Official Name:
Medinat Yisra'el
Common Name: The State of Israel, Israel
Government Type: Parliamentary Democracy
Politics: Oh boy. You want a list?
It should come as no surprise that the Israeli National Project was fraught with controversy, political conflict, and lawsuits.
In the middling aftermath of the ISOT, when things had calmed down enough that money had value again and people were actually making future plans, calls for various countries to be restored began to crystalize and the movement for a new Israel emerged as one of the most significant of the early national projects. This was to be expected; Israel had one of the largest and best organized lobbies in the United States prior to the ISOT, it enjoyed general bipartisan support for its existence, and there was a large and active segment of the American electorate willing to cast their votes on the basis of support for Israel. The movement calling for the State of Israel to be re-established was not a totally united one- there were a multitude of different perspective on how to make the new government better than the old one from all of the different flavors of Zionism- but it was able to make the Federal Government take it seriously and it played a key role in persuading Washington to create a pathway for private colonies to seek independence.
When the US Department of the Interior first announced its guidelines at the end of Year 2 it received literally thousands of colonial proposals involving the traditional Abrahamic holy land (filing to create a private colony is like filing to run for POTUS- anyone can do it and it's super easy, but few rise to the level of public notice). Only four of those actually met the basic requirements of raising 20 million dollars and recruiting 20,000 potential colonists by the end of the initial filing period;
- A proposal by a Texan megachurch that regarded the ISOT in highly millenarian terms
- A proposal by a collection of Haredi Zionist groups led by Chabad-Lubavitch who had split from the Acharii Coalition over its decision that adherence to the rulings of the religious courts in the new Israel would be voluntary and wanted a Halachic (religious law) state
- A proposal from an alliance of Palestinian and pro-Palestinian groups called the Association for the Restoration of Palestine led by Riyad Mansour who had crowd-sourced the $20 million
- A proposal from the Acharii Coalition, a coalition of mainstream Zionist organizations including the ZOA, the ARZA, AIPAC, the Christian Zionist ACLI, and the rump-Israeli diplomatic corps, under the leadership of Ron Dermer
The USDI rejected the constitutions submitted by the first two proposals, and after a series of acrimonious public hearings predictably approved the Acharii Coalition to establish a private colony in Israel. As a private colonial effort can claim no more than 5,000 square miles, Israel's initial area for settlement incorporated a most of northern Israel and the West Bank with awkward narrow salients extending along the Mediterranean Coast as far as OTL Gaza and from the base of the Dead Sea down to OTL Eilat. The Secretary of the Interior noted that most of the Negev was thus left unclaimed (as were the Golan Heights and part of far-northern Israel) and suggested that if the Palestinian National Project resubmitted their proposal for one of those areas, or for OTL Jordan, then it was likely to be approved.
Disinclined to build a state out of either malarial swamps, the least appetizing parts of the Negev, or territory outside of their traditional homeland, the Palestinians instead opted to challenge the USDI's decision in the American courts on a variety of different grounds. This was the beginning of a series of major lawsuits that would dog the new Israeli colony during the early years of its existence.
When the Supreme Court finally decided on the case of
Association for the Restoration of Palestine versus the United States Department of the Interior it determined that the original decision of the USDI to award the land in question to the Acharii Coalition had been constitutional and in line with the USDI's own guidelines. The court declined to rule on the validity of the pre-ISOT Israeli and Palestinian territorial dispute that had been the basis of the Palestinian legal argument that the USD0I's decision had been prejudiced and not based on who actually had the most legitimate claim to the land. According to the justices the Department of the Interior was empowered to make such decisions on the basis of which proposal was the best prepared to establish a successful colony, making the legitimacy or illegitimacy of old land claims irrelevant. The subsequent case of
Association for the Restoration of Palestine versus the Autonomous Insular Area of Israel (most commonly cited as simply
Palestine v. Israel) was a Palestinian victory however. The ARP's lawyers had made the case that as Israel was not yet an independent country the colonial government there was bound by the United States Constitution and that Israeli immigration law- limiting immigration to persons with at least one Jewish grandparent espousing no religion other than Judaism- violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Israel could not limit immigration on the basis of either religion, ancestry, or ethnicity.
The Israeli authorities countered by instituting a language test for immigration- anyone could immigrate to Israel, but they had to speak Hebrew (or less commonly Yiddish or Ladino) first. To prove that one was Hebrew fluent one could complete a program in Hebrew at any accredited university, graduate a high school that with Hebrew as your foreign language (which most Jewish high schools in America required), or complete one of a number of 8-week Hebrew courses that Jewish communities organized around the country. Alternatively you could also take and pass a fluency test.
The Palestinians launched another lawsuit, this one comparing the fluency test to the poll tests of Jim Crow, and arguing that a language barrier for immigration requiring one to speak the liturgical language of Judaism was
de facto discrimination on the basis of religion. The result of the lawsuit was mixed, a federal judge (a Jewish one, ironically) noted that Modern Hebrew was not a liturgical language and that Israel had the right to take language ability into account when considering candidates for immigration- after all the United States had long used English-fluency as requirement for immigrants to become naturalized. She also agreed that the defense had successfully demonstrated that the fluency test it used was a fair one, and that anyone with moderate fluency in Hebrew could pass it. The problem was that Israel was using multiple standards other than just the test, and that not everyone who had successfully completed high school Hebrew classes or graduated an 8-week course had the same level of language mastery as someone who had passed the test. The judge ordered Israeli authorities to come up with a single standard measure for potential immigrants, and the Israelis complied with a language test that required only partial fluency in Hebrew to pass for everyone.
The Association for the Restoration of Palestine organized free Hebrew classes for anyone who was interested, and grudgingly attempted to work with the situation as it stood.
*phew*
The best part of course, was that it didn't really matter.
There were millions of Jews or people of partial Jewish ancestry in the United States but under ninety-thousand Palestinian Americans, many of whom had little interest in living in a Jewish state that they had moved to America to get away from. Most Arab Americans were Christians and more likely to be interested in the Lebanese or Assyrian National Projects, most Arab American Muslims supported the Palestinian cause but had their own strong national identities and their own national projects if they didn't get involved in the Pan-Arab or the Pan-Muslim projects in Arabia. Despite the fears of some Zionists, the Palestinian community simply didn't have the numbers to somehow take over Israel via immigration, and modern-day Israel is about 10% Muslim, a majority of whom have at least partial Palestinian descent.
The real demographic problem, when it manifested, came from the Evangelicals.
Religion became a little weird in America in the years after the ISOT, with religiosity intensifying in multiple directions and different denominations presenting different interpretations of the cosmic event whose most commonly used name ended up being inspired by the title of a late '90s sci-fi novel. The Evangelical Christian community was no less divided on it's significance than anyone else, but a sizeable percentage regarded it as eschatological in nature and many of those ascribed great importance to a holy land now apparently cleansed of human presence- particularly the Temple Mount- and anticipated that certain prophesied events would soon be occurring there. Individuals who held these views, wanted to emigrate, and either spoke Hebrew or were sufficiently motivated to learn were a very small minority, but there are between 90 and 100 million Evangelical Christians in the United States compared to 6 to 10 million Jews, and while the Acharii Coalition had been more successful at getting Jews to sign up than the Association for the Restoration of Palestine had been at recruiting Palestinians, most American Jews were middle class and more likely to donate money than actually move to the wilderness for the back-breaking work of building a country. When Israel gained official independence in Year 27 (it had successfully requested an additional 5,000 square miles of territory back in Year 18, and was one of the only private colonies to convince Congress to authorize a small amount of extra territory on top of that, ultimately leaving Israel with roughly 11,500~ square miles of land comprising all of OTL Israel, the West Bank, Gaza, the Golan Heights, and a strip of good farming land in OTL Jordan) it went back to an immigration system based on the pre-ISOT Law of Return, but it was too late.
Israel as of Year 100 is about 52% Jewish, 11% Muslim, and a whopping
37% Christian, almost all of whom practice different flavors of Evangelical Christianity- usually the more extreme flavors.
Much to the chagrin of Jewish Israelis this new community has a very different concept of what Israel is or should be- most of the Jews who immigrated to re-establish Israel were from either Reform or Secular backgrounds (as is the case with most American Zionists and most American Jews in general) and as a result they built the new Israel much to be much less religious than the old one. For instance it has civil marriage, the Rabbinate wields purely spiritual authority, and the Israeli government decided
not to build the Third Temple on the now empty Temple Mount, opting instead to wait for the Messiah to return first and (with Washington's approval) forbidding any construction of any kind in or around the mount in they waited (over the protests of some Jews who wanted to go ahead anyway, and some Muslims who wanted to rebuild the Dome of the Rock). This tends to conflict with the goals held by Israel's Evangelical community, the majority of whom want to see the Third Temple constructed as a necessary prelude to the mass-conversion of the Jews to Christianity, the Second Coming, and the establishment of the Kingdom of God, albeit not necessarily in that order and with some variations between churches. More prosaically, even the non-apocalyptic Evangelical churches are generally opposed to Israeli government policies protecting LGBT rights, legalizing abortion, and teaching topics such as evolution in public schools. A political culture of high voter participation and loyalty to a single party led to the rise of the United Crusade, a big tent for most of the Evangelical congregations in Israel, with a platform based on fundamentalist Christian values, non-explicit Islamophobia, and building the Third Temple.
When the Crusaders captured a plurality of 41 seats in the Knesset in the Year 87 elections and briefly seemed like it might form a government in alliance with the main Haredi Jewish party and the Kahanists, it inspired a general panic that resulted in what is likely the most ironic political development in the history of Herzl's dream.
Since Year 87 the Israeli government has been controlled by a fractious Grand Alliance of every Jewish party, left, right, center, or religious (except for the Kahanist assholes) and a small nonsectarian liberal party, with confidence and supply from both Muslim parties. The price for Muslim votes was to pass a Law of Return for Palestinians and their descendants, but there weren't that many Palestinians left who wanted to immigrate anyway, and this was seen as a lesser evil than allowing the Crusaders to take control of the Jewish State and risk them turning it into… something. It wasn't clear how far the United Crusade would or could actually go once in power (the United States would always intervene if things got too crazy) but whatever they created was unlikely to be particularly Jewish in any case. The Muslim parties have made concessions of their own- such as adopting platforms accepting Israel's right to exist in some form- but like the Jews they consider this to be better than the alternative.
Welcome to the Middle East!