could Boniface trust anyone else to finish the job?

Emperor Baldwin, @Carol

Perhaps I was misguided in my initial plea for Thessaloniki. It is true that the area holds significance to my family, but I fear in my desire to claim that legacy, I was blinded to the wisdom of your proposal. If you will grant it, I will gladly seize Asia Minor from the infidel in its entirety, and open the way to the Holy Land. I see now where I am needed to vanquish our enemy; Asia Minor requires my focus and leadership. Grant it to me, and we will devote our new empire to greatness and the glory of God.

Boniface.

OOC: I didn't intitally realise I might be in a position to change this, but Tsu suggested it and I quite liked the idea. Of course if you'd rather me in Thessaloniki I will go there, but personally I do feel like I'll have more direction and a better idea of where to go if I'm in Asia Minor.
 
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The Order of Saint George of Alfama
(Orde de Sant Jordí d'Alfama)

​

In 1201, King Peter II of Aragon founded the Order of Saint George of Alfama (Orde de Sant Jordí d'Alfama in Catalan, San Jorge de Alfama otherwise). Saint George was so honoured as the patron of knighthood in general and Catalonia in particular. The Order's chosen arms were those most often attributed to Saint George traditionally, the red cross (cruz roja) on a white field. The King created the Order with the intention of bolstering his military strength in a challenging border region, in a period where the Crown boasted no standing army of its own and the strength of the Templars and Hospitallers was sapped by their obligation to their own orders, which required a third of their incomes to be remitted abroad.

The new Order was structured around two principal men, handpicked by the King for this purpose. By his decree, King Peter entrusted the arid and sparsely populated lands of the Alfama desert to Joan d'Almenara (Johanni de Almenara), a Catalan nobleman and Templar, and the subdeacon Martí Vidal (Martino Vitalis). Their initial task was to construct a convent, a hospital and gather alms for the construction of a fortress. The priory-fortress was to be strategically located in such a spot as to guard the south-western reaches of the Kingdom from piracy and incursion by sea, serve as a forward-base for military efforts into Valencia, and facilitate the clearing out of the local Moslem population so that Christian settlers might be moved in.

Almenara was named Alms Collector and Royal Administrator and saw the Order's incipient treasury bolstered by the grant of Bujaraloz, near Zaragoza, and special royal protections punishing any third-party deforestation, flock herding or violence upon the Order's lands.

The priory-fortress of Alfama was soon erected, right on the coast, in the south-western reaches of the Aragonese realm. It was precarious living: dangerously close to the border with Saracen-occupied Valencia, on the one hand, and pirate-infested waters on the other. The surrounding desert was both a challenge and a protection. Money was an issue from the start. The King soon granted the Order leave to collect alms throughout Catalonia, at the most important fairs. The Priory-Fortres was built soon enough, however, despite the financial and logistical challenges. This Castillo or Castell stood upon a strategic tongue of rock deep in the sea, located in the middle of the wide maritime extension between the head of Salou and the mouth of the Ebro. The adjacent gulf was, or soon became, known as the Gulf of St. George (Golfo de San Jorge).

By 1204, the main body of the castle-hospital was fully built and beginning to serve as a refuge and respite for the sick and travel-weary. Though far from the wealth and prestige of the Templars, the Order had a particular claim and direct line to King Pedro's patronage, having been founded by him and being made up exclusively of his own Catalan countrymen. It remained to be seen, however, how efficient a part it would play in the pacification of the south and the continued work of the Reconquista.​


A scene of the Reconquista; note the knights boasting the red cross of St. George.​
 

Matters of the Great Song, 4th Year of Jiatai



Emperor Ningzong of Song​

Emperor Ningzong of Song was a studious man but weak ruler, his reign dominated either by his Empresses or high officials. At present the star of Han Tuozhou rose high at court, with the Chancellor enjoying the trust of Ningzong as the uncle of the late Empress Gongshu. However one of Han Tuozhou's most bitter enemies at court would be Empress Gongshu's replacement, Empress Gongsheng, whom he had attempted to influence Ningzong against crowning her as Empress in the wake of his niece's death. The new Empress had never forgotten that slight, and thus became an implacable foe to the Grand Chancellor. The latest in a long line of Song Empresses whom possessed significant political power within the court, Empress Gongsheng would prove to be just as domineering over her husband as her predecessor was.

As the 4th Year of the Jiatai Era began, the imperial court in Lin'an was awash with rumours of an impending northern expedition. Han Tuozhou had long been an advocate for seeking the immediate reconquest of the north with his posthumous pardon of the hero Yue Fei and demotion of the traitor Qin Hui, and in his mind now was the time to strike against the hated Jin and restore the borders of the Northern Song. Ningzong was not a military minded man, and took little interest in things such as the preparations for war. However Empress Gongsheng, always looking to counter her rival's moves, would influence her husband to send her adopted brother, the respected general Yang Cishan to inspect the border armies and navy despite Han Tuozhou's assurances to the court that all was well. Perhaps some kind of error or problem could be found to be used for the Empress's advantage in the imperial court, and Han Tuozhou's increasingly unchecked power could be brought back down to earth.

Meanwhile the reign of Ningzong would see a continunation of the Southern Song's trade-friendly maritime policies, with the southern provinces such as Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong thriving from overseas trade. The government would continue to encourage such, seeking to use the taxes earned from commerce to increase funding to the imperial navy, vital in keeping the Jin from crossing the Huai and Yangtze. Thus as the Great Song seemed on the road to war, beneath the surface matters in the imperial court would soon come to a head, and only Heaven knew who would prevail in the struggle between the Chancellor and Empress....​
 
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Khan Koten graciously addresses this to Kaloyan I "Roman Killer", Orthodox Tsar of Bulgaria, Catholic King of Bulgaria and Vlach, House of Assenides @Sejanus

The thundering of hooves accompanies this message, a host of nomadic warriors clad in mail and lamellar each one bearing an iron mask approach the gatehouse. Their message clad tightly in their hands and the word of their Khan on their breaths.
​
Tsar Kaloyan, may these words find you in good health. These men I send to you bear gifts, gifts of silk, fine horses, and the goods of the Far East. I seek now, to open a dialogue between our two peoples, between yourself and myself. You have many potential enemies and yet you may not know you could have friends to your north. Should you have need, a wave of steel could come to your aid for an appropriate price, but beyond that we seek to develop greater ties westward so that the goods of the east need not be hampered by Islamic designs.

As a gesture of friendship, I stand to offer you additionally this, Paulicanism has long created religious tension in your lands, they are a people which you seek to crush yet cannot. The Cumans have need of settled folk, not as slaves but to man outposts, to further enable the flow of goods across the steppes. I will humbly accept all who you send, those who have caused you so much trouble. They will be treated well enough and they shall not bother your people again. After all were they not forced upon your land in the hundreds of thousands all those centuries ago?

Think on my offer, may we grow to be friends, not enemies in these trying times.
 
Miriam said:
Despotate of Epirus

Michael Komnenos Doukas, kin to Emperors, and would-be lord of the Epirotes​

A flurry of messengers on horseback ride out from the city of Arta in every cardinal direction, flanked by bodyguards in unobtrusive armor. Days pass and then a river of soldiers follows one of the northward riders, streaming out to conquer or intimidate the Albanian and Greek clans throughout Epirus into submission. Fine Epirote steel garbs and arms the soldiers, who use it to full effect to enact the will of Michael Komnenos Doukas, would-be lord of all Epirus. Along with steel comes silver, to grease the palms of those who would gladly pay homage without a fight.

Michael rides with them, a splendid sight on his white steed, not yet garbed in the purple reserved for emperors, but cloaked in a shade of red, a martial color. He accompanies his troops to the castles and fortresses of those who pay him homage, taking only a modest title of "Doux" for himself, not yet ready to claim the imperial title. The self-proclaimed Doux declares his loyalty to the rightful emperor to anyone who asks, and yet, avoids answering who that rightful emperor was. He lets those local notables he meets make their own conclusions. Maybe he is loyal to the Crusaders, the lords of Constantinople. Perhaps seeks to unite Epirus under the banner of the Nicenes. In truth, he keeps his loyalties and ambitions to himself, always implying whatever others wish to hear.



The first messenger of the aforementioned flurry of riders rides south, for Corinth in Greece. @Foadar

We bring you greetings and good tidings, lord of Corinth. For we also have a quarrel with the Venetians and the Latins, and their lackeys. We desire to topple their new order in Constantinople, and we hope that we will have an ally in yourself and others who oppose them. Perhaps we can seek a closer friendship by marriage of our heirs, when that time comes? And if you are not interested in an ally in Epirus, perhaps we could agree to simply not get in each other's way.

Michael Komnenos Doukas, Doux of Epirus
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The rider does not get so far as Corinth, for he is diverted when he comes to call in a tavern in the town of Amfissa, in ancient Phocis, due east of southern Epirus. He is promptly redirected to the ancient acropolis by the tavern's keeper, where a military encampment has been erected on the elevated plateau. Not many men have set up camp there, but their captain is a man of Leon Sgouros. A stout fellow by the name of Alexandros, from Argos, he makes clear that his master had laid claim to Attica and Boeotia last summer, in addition to the domain he had seized in the North-Eastern Morea (the Pelopponese), and had seized the coming of spring to campaign in Thessaly, to expand his control further. Athens and Thebes had fallen swiftly. Thus, to complete his task, he must follow in the trail of Sgouros.

The following morning, well-rested and a change of horse, the rider moves due north-east, through the challenging Pindaros mountain passes, and eventually, catches up to the war-camp of Leon Sgouros, currently sieging Pharsalus, about halfway into Thessaly. He is well received, and served wine and good food. Within the week, he is sent back, this time with a letter from Leon Sgouros.

Doux of Epirus,
Michael Komennos-Doukas,

I receive your offer gladly, though also with a measure of surprise. For these past years I have been, effectively, an outlaw. Why would one such as you seek to ally with those deemed outlaws/traitors by the former tyrannical government in Constantinople, now toppled ?

Yet it is true, we have a common cause. I am amenable to making cause with you, as this seems to be a time of change, where alliances must be considered carefully, and more liberally than before. I shall draw my lines in the ground, and if they are amenable to you, I would happily ally you. I am myself yet unmarried, and do seek a wife, though not with great urgency. As your messenger will corroberate, I have taken Attica and Boeotia for myself, and I have little wish to part with them. But Greece is large, and much of it has yet to choose someone to support. Recognize my claim to those lands, and to the great island of Euboia, as well the right to do as I wish with Arcadia and Laconia in the eastern Morea, and I will recognize your claim to Epirus in turn, as well as the right to dispose of Thessaly and the western Morea as you wish, This, and taking one of your sisters to wife, can forge us a lasting alliance.

With these claims drawn, we can consider the threat in the east, surely thundering west as we speak, Latins of all sorts, and the Bulgarians from the north, former subjects turned dangerous foe, if we cannot come to terms with them. I eagerly await your reply. Your riders shall continue to find me in Thessaly, in the meanwhile.

Leon Sgouros, Governor of the Argolid, Corinthia, Attica, and Boeotia, Lord of Nauplia and Argos, Corinth, Athens and Thebes.


 
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1204: Khorasan - QTE - Stalking the Cicada, Unaware of the Oriole behind
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    • The Mantis stalks the Cicada, Unaware of the Oriole behind​

    Right now, It is spring in Khorasan, the air, crisp with the lingering bite of winter's memory, softens into warm days. Thin streams swell in the folds of quiet valleys as the snows melt. It is a time for campaigning, armies now ride again through these lands.

    Khorasan, a precious place within the Islamic East, its lands adorned by the splendour of mighty cities, learning sanctuaries, and resplendent courts now bears the scars of nearly half a century of remorseless upheaval. The provinces, once together under the Seljuq domains in a vibrant centre of Islamic-Persianate culture, are now fractured, battered by the hammer blows of successive catastrophes.

    It is a victim of its own natural advantages. The region's strategic importance, with its position as both the gateway to India and the corridor for the ambitions of Central Asia leaving it stuck in a great and fevered struggle. Before as a united body it had overawed and held dominion over its peripheries but now it is the periphery that rules it. The three greatest powers in this contest are; The Turco-Qiqchaq power of the Khwarazamshah, The Tajik-Indic power of the Ghurids, and the Khitan people's Great Liao.

    From Gurganj, Muhammad b Tekesh rides with the banners of the Khwarazmshah above his head with a great victorious momentum behind him. For the past year, all of Khorasan had bowed to the fury of the Ghurids, storming out of Herat to seize Nishapur, Merv and advancing to the very last strongholds of the Khwarazmshah. There in desperate circumstances the Khwarazmshah had persisted, the great Shafi'ite Imam, Shibab ad-Din al-Khivaqi, had given the people of Gurganj a righteous fury that bore them through the long siege. Their sacrifices alongside the Sultan's mother connections, saw that in this moment of seeming defeat the greatest strength yet was mustered by Muhammad b Tekesh.

    With tens of thousands pledged to his cause at the start of 1204, Muhammad b Tekesh threw back the Ghurids from Gurganj and followed them back into Khorasan. The army under the Khwarazmshah's banners that crashes down on Khorasan is all rage and blood. It is a bloody assault fashioned from discipline and steppe cunning. The Qipchak cavalry fan across the land like falcons in search of prey, cruel and efficient, while Turkic and Arab soldiers formed disciplined regiments that wreak havoc.

    Their foe the Ghurids, their dominions stretching from Khorasan and into the Indian subcontinent continue to retreat. Now for the past months the two have clashed countless times as the Khwarazmshah has laid siege to the urban centres of Khorasan and Muhammad of Ghor, the ruler of the Ghurids has attempted a mobile defence with his weaker force while falling back. It has not been enough and so the Ghurid's governors are torn out of town and city alike as the Khwarazmshah advances. These Ghurid's trampled under the hooves of the Sultan's bodyguard as revenge for the humiliations of yesteryear while the cities weep under the predations of the latest army to demand tribute to spare them from the cruelties that would come from a siege and sack. Muhammad of Ghor however is prepared to strike back, in Balkh a new army assembles while the loyal Nasir al-Dun Alp Ghurid at Herat prepares a new army as well. Together these forces if given time could give the Ghurids a force to overwhelm and destroy the Khwarazmshah and the Great Liao.

    Meanwhile, at Samarqand, a scene unfolds that crystallises the peculiarities of this age of ascending 'alien' power in Khorasan. Here a third army forms, the working of Muhammad b Tekesh's mother, wise and well connected by her Qipchaq roots. She had dispatched for her son envoys to the court of the Great Liao that sought their aid. Now the Great Liao answered and Yelü Zhilugu dispatched an army. It was in three battalions, one led by the Qarakhanid Taj ad-Din Bilge-khan, ruler of Otrar, the second by his cousin and ruler of Samarqand from the Qarakhanids, Uthman ibn Ibrahim, and the third by Tayangu, the Chamberlain of the Great Liao, and Governor of Taraz. It is the opportunity now for the Great Liao to advance into Khorasan, to see the Khwarazmshah submit in exchange for their aid in throwing back the Ghurids.

    The Khwarazmshah are invigorated, their spirits buoyed by the reversal of the Ghurid invasion. The Great Liao are hopeful, to expand the domain they hold sway over, to gain more wealth and to gain prestige, all good things under Heaven. Then the Ghurid's, defeated but they are not lost yet, Muhammad of Ghor has faced setbacks more grievous then this already and come back to reverse it all.

    -

    It is April. It is Spring. It is war.

    Khwarazmshah @Orange Boy [Message to me in your SV Mod convo your Plans for the next immediate month]

    Ghurid @7Ejk [Message to me in your SV Mod convo your Plans for the next immediate month]

    Great Liao @Haruhi is Waifu [Message to me in your SV Mod convo your Plans for the next immediate month]

    [This is a Quick Time Event]
     
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    • 1204: England & France - QTE - Love's Labours
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    • Sneakyflaps said:
    For Whom the Bell Tolls
    @Tyrell @Vitalian​

    Ever since Rouen had arrived upon the horizon, the faint sounds of the bells could be heard. Ever more frantic the closer the royal army neared. They had known it for days, the king surmised, ever since the fall of Gaillard, they must have known that it would only be a matter of time before the might of France would arrive outside their gates. They were the stronghold, the center of administration that was the Norman duchy of Normandy, from where the rest of revenue, justice and order would flow. With the fall of Gaillard, not only had the Siene Valley been cracked open to the French armies, but the great defensive system established by King Richard, had been undone. Despite the near disaster at Mirabeau, the stress of the threat had lessened greatly.

    Rouen would be enveloped before nightfall would be upon them, King Philippe would see to that. There would be no rescue, no open avenue of supplies. The Seine, which so helped to feed the city, would be blocked off from all transport, scouting parties felled and cut down. Catapults, trebuchets, sappers and whatever else needed to be constructed, would be so, so that the city would fall in a timely manner. King John had fled for the safety of England, and if Philip could have his way, Normandy would fall by the time that there was any chance that the king of England could ever strike back across the Channel.

    It would be as the siege camp is raised all around them, that the great men of not just the army, but that of the whole of France would be centered on the king's tent. It was here that King Philippe would host the great members of his court, to oversee the coming weeks if not months of strategy. The security, of not just Normandy, but that of the whole campaign against the wickedness of King John who had so disdained his own reputation. Having launched the campaign, stripping king John of his lands over the disputes with the Lusignan, whom King John had greatly offended by stealing the lord's wife. King Philippe had stripped king John of his French possessions for his failure to appear before the court of Paris.

    The great events of 1203, which saw Arthur, the rightful king of England and Duke of Brittany murdered on the orders of King John, had greatly augmented the position of King Philippe further, bringing together the nobility of northern France and many other places in outrage over such actions by King John. It had undone Mirabeau in such fashion that Philippe himself could not have engineered any such feat. Yet despite such a turn, it was rather the news of Eleanor that brought together the great advisers of the king within his tent. The one time wife of his father, the great duchess of southern France, had died at an old age.


    King Philippe II of France​

    Eleanor was the great personage which held together southern France, not just for John, but for Richard and Henry before him. The Northern possessions were in disarray, and Eleanor's death now threatened the whole of the Angevin empire, that the disorder would spread to the south and for Philippe, it was among the greatest news that he could have received. Whereas before there was little doubt that king John would seek to contest what he had lost, King John would now rather be tasked with the question of restoring Normandy, or consolidating Aquitaine. King Philippe's forces were already spread aplenty, with Henri of Clermont leading the siege of Caen. Should John risk to land his army in Normandy, the great towns were already under siege and the king would be able to gather his force and throw John back in the Channel.

    Thus for the councilors of King Philippe, the likelihood of King John would rather be the landing of fresh English forces in Aquitaine, an area which King Philippe, despite his best wishes, held little sway. His greatest source of influence being the house of Lusignan. Yet even they held little dominion outside the northern reaches where their ancestral lands remained. By his own advisors, it was seen as unlikely for the king to prevent John from landing in Aquitaine, or consolidating his hold should he manage to do so. What rather became the pivotal center of discussion, was rather how to prevent John from capitalizing on the resources of Aquitaine, or hitting the underbelly of the king's forces as they busied themselves with the conquest of Normandy.

    The path chosen, would be the dispatch of Gauthier de Villebeon, to give assistance to Guillaume de Roches, Seneschal of Anjou and Touraine, who held the frontier against the English possessions and who was tasked with further readying the defense to prevent English incursions. While Roches would be charged with the military aspects of the operation, it would be to Villebeon that the diplomatic nature were left. Villebeon was tasked with bringing forth the accusations against king John in the lands of Aquitaine. With bringing forth the charges and dispelling the rights which John held as land owner in light of his refusal to appear before the Paris Court, thus forfeiting his rights to inheritance, with the lands stripped. While the great dominions of Aquitaine had been left, as they belonged to his mother, their passing to John now meant they too were forfeit for as long as John remained in defiance of the summons of King Philippe.


    King John Lackland of England​

    Likewise, across Normandy, criers would be sent, denouncing that of King John of England. The announcement of King Philippe stripping him of his land, by the lawful rights as John's king and liege, permitted by John's failure to appear before the French court. The numerous accusations against King John; such as his taking of another man's wife, the killing of Prince Arthur, the unlawful captivity of Eleanor of Brittany who was to be the daughter-in-law of King Philippe. The list of John's tyranny and unjust actions was manifold, his guilt beyond a doubt.

    To the gentry, barons and so forth of Normandy, King Philippe's imposition was clear. John was no longer duke of Normandy; he had been stripped by the lawful actions of King Philippe. The people of Normandy were to swear fealty and oaths to King Philippe, they were to forego any loyalty to King John, renounce him and swear to never again take up fealty or loyalty towards his person. They were to recognize the authority and position of King Philippe.

    To London and further to king John, King Philippe sent an envoy. John was charged with the murder of Arthur the duke of Brittany, the unlawful seizure of the wife of Lusignan and her immediate return, as well as the release of Eleanor of Brittany into the hands of King Philippe as his daughter-in-law. John was stripped of his lands in Anjou, Maine, Touraine, Normandy and so forth. He was to appear before the court of Paris, and judged by the twelve peers of France for his transgressions. Failure to do so would see him further eroded. He had to appear with the greatest haste, or be seen as in defiance of his lawful obligations, and thus further forfeit of his mother's lands in Aquitaine.
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    Vitalian said:
    ​

    The humiliating disasters of the last few years wear heavily on Johns conscious. Though in the first 2 years of his reign he was able to assert his dynastic interests within France he increasingly found himself at a loss for as to actually save the situation. In the campaign of 1203, Philip Augustus, King of France had majestically advanced throughout all of Normandy, capturing Rouen with slight resistance and conquering even the Plantagenet homeland. The blows would only be compounded with the death of his mother Eleanor in 1204. Not only a grievous personal blow to him; it also tore at the fabric the Angevin Empire was built on for his mother's support was what enabled the South of France to be a bastion of support for him.
    His only major victory thus far in the war against the Lusignans of La Marche and Arthur of Brittany at Mirebeau as well have been turned into poison harming the foundations of the Empire. While the defeat and capture of the Lusignan family was uncontroversial for their patriarch Hugh IX had kidnapped Eleanor before her death and duressed her into giving up La Marche, a serious blow for Angevin aspirations in Poitou. It was Arthur of Brittany who would be far more controversial though. As the eldest son of the first born Prince of Henry II and Eleanor, by rights Arthur should have been the head of the family. Arthur himself certainly had thia opinion and had joined forces with King of France against his kin, an ancient tradition of the Plantagenet family. When he was captured, John had breathed a sigh of relief. However, though a series of events that John may or may not have instigated, Arthur had died in captivity, negating the danger of John being deposed in England, bur spelling disaster for the holdings in France. Philip would have to have been a bumbling fool to not take advantage of Arthur's death, and at the first opportunity Philip confiscated all his occupied lands legally, bringing Normandy and Anjou into the Capetian Royal domains.
    In the coming year, John would struggle to find ways to counter this, with La Marche, Thouars, the King, and other actors moving against him. Though unpopular, John would be forced to raise yet more resources from England and Ireland just to stave off collapse.

    Envoy of John, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine and other lands arrives at tbe Court of Philippe (@Sneakyflaps )

    It is libel and slander of the highest order, and a dangerous accusation to make against a peer of the realm. Arthur's death, though a great tragedy, was not the fault of man but of God who took him home when his time was up. His sister Eleanor herself is under safekeeping with her relatives and with Louis' marriage to Blanche, can't be considered a Capetian woman. As a premier Lord in charge of lands like Aquitaine, I am exempted from needing to show up to Paris to face my lesser peers.


    Envoy of King John of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine and Normandy, to Llewellyn ap Lorwerth, King of Gwynedd (@Setsura )


    To the King of Gwynedd, Llewellyn son of Lorwerth. I am pleased at the relations we enjoy and the submission rendered to the Kingdom of England. As your Overlord, I wish to arrange a marriage between my Daughter Joan and to either you, or betroth her to your son until he comes of age.


    A missive arrives to the Court of Alfonso of Leon and Galicia from King John of England (@Tyrell )


    To the King of Leon, I wish to negotiate a marriage between my niece Eleanor and to your personage to bind our realms together in
    holy matrimony.
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    Love's Labour's​

    1204. The tide had turned, with a violent rupture. Normandy and Anjou, that bedrock of the Angevin empire, had slipped beyond the reach of John, that 'Soft Sword' as many derisively mocked him. It was Philip Augustus II, inheritor of that great Capetian lineage who now entered Rouen, the Oriflamme unfurled above his host, a blazing sun, a symbol of unrelenting conquest. The city keys had been surrendered, their cold weight a token of finality, and the duchy followed in somber procession. Stone fortresses, unyielding for generations, now bent like reeds in the wind, crumbling in the presence of the French king. Every hamlet, every manor that fell under Philip's banner spoke not just of conquest, but of humiliation. Rouen was not just a city; it was the heart of Normandy. And now it beat for France.

    Across the English Channel, London simmered with resentment. John himself rode into the city under the gaze of wary eyes. A king, yes, but to many, he was a king who had accomplished little beyond overturning the bright glories of his father and brother's reigns. The streets whispered of Normandy's loss before he could even dismount. His barons, those anchors of the realm, were unmoored by his failures, their loyalties fraying.

    It was into this charged atmosphere that William Marshal came at the head of a faction of many Norman barons. They were petitioners. These men, came as an unwelcome guest, carried by the winds of anger and fear. John's failure had not merely cost him Normandy; it had cost them their lands. Now, with Normandy lost, they were left adrift, vulnerable to the changes that Philip might enforce on them.

    They entered John's court, not with the quiet deference of vassals, but with the sure-footed steps of men who came with a purpose. William Marshal led them. The message they came with was clear; Normandy was likely to be lost. They refused to stand idle and see their estates perish because of their king's failings.

    Their demands were straightforward. If John could not provide stability, if he could not turn back what to many seemed inevitable, then they would seek it themselves. John must take action and take it swiftly, or else allow them to forge their own paths, even if that meant bending the knee to Philip for the sake of retaining their lands. It was a bitter prospect, but desperation left them with little choice. What was worse, they were but a minority of those with lands in Normandy seeking this answer, many already had gone over and done just that.

    John met their words with a stony silence, he was no fool. He saw, as clearly as anyone, the precarious balance of his reign. His grand French domains were vanishing, and with it was the loosening of the foundation of much of his authority. Action is required. Action, not courtiers' games or frantic politicking. The court and all his realm waited.

    Cloud Strife said:
    ​
    Greetings,

    Cousin, I have considered your proposal but I would urge you to ignore any rumors of discord between the good lady and Queen, Berengaria and I. Instead, I would offer a betrothal between my eldest Ferdinand and your lady niece. Though, should the requirements of the situation demand that a more seasoned knight be put at your disposal there is my half-brother Sancho Fernández who would be in a good position to advance our mutual interests. There are rumors of the severity of the situation between your liege lord in the lands of the West Franks and your person. A seasoned warrior might serve you better than my eldest who has only seen a few battlefields so far?

    By my own hand,
    I, the King
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    His first reply was the letter of engagement he had sought with Alfonso IX "The Younger", King of León and Galicia. The response was warm enough and would fortify the court's feelings that perhaps there was still a second wind for the King's effort in France. Sancho Fernandez would soon after this response depart from the royal court at Leon, taking ship at Gijon for Aquitaine with a personal following of several hundred with the support of his King Alfonso IX to this betrothal. With this news, the court at London grew more warm to the King's efforts but still, they demanded more clarity. Would John return to France and make war or would he settle terms with the King of France? His choice would determine their choices.

    Meanwhile, the submission of Normandy and Anjou was nearly complete, the only question was if this could be settled by Philip as the permanent state of things. John's reply, refusing to present himself at court had opened another opportunity with Aquitaine. It was now up to Philip how he might answer both these things.


    Angevin @Vitalian [Message to me in your SV Mod convo your Plans for the next three months]

    Capet @Sneakyflaps [Message to me in your SV Mod convo your Plans for the next three months]

    [This is a Quick Time Event]
     
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  • Threadmarks
    • 1204: Bulgaria - Event - The Cruel Yoke
  • Threadmarks
    • In 1040 an otherwise unknown character, Petar Deljan, who claimed to be a grandson of Samuil, managed to rouse the population of the Belgrade region, and was proclaimed Tsar: he was soon joined, and subsequently killed, by Alusian, the son of the last Bulgarian independent ruler Ivan Vladislav. Alusian brought the rebellion to an end, in exchange for the imperial pardon and the title of magistros.

    Another secession took place a few decades after, in 1072. The perpetrators, the Bulgarian aristocracy of Skopje, were explicitly looking for a direct connection to the Bulgarian past in order to validate their claim for independence, and their attempt was much more organized than the one of Deljan. They sent envoys to the Prince of Duklija Mihailo, whose mother was a descendent of Samuil's family, and asked him to send his son, Constantine, so that he could be crowned Tsar of the Bulgarians. Constantine accepted, and chose to be crowned under the name of Peter. The reason for this choice is obvious: to claim imperial dignity linking his name to that of Peter the first, and to present his own kingdom as the continuation of the old Bulgarian kingdom, a political entity far more prestigious than the kingdom of Samuil.

    Both insurrections, after some initial enthusiasm, failed miserably: but they are proof that during the years of the Byzantine domination the memory of the former independence had survived, at least partially, and could be actively put to use to provide an acceptable semblance of legitimization. It is not surprising, then, that when at the end of the twelfth century a more serious and coordinated effort was made to separate a part of the old Bulgarian kingdom from the Byzantine Empire, the memory, of the first kingdom played a very significant part in the ideology and in the actions of its leaders.
    The region in which the secession took place was that of Paristrion.

    It began like most revolts do with the falling out of the lord and his servants. Two Paristrian magnates, the brothers Theodore and Asen, went to Kipsella, where the emperor Isaac II was currently encamped, asking for the bestowal of some land, probably in exchange for military service. They were, probably, already at the service of the empire. Something in the negotiations went wrong and they were rudely dismissed. Once back in their homeland, they swore vengeance and organized their secession.

    The main reason for the insurrection was economic, before 1185, the region did not manifest any separatist tendency, so common in other parts of the empire. During the last quarter of the century the fiscal pressure was becoming increasingly oppressive, and the political and commercial advantages that the empire had provided in the past were rapidly declining. The region around Anchialos had been hit particularly hard by a new tax levied by the emperor, who wanted to raise money to pay the expenses for his marriage with Margaret, the daughter of the Hungarian king Béla III. This tax was extended to the region of Paristrion. The mistreatment that the brothers had to endure, and their reaction to it, was the finale to a growing sentiment of rebellion. The Paristrians had to decide whether to endure this situation, or to try some different strategies. in the end, they chose to fight.

    The rebellion of the Assenids was supported largely by the Cumans, of Cumanic or Vlacho-Cumanic origin. The Assenids, despite their clearly Bulgarian royal ideology, continued the active partnership with the large Cumanic diaspora north of the Danube, even after the success of their revolt. The Cumans, being mercenaries and allies, played a significant role in almost all the successful military campaigns of the Second Bulgarian state. People of Cumanic origin were in the highest circles of the Second Bulgarian State, the royal wife of the Tsar Kaloyanwas of Cumanic origin; the Assenides themselves had clearly Cumanic names such as Asen, Boril, Belgun.

    During the almost 150 years of prior Byzantine domination, the ethnic composition of the lands formerly pertaining to the Bulgarian kingdom changed greatly. Paristrion made no exception: in fact, the composition of its inhabitants was extremely diversified. The Bulgarian aristocracy was mostly assimilated by marriage within the Byzantine ruling elite there were transfers of populations from within the borders of the empire, and some Byzantine families took control of some Bulgarian land. Other changes depended on the movements of various populations, such as the Pechenegs, the Oghuzs, the Cumans, and especially the Vlachs, who apparently became very numerous in the region of Paristrion, so much that Byzantine authors begun to call it Vlachia rather than Bulgaria, reserving this name for the Westernmost regions of the former Bulgarian kingdom. It was this local "Mixobarbarian" society, which chose Bulgarian identity not only because of the tradition, but also because of its anti-Byzantine content.

    It was because of this that the two brothers and then Kaloyan took onboard a path of Religious and Political struggle against the Byzantine court, establishing a rival church, seizing the relics and monasteries of the Empire around their dominion. It was by this that they could muster the call of religious excellence and in the evident decadence of Constantinople, they could contrast themselves with its ruler who they declared unfit to be at the top of the hierarchy, now that even St. Demetrius had deserted him. The victories that followed against the enfeebled Empire were a further proof of identification. They were clear, in this rebellion they were not a new realm, they were reclaiming and reorganising an ancient and splendid realm of orthodoxy and martial strength that the Byzantines by their venality had lost the ability to command. Kaloyan's star shone as the Angeloi's dimmed. Bulgaria was not a new state, which had yet to find its place in the hierarchy of nations and whose rulers and clergymen had no dignity, but an old and glorious kingdom whose special place was to be formerly recognized.

    Kaloyan, or Ioannitsa as he was sometimes called, inherited from his brothers a well-established kingdom, and as Constantinople fell, the lands that had long resisted the Bulgarian Emperor began to waver. The message of the Tsar of Bulgaria was one of triumphal revivalism, a stark contrast to the collapse of Byzantium.

    Kaloyan I, Orthodox Tsar of Bulgaria, Catholic King of Bulgaria and Vlach, House of Assenides @Sejanus would recieve from the city of Sozopol a formal request to surrender itself to his majesty, giving to him their loyalties and joining as a force within his realm.
     
  • Threadmarks
    • ByzantineCaesar said:
    Emeric, by the Grace of God, King of Hungary, Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Rama and Serbia, of the Kindred of the Holy Kings, to the most illustrious Baldwin, Count of Flanders and Hainaut, Dominus of Romania and Constantinople, fraternal greetings
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    Fraternal Greetings,

    All has been done as God foresaw it. Had He not blessed our venture, He would not have sent us to Constantinople nor would He have exposed the treachery of the Angeloi before it forever harmed Christendom. With the poison expelled, God has vouchsafed this great empire to us, to mend it back to strength. We desire not the blood of kindred. As you our kin in faith have put it, vengeance is only for the hand of God to decide, whenever and wherever it may come from. The retired empress will remain safe in our keeping; she has been treated with dignity equal to her station on the pain of our honor. It is likewise with her children.

    The ideas you have put forth of friendship have intrigued us. Indeed, there is much to be gained in the trust of our mutual realms. For one, the integrity of our promised territories and the souls within them; for another, the inability of our enemies to be harbored unknowingly in either land. Should you our friend see wisdom in this we can grasp great promise in the hand of our beloved daughter, Joan, to that of your eldest nephew, Manuel. Be well in the trust of God and His anointed Church.

    Our hand,
    The Emperor Baldwin I    ​

    EmuEmperor said:
    Boniface.
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    Boniface is summoned before the emperor's palace. The two had been many things to each other. Each had seen the other at their worst and their best in the enterprise to breach the city of their dreams. Now that riches and power had come before them, rumors spoke of ill-will between the two. They had competed for the throne that Baldwin alone stood in. He spoke with the majesty of that history: 'Old friend, you have been making many requests of us late. Compensations were provided for and then altered at your insistence. Now you say the former was ever the greater prize and wish for it back. What will others think when we grant you this unconditionally? They will see how easy it is to negotiate with their master; they will see that we beggar ourselves before them to retain their good will. We say this not to deny you Asia Minor. Indeed, we have forgiven all rancor in our heart to return that piece to you. But we do it with conditions. First, you must secure the western lands of this empire with that great talent of yours, so that it will be safe when we turn our attention east. Do so and we will grant you what you request and more besides.'​
     
    Foadar said:
    Leon Sgouros, Governor of the Argolid, Corinthia, Attica, and Boeotia, Lord of Nauplia and Argos, Corinth, Athens and Thebes.
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    The same night the letter is received in Epirus, a fresh rider is sent to Thessaly, to the camp of the erstwhile Governor of the Argolid.

    Governor of the Argolid, Corinthia, Attica, and Boeotia, Lord of Nauplia and Argos, Corinth, Athens and Thebes,
    Leon Sgouros, @Foadar

    My reasoning for offering you alliance and friendship is threefold. Firstly, the Crusaders went too far in crowning one of their own as "Emperor". That and their sack of the Queen of Cities was unconscionable. I was in the city at the time it happened, and had no army or even escort. I was practically a hostage to their whims. It is only now that I can raise a force to oppose them. I do not trust their governance over the empire, nor their greed. Thus I need an ally to oppose them. Secondly, I have some brief experience in rebellion myself, and I believe that a mighty lord who can hold his own against the accursed Emperors Alexios and their corrupt rule is a valuable friend to have. Lastly, I believe conflict between us would be useless and serve the interest of our foes. It seems rather foolish to make enemies with you now, when the true foe lies east and potentially north.

    I accept all your terms, and will send along my sister Irene to Thessaly shortly.

    Doux of Epirus,
    Michael Komnenos Doukas
     
    Carol said:
    Boniface is summoned before the emperor's palace. The two had been many things to each other. Each had seen the other at their worst and their best in the enterprise to breach the city of their dreams. Now that riches and power had come before them, rumors spoke of ill-will between the two. They had competed for the throne that Baldwin alone stood in. He spoke with the majesty of that history: 'Old friend, you have been making many requests of us late. Compensations were provided for and then altered at your insistence. Now you say the former was ever the greater prize and wish for it back. What will others think when we grant you this unconditionally? They will see how easy it is to negotiate with their master; they will see that we beggar ourselves before them to retain their good will. We say this not to deny you Asia Minor. Indeed, we have forgiven all rancor in our heart to return that piece to you. But we do it with conditions. First, you must secure the western lands of this empire with that great talent of yours, so that it will be safe when we turn our attention east. Do so and we will grant you what you request and more besides.'​
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    Very well - if you so desire it, Greece will be secured in the name of Christ before I continue the Crusading push towards the Holy Land.
     
    Leo Sguras, Despot of Corinthia @Foadar ,

    Emperor Baldwin I has ordered me away from Asia Minor to secure the west for his new Empire, and I intend to do as my Emperor commands. Your lands are within the territory I must bring back under the control of Constantinople, but we need not be enemies. Pledge your loyalty to Emperor Baldwin, and I will see to it that you be permitted to keep Corinthia and maintain a level of autonomy. In turn, I - and the Emperor - will aid you in defending your lands from external threats.

    Boniface, King of Asia, Margrave of Montferrat.


    Michael Komnenos Dukas, Despot of Epirus @Miriam ,

    Emperor Baldwin I has ordered me away from Asia Minor to secure the west for his new Empire, and I intend to do as my Emperor commands. Your lands are within the territory I must bring back under the control of Constantinople, but we need not be enemies. Pledge your loyalty to Emperor Baldwin, and I will see to it that you be permitted to keep Epirus and maintain a level of autonomy. In turn, I - and the Emperor - will aid you in defending your lands from external threats.

    Boniface, King of Asia, Margrave of Montferrat.
     
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