Legacy of the Weltkrieg VI: Take Up Our Quarrel

[Kirook]

German Empire
Played by: @DanBaque
Leader(s): Kaiser Wilhelm II/Chancellor Alfred von Tirpitz
Regime: Semi-constitutional monarchy
Capital: Berlin
Faction: Reichspakt (Leader)
Economy: Overwhelming/Growing
Status: Stable/Low (Stability improving)
Army: Large/High
Navy: Huge/High (Navy quality improving)
Notes: Highly overextended periphery, corporate centralization

Commune of France
Played by: @grimely
Leader(s): Chairman Pierre Semard
Regime: Socialist republic
Capital: Paris
Faction: Third Workers' International (Leader)
Economy: Large/Growing
Status: Moderate/Low (Stability improving)
Army: Large/Standard (Army quality improving)
Navy: Medium/Standard (Navy quality improving)
Notes: Growing social-progressive movement

Empire of Japan
Played by: @Red Robyn
Leader(s): Emperor Hirohito/Prime Minister Takaaki Kato
Regime: Constitutional monarchy
Capital: Tokyo
Faction: Anglo-Japanese Entente (Leader)
Economy: Large/Growing
Status: Moderate/High
Army: Large/Standard
Navy: Large/Elite
Notes: Suppressed nationalist discontent in Korea, growing Japanese nationalist underground

Austro-Hungarian Realm
Played by: @Etranger
Leader(s): Kaiser Karl I/Minister-President Michael Hainisch
Regime: Semi-constitutional monarchy
Capital: Vienna
Faction: Treaty of Rome (Leader)
Economy: Large/Stagnant
Status: Unstable/Low (Stability improving)
Army: Medium/Standard (Army quality improving)
Navy: Medium/Standard
Notes: Concessions to non-Magyar minorities, increasing radicalization in Hungary)

United States of America
Played by: @Hyvelic
Leader(s): President William Gibbs McAdoo
Regime: Liberal republic
Capital: Washington, DC
Faction: None
Economy: Overwhelming/Recession (Economy improving)
Status: Unstable/High
Army: Medium/Standard
Navy: Overwhelming/Standard
Notes: Growing political radicalism, unstable periphery, moderate corporate discontent, recent formation of leftist Popular Front

Russian Republic
Played by: @Namaroff
Leader(s): President Aleksandr Kerensky
Regime: Liberal republic
Capital: St. Petersburg
Faction: None
Economy: Large/Recession (Economy improving)
Status: Unstable/High (Stability declining)
Army: Huge/Poor
Navy: Small/Poor
Notes: Restrictive treaty provisions enforced by Germany, rapidly growing political radicalism, ongoing conflict in Turkestan

Ottoman Empire
Played by: @Pirx
Leader(s): Sultan Mehmed VI/Grand Vizier Mustafa Kemal Pasha
Regime: Constitutional monarchy
Capital: Istanbul
Faction: None
Economy: Large/Stagnant (Economy improving)
Status: Moderate/Low (Stability improving)
Army: Medium/Standard (Army quality improving)
Navy: Small/Poor
Notes: Ongoing conflict in Turkestan

Kingdom of Egypt
Played by: @Sealy
Leader(s): King Farouk I/Prince Regent Mohammed Ali Tewfik Pasha
Regime: Constitutional monarchy
Capital: Cairo
Faction: None
Economy: Medium/Growing
Status: Moderate/Medium
Army: Small/Standard
Navy: Small/Standard
Notes: Nationalist-anticolonial political turn, formation of political parties, religious tensions in South Sudan, border tensions with Mittelafrika

Commonwealth of Britain
Played by: @Weygand
Leader(s): Chairman Arthur James Cook
Regime: Radical republic
Capital: London
Faction: Third Workers' International
Economy: Large/Stagnant
Status: Unstable/Low (Stability and manpower improving)
Army: Small/High (Army size improving)
Navy: Large/High
Notes: Military reorganization, educational reforms

Dominion of Canada
Played by: @Frostbyght
Leader(s): King George V/Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King
Regime: Constitutional monarchy
Capital: Ottawa
Faction: Anglo-Japanese Entente
Economy: Medium/Recession (Economy improving)
Status: Unstable/Low
Army: Small/High
Navy: Large/High (Navy size increasing)
Notes: Integration of British exiles ongoing, labor unrest, KKK presence, anti-American sentiment

Socialist Republic of Italy
Played by: @RobespierreLives
Leader(s): President Amadeo Bordiga/Chairman Palmiro Togliatti
Regime: Socialist republic
Capital: Turin
Faction: Third Workers' International
Economy: Medium/Growing
Status: Moderate/Low
Army: Small/High (Army quality improving)
Navy: Small/Standard
Notes: Internal factionalism (anarchist vs Marxist), recent justice system reform

Kingdom of Italy
Played by: @Ranger
Leader(s): King Vittorio Emanuele III/Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti
Regime: Constitutional monarchy
Capital: Rome
Faction: Treaty of Rome
Economy: Medium/Growing
Status: Moderate/Low
Army: Small/High
Navy: Medium/Standard
Notes: Underground far-left and far-right organizations, recent public works initiative

Third French Republic (in Exile)
Played by: @Rincewind
Leader(s): President Albert Lebrun
Regime: Liberal republic
Capital: Algiers
Faction: Treaty of Rome
Economy: Small/Stagnant (Economy improving)
Status: Critical/Low
Army: Small/High
Navy: Medium/High
Notes: Military coup likely

Democratic Socialist Republic of India
Played by: @Theaxofwar
Leader(s): Jawaharlal Nehru
Regime: Liberal republic
Capital: Calcutta
Faction: None
Economy: Large/Recession (Economy improving)
Status: Unstable/High (Stability improving)
Army: Large/Poor (Army quality improving)
Navy: Small/Poor
Notes: Nationalist underground, anti-caste-system campaign ongoing, recent education reform

British Raj
Played by: @Traveller76
Leader(s): King George V/Viceroy Rufus Isaacs
Regime: Colonial government
Capital: Madras
Faction: Anglo-Japanese Entente
Economy: Medium/Recession
Status: Unstable/Medium (Stability declining)
Army: Small/Standard
Navy: Small/High
Notes: Popular discontent, socialist agitation, Princely State diarchy, Japanese influences

Brazilian Tenente Rebellion
Played by: @notbirdofprey
Leader(s): Luis Carlos Prestes
Regime: Provisional government
Capital: Manaus
Faction: None
Economy: Small/Recession
Status: Unstable/Medium
Army: Medium/High
Navy: None
Notes: High popular support, indigenous groups requesting representation

Second Spanish Republic
Played by: @Korona
Leader(s): President Eduardo Dato
Regime: Liberal republic
Capital: Madrid
Faction: Treaty of Rome
Economy: Medium/Recession
Status: Moderate/Medium
Army: Medium/Standard (Army quality declining)
Navy: Small/Poor
Notes: Combating Rif guerrilla remnants, recent military purge, rank and file soldier discontent

Guominjun
Played by: @Genolution
Leader(s): General Feng Yuexiang
Regime: Warlord
Capital: Xi'an
Faction: Chinese United Front
Economy: Medium/Stagnant (Economy improving)
Status: Unstable/High (Stability improving)
Army: Medium/Standard
Navy: None
Notes: French and German assistance, ongoing rural electrification and propaganda campaigns

Kuomintang
Played by: @Ultrackius
Leader(s): President Sun Yat-Sen
Regime: Warlord
Capital: Guangzhou
Faction: Chinese United Front
Economy: Large/Stagnant
Status: Unstable/High (Stability improving)
Army: Large/Standard
Navy: Token/Awful
Notes: Minor left-wing discontent

Fengtian Government
Played by: @nachtingale
Leader(s): General Zhang Zuolin
Regime: Warlord
Faction: Anglo-Japanese Entente
Economy: Large/Stagnant (Economy improving)
Status: Unstable/High (Stability declining)
Army: Large/Poor
Navy: Token/Awful
Notes: Japanese influence, pro-United-Front internal faction led by Zhang Xueliang, diplomatic outreach to anti-UF warlords

Dutch East Indies
Played by: @Astra Myst
Leader(s): Queen Wilhelmina I/Governor-General Cornelius de Jonge
Regime: Colonial government
Capital: Batavia
Faction: None
Economy: Medium/Recession
Status: Critical/High
Army: Medium/Standard
Navy: Small/Standard
Notes: Recent imposition of hardline Governor-General, socialist uprising likely

Holy Union of the Caucasus
Played by: @<o>U<o>
Leader(s): Holy Protector Pyotr Krasnov
Regime: Theocracy
Capital: Volgograd
Faction: Reichspakt
Economy: Medium/Recession
Status: Unstable/Low (Stability declining)
Army: Small/Elite (Army size increasing)
Navy: Token/Awful
Notes: Cossack dominance, mass deportations to Mittelafrika, ongoing Islamic rebellions

United Baltic Duchy
Played by: @Thiccroy
Leader(s): Kaiser Wilhelm II/Duke Adolf Friedrich I
Regime: Semi-constitutional monarchy
Capital: Riga
Faction: Reichspakt
Economy: Small/Stagnant
Status: Unstable/Low (Stability improving)
Army: Small/Standard
Navy: Small/Standard
Notes: Underground socialist agitation, minor Baltic German discontent

Mittelafrika
Played by: @Fission Battery
Leader(s): Stadthalter Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck
Regime: Colonial government
Capital: Jaunde
Faction: Reichspakt
Economy: Large/Recession (Economy improving)
Status: Unstable/High (Stability declining)
Army: Large/Awful (Army quality improving)
Navy: Large/Awful
Notes: Recent administrative reform, ongoing rebellion in Central Africa, ongoing border conflicts with Portugal, South Africa, Somalia, Egypt

Republic of Mexico
Played by: @Cosmo Rat
Leader(s): President Álvaro Obregón
Regime: Liberal republic
Capital: Mexico City
Faction: None
Economy: Medium/Stagnant (Economy improving)
Status: Moderate/Low (Stability improving)
Army: Medium/Standard (Army quality improving)
Navy: Small/Standard (Navy quality improving)
Notes: Internal factionalism (liberals vs socialists), new cultural developments

Kingdom of Siam
Played by: @Tyrell
Leader(s): King Rama VI
Regime: Absolute monarchy
Capital: Bangkok
Faction: None
Economy: Medium/Stagnant
Status: Moderate/Medium
Army: Small/Standard (Army quality improving)
Navy: Small/Standard
Notes: German influence, reformist King, nationalist youth movement

Republic of Liberia
Played by: @midnight77
Leader(s): President Charles D.B. King
Regime: Oligarchic republic
Capital: Monrovia
Faction: None
Economy: Tiny/Growing (Economy improving)
Status: Unstable/Medium
Army: Small/Poor
Navy: Token/Awful
Notes: Garveyist government, anti-caste movement, Garveyist militias forming

Tsardom of Bulgaria
Played by: @MaironHWH
Leader(s): Tsar Boris III
Regime: Semi-constitutional monarchy
Capital: Sofia
Faction: None
Economy: Medium/Stagnant
Status: Moderate/Medium (Stability declining)
Army: Medium/Moderate
Navy: Small/Poor
Notes: Internal factionalism (militarist/Zveno vs liberal), ongoing agricultural mechanization, Greek relations thaw

Rashidi Arabia
Played by: @baboushreturns
Leader(s): King Muhammad bin Talal
Regime: Absolute monarchy
Capital: Ha'il
Faction: None
Economy: Tiny/Stagnant (Economy improving)
Status: Moderate/Low (Stability and manpower improving)
Army: Small/Poor
Navy: Token/Awful
Notes: Tolerant religious policy, strong Ottoman influence

 

[Weygand]

The Red Baronet
An unlikely class collaborator rallies the opposition
​

If one thing could be said of the Cook Chairmanship, it was that his alliance with the institutional Labour Right was leaving it to the define the structure of the republican state. Citrine's influence was felt across the nation, but never more strongly than in the individual Commission buildings in London, and the developing civil service in Whitehall. In many ways, Cook's abdication in this aspect of governance had meant that things were both different and painfully familiar: the republican civil service had the same ranks, the same rates, the same offices and the same structure as the old monarchist one.

It was this dependence on the older, established structures of the British state - their appropriation for the republican project rather than their outright abolition - which opened the door of influence to men like General Wedgewood, who now headed the Commonwealth Armed Forces Review, but, in the civil realm, there was still a crucial disconnect: whilst it was true that a core constituency of the British middle class had remained in the country, discontent with calls to exodus, they remained wary of Cook and his trade unionist allies.

They needed, in short, an 'approachable toff'.

Oswald Mosley was the man of the hour. Originally a Conservative MP himself, Mosley was incredibly young by the standards of the old British political class: in his twenties by the time of the revolution, he had only just turned thirty when he was summoned into Arthur Greenwood's offices and offered a briefing to begin bringing a handful of older army officers and former senior civil servants on board with the regime.

From that initial profile, Mosley might seem a highly unusual collaborator: however, he was possessed of a political survivor's instinct, and a contempt for what he perceived as weakness. The monarchy's collapse and an ignominious exile in Canada suited Mosley ill, so, like a reliable chameleon, he changed his scales and adopted a vigorous, reformist, radical persona. A talented public speaker with high society connections and a noble title, he was made to denounce the latter and embrace the former in his new capacity for the British state.

Increasingly, Mosley and men like him were becoming useful. However, Mosley was ill-settled in a middling service career: a number of meetings with Nye Bevan and Stafford Cripps had established a united platform between the pair in Congress, and Mosley - outspoken but outside the government's workings - was increasingly gaining a national profile as its chief vocaliser. Calls for a concrete, state socialism, tied closely to a central government operating under a corporatist model, were rapidly becoming the opposition to the TUC's agenda.

For now, they were a restful minority.

So long as the Chairman's health held, they would remain that way.

 

[Cosmo Rat]

Álvaro Obregón elected Presidente of Mexico!




Former military commander, chickpea farmer, and once foe of Zapata and Pancho Villa during the civil war... Alvaro Obregon strides forth as Mexico's newly elected president, succeeding his Institutional Revolutionary Party predecessory, Adolfo de la Huerta. Having lost his arm in 1915 from an explosive, Obregon serves as a centrist who believes in educational reform, military re-organization and largely continuing his predecessor's policies.



Obregon ever popular with the army was met with cheering adulations from crowds, although the sworn opposition of Zapata and Villa were quick to point out electoral issues of re-election, something of which the whole civil conflict was fought over.


Still, Obregon promised to cooperate with opposition and forge Mexico's future with a firm, steady hand. His hand, directing the progress and changes of the Mexican state as he was entrusted to do so by the people of Mexico.

Arms production and the continual improvement of the Mexican national military was one of the Presidente's primary goals, stating,

"The future of Mexico is one where Mexico will see where its enemies and friends find themselves. Do not fear the enemy who attacks you, rather the friend who flatters you. The security of our country in the wake of changing times must be taken seriously, and that seriousness will be delivered with prompt and swift execution."



With numerous civil conflicts erupting throughout Latin America, Mexico stands as a bastion of independence in what is increasingly seen as a bloc ridden world... Mexico maintains this by the ever improving ranks of its infantry, artillery and ever growing airforce and naval forces. Troops engage in constant drills as the professionalism of the armed forces increases, so too does the vigilance of the Mexican nation.

 

[Weygand]

James Chuter Ede, 1st Education Commissioner

Babylon Is Fallen
The flickering flames of cultural revolution
​

The relative continuity of the institutions of the British government into the period of the second commonwealth may have, to some degree, lulled contemporaries into believing the degree to which British society was actually 'revolutionised' at all was miniscule: however, where Cook had conceded the levers of political predominance to Walter Citrine, he remained intent on inoculating the next generations with a strong, republican identity - this, combined with the paranoia propped up by the MacDonald letter of an envisioned 'passive royalist' - fed some incentive toward the concerted project of revision: both of Britain's present society and how it understood its past.

Thus came to be the must unabashedly, unrepentantly radical of the first Chairman's Commissions: the Education Commission. At its helm was a former schoolteacher and a veteran of the war, James Chuter Ede.

Ede was not a natural radical. Indeed, in the sedate tradition of English school teachers, he was something of a convert to Labour: in the interlude leading to the war, Ede had become disillusioned with Liberal reformism, seeing Labour as more emblematic of the working class constituency a politically active teacher ought to seek to represent. Two failed parliamentary candidacies did not reduce his standing in the Trade Union movement: Ede's credentials as an education unioniser were key to his appointment.

What he set about creating, however, was a fundamental revision of the British education system.

'Public schools' - the fee-paying institutions of the British elite, including Eton itself - were comprehensively 'reconstructed', with the campuses and premises being nationalised. Ede immediately set about conducting sweeping unionisation ballots across the country, establishing each chartered school as a worker and community-ran board for executive decisions on a local level. Nationally, however, he also constructed the first centralised school curriculum in British history: the minimum school leaving age was risen to sixteen, full courses in English, Mathematics and the Sciences were to be delivered, and the state would foot the bill for everything from textbooks and teaching materials to the establishment of a national examination body.

In collaboration with Cook, who was keen to stress the importance of building a 'republican consciousness' in the next generation of Commonwealth citizen, a history curriculum intensively focused on the 'republican pedigree' of the British Isles: emphasis was given to the English Civil War, the revolts of Wat Tyler and the Chartists, as well as the wider history of industrial labour in the Commonwealth leading up to 1925, which was framed as a 'Second Glorious Revolution'.

Gerrard Winstanley's 'Diggers' digging up formerly enclosed land for planting, as they are antagonised by Roundhead and Cavalier alike​

The abolition of what Ede contemptuously termed a 'royalist paramilitary' - the Scouts - brought with it the prominence of three alternative youth clubs and societies. Started at the turn of the century, the Scout movement had fallen under the sway of Baden-Powell, turning away from its more decentralised approach and toward the kind of rigid military discipline - and the segregation of the sexes - which the Victorian Powell deigned was becoming of the youth. With oaths to the monarchy, uniform and drill, it was easy to see how the Scouts were one of the first casualties of the reforming project in British education.

Baden-Powell's influence in the movement, however, was not uncontested. The most prominent of these dissidents was John Hargrave, a Utopian Socialist of Quaker extraction. A pacifist whose religious conviction was only reinforced by the horrors of the war, Hargrave conceived of his first fraternity - Kibbo Kift - as a vehicle for instilling the kind of self-discipline and personal responsibility necessary for young people to develop a social conscience. Hargrave was becoming a keen disciple of the Social Credit Movement, which was enjoying something of a resurgence in the political atmosphere of the British Revolution. Splits between Hargrave and certain elements of Kift who objected to his strong influence in the movement had led them to don their characteristic green shirts during the Revolution, partaking in the many running brawls and political violence which characterised the rougher areas of Britain in 1925.

On the other end of the split from Hargrave were the 'Woodcraft Folk', . Only recently started in the revolutionary year of 1925, the Folk were expanding rapidly along with the growth of union cooperatives, having already enjoyed intense popularity in the more radicalised working class neighbourhoods of Britain's industrial heartland. Unlike the Scouts or the Green Shirts, the Folk welcomed children of both sexes, and its explicit rejection of the militarist ethos the Scouts had been based upon meant that - despite its uncomfortable neopagan heritage - the Folk were deigned permissible by Ede as an alternative.

Where the Scouts fell, the Green Shirts and the Folk were eager to take up the mantle.

Recruitment posters for the Green Shirts (L), and the 1930 issue of the Woodcraft Folk's monthly publication, Herald of the Folk (R)​

 

[Namaroff]

The man put in total control of the invasion effort, Pytor Wrangel


Wrangel's bete noir in Turkestan, the wily Enver Pasha


Uzbek dignatories
​

Knowing broad promises of dividing Turkestan along nationalities would be seen as a return of the Empire and not as liberation, Wrangel sought strategic alliances with the Manghits of Bukhara and the Khongirads of Khiva, promising them support in reinstituting Uzbek rule over Tajik lands in exchange for a neutral buffer zone between Alash Orda and the Turkmen; as well attempting to raise a "Kirghiz" (Kazakh) Legion from Alash Orda to take control of Khirgiz subjects in Turkestan.

 

[Cosmo Rat]

A collection of insightful shorts.


Las Desapariciones de la Noche

The man walked the alley to the train, stepping through the puddles of rain. Moist jungle heat, water lapping at his feet- he stared down with pain. He had been shot, for what he ought know not, and only knew that his blood was dripping in the rain.

Stumbling forward, he had looked up towards the station, laden in his dwindling vitalization, and pondered how long it was now. He held his stomach, for he had been left on his knees to rummage a means to keep wake alive for yet some moments more.

The man with the revolver, who had become himself and involver. He lay dying on the floor... to be found by a guard, who had just missed the train.

"Amigo... are you ok?"

He did not answer, for he was in deathly pain.

"Amigo?" The guard had knelt down, feeling his pulse, to see if the heart kept beating.

He opened his eyes, looking at the man in the coat, who seemed to be a guard.

"Porque..."

It whispered along the wind.

"I do not know young man. But your wound is fatal..." He looks down, pulling out his own pistol.

"Porque... por favor..."

The plead whimpered from his lips.

"There's no need to run anymore."

The execution was swift. The shot man witness to something he shouldn't have, and those associated with bags placed upon their heads, their mouths gagged to prevent their screaming dread. Another disappearance in the night, never to be heard from again.



Cozumel: La Historia Pasado, Presente y El Futuro

The island of Cozumel, known for being an ancient site of Yucatec Maya and at one point, a once important shrine of fertility, of homage to the Maya goddess Ix Chel- the grandmother jaguar, the lady of the moon. An island that is steeped in its connection with feminine cultural specialization, one that had been eroded of its original Maya culture. A mixture of reasons such as disease ridden sailors arriving on their island in the 1520's, causing mass sickness and death for the 10,000 inhabitants as disease spread like wildfire to their communities.

And throughout its history, it had also faced pirates from the Caribbean. All sorts of people had raided and pilfered Cozumel, its temples and its people. Whether it was external fishermen of various sorts stabbing into its reef population, or the raiding and pillaging of pirates ransacking the island. Caribs warbands, rogue European pirates and privateers, bandits and profiteers of all types.

Often evacuated of its population, first in 1650, and then later on again entirely in 1668 due to the intensity of piracy in the area.

Settled again in 1848 by refugees of the Caste Wars of the Yucatan... where the indigenous Yucatec Maya rebelled against Spanish authorities, a population that had prior to the clamps of colonial controls they increasingly faced and decimation of their communities, had been a place of many cities, towns and villages united under different dynasties, priesthoods and collectively over the centuries had developed a sense of resistance.

Mexico was the story of resistance as a whole, and of trepidation of power... whether one wielded it or had it wielded against them, the consequences impaled through anyone who was caught in the brutality of power struggle.

Mexico had recognized Cozumel and included it within its nation. A beautiful island, but one with a dramatic history and one rocked with a resistant spirit.

With recent times, Mexico stares back into its past but continues to march forward, as the critical examination of society is a pushed front for many of the Mexican people, by its people who want to evaluate their society and seek out autonomy... a large question for the growing Dock Unionists and other likeminded Syndicalists.

Huerta had enabled many means for society to express itself... and those expressions were that among Mexico's populace, unfair working practices were still being practiced, some argued even further that exploitation was still in order... and a growing sense of autonomist thought and anarchistic movements had gripped much of Mexico. Increasingly, the relations of labour syndicates and corporations both had been characteristic of the regime.

Mass industrial alliance, a united Mexico of many means.

While Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa had led a rather heroic and inspiring charge throughout the landscape, even visiting the island during the election campaign as Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa and other notable National Agrarian Party members went about the landscape. Well recognized, well received, but failed to draw the necessary pull, reach and level of control the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party had.

Co-opting... under Alvaro Obregon, the strategy likely to expand. But there was dissent, as things began to merge in different and unexpected ways where co-optation and amnesty of the recent government had led.

Cozumel, for its sake was an island that people both looked towards the beauty, but also for some, behind their shoulder.
For those who dissented on the ancient mother island found themselves weeping, their tears washed in the rain, to sink into the depths of the sea.

The Mexican people knew that one government may operate well, but the means of peace were never a guarantee with any regime.
The island was a microcosm of Mexico's larger political dynamic. The industrial syndicates and shipping magnates that had continued to try and build on the island, with some reluctant locals not wishing to disturb their fishing and to cede already limited land to hungry syndicates, who blurred the line between cartel and labour movement.

Growing local indigenous movements had begun to speak out against colonialism and the Catholic Church, and supported by the National Agrarian party, further mixed with concerned locals town dwellers and coastal fishermen. The preservation of the community and the improvement of quality of life characterized a good segment of the population, which at this point neared roughly 3000 people.


But with the Syndicates the promotion of further syndicate movements as well as deliberate acquisition and enfoldment of businesses led to many Syndicalist movements beginning to form, a combination of political will, and monopolists to try and reign over the island. While some believed it to be for a more concerted effort of betterment, or for increased workplace democracy, the radicalization of the island's socio-economic aspects meant a larger shipping focus on the island as many ports were expanded by the regime, often in partnership with local enterprises. While the government itself wasn't... Syndicalist per se, it too had strengthened its control of the island with the expansion of police and border patrol boats watching the waters.

Some among their ranks considering Cozumel's vulnerability, or potentially thinking of other plans. The under currents of revolutionary thought and revolutionary spirit was rife with all of Mexico. And outwardly Mexico has many potential issues coming to it, whether it be refugees yet arriving to Cozumel again, criminal activity and cartels- of which some suspect Syndicalists to be turning to, and seek to oppose their influence.

Obregon for his part motions to create national parks among the reefs and island's nearby sea, as a means to have controlled fishing to help sustain the fish population and to allow the sea to recover. He has been quoted to have said in recent interviews to an American news agency,
"Teddy Roosevelt had the right idea."


Escuelas y Atletas de Mexico

A new popular phrase among Mexican youth who have seen increasing engagement with various youth clubs and community centers, a growing sense of pride begins to emerge among communities as they recover and rebuild from the civil war. New facilities and expanded classrooms and teacher to student ratios has led to the Mexican Cultural Rebirth to be geared towards education. President Obregon has made it his intent to increase the budget of schools, provide more programs and to help provide the Mexican youth of today for the challenges of tomorrow. To staff more advanced subjects, immigration teachers have also been invited among numbers of locally hired teachers.

Education follows a format of a primary schooling from ages 6 to 12, junior high school from 13 to 15, and finally high school with 16 to 18 with secular education. Some among the Mexican Catholic population wished to include faith again, but such appeals were largely ignored by most of Obregon's government- with churches largely receiving some stipends to support modest extra-curricular education.

However, with the expansion of the oil industry and increasing bidding of Venezuelan oil meant that a large number of tradesmen were demanded and Mexican syndicates and corporations alike began to also sponsor local schools, and in many schools English, Spanish and sometimes indigenous languages being taught. Centralization of education has been a sweeping debate, as the control of the narrative in education can directly affect the minds of impressionable youth, something many Mexicans are painfully aware of.

Mexico's education system continues to have large scale investment and support, with the construction of sports facilities, including both popular world sports (especially Mexican Soccer, Mexican Baseball) and Mexican original sports such as Luchador wrestling, Ballgame, and Pelota purépecha have seen increasingly growing fanbases.

For most Mexicans, the improving schools and the growing fanfare of emerging Mexican sports and culture on the world stage was seen as a positive, though many Mexicans still struggled as many rich landowners controlled much of the land and the government's legal pursuits with land redistribution has resulted in many Mexican students coming from families growing more increasingly poor thanks to the slow progress. Competition for jobs was fierce in Mexico, for while the nation expanded its schools and industries, many parents, teachers and education advocates increasingly wish to see schools get even more expanded help, with food supplies and other goods and materials to have in order to assist poorer families and their children and improved infrastructure and transportation, of which Obregon has shown enthusiasm for, being cited for wishing to, "Build government run bus and train lines to connect cities, including expansion of community transportation. Mexico must be assured of its public mobility."

Part of these expansions and cost coverages continue to present themselves with scholarship applications for post secondary education, with many Syndicates, Mexican oil industry and other companies both local and foreign offering scholarships out, and recruiting educated workers in the country.

And yet further still, a counter culture to education reforms and boosts has also emerged among more resistant indigenous communities being aversive to standardized education reforms and Catholics bitter from years of government persecution and the loss of control over the education system. And some yet further still want more radical changes to happen.

Among the schools themselves, teachers are encouraged by the government to express themselves with a neutrality to students in terms of political matters and to encourage a non-partisan environment. Some schools vary in how well they adhere to that encouragement.

El Regreso de Zapata y Pancho Villa y los Amigos de Nicaragua

The two respective top leaders of the National Agrarian Party were seen meeting with Sandinista in Nicaragua. It was reported they discussed similar issues of their respective countries, and Zapata has stated, "The management of the land and its resources is important, and land and liberty should be given to the people."

Nicaragua, much like Mexico, is dominated by rich cliques, cartels, corporate firms and increasingly in recent times, syndicates. Each of who have wrestled control over land, infrastructure and resources.

While it remains unclear what Obregon's government will do, Zapata has publicly stated that citizens of the nation must take serious consideration of land reform, and that growing disparity and poverty within Mexico is directly attributed to the uneven distribution of land ownership, and campaigns to found and increase the powers of the rights of Ejercitos and local land management and autonomy.

Suspicions lie with Zapata and Pancho Villa for meeting with Sandinista, and upon their return to Mexico via horseback, Mexican authorities detained and questioned them, but were later released with no criminal charges.

Many in Mexico express a sympathy to the growing independence movements of their Latin American fellows, and see it as a united struggle.


Sutileza Institucional

Recent release of the book called "Sutileza Institucional" by an up and coming Mexican author Maria Vargas has detailed what she has called "Speculative Fiction" of a Mexico with a regime that never ends and never loses an election through careful and subtle manipulation of the voting system, a subtle dictatorship. Set in the far year of 1973, Maria's writing describes a Mexico full of spies and lies, of bribery and extortion, and has gathered a cult following especially in the wake of Obregon's second term of office. While the elections were for the most part considered fair and democratic, some in Mexico show concerns of a return to despotism with presidents setting a trend for re-election, and heavy handed police tactics that presidents such as Obregon pursue. Various chiefs of police and government officials upon interviews claimed that the book is derivative insurrectionist thinking, while others claim it as a fictional, thought provoking book that makes them critical of issues in society. Whatever the case, the emerging beatnik scene and savoir faire of an underground urban movement has taken root, of those who fear government control and corruption. The book was well received as well for its many innuendos and provocative nature and depiction of politics in Mexico has seen increased involvement of Mexican citizenry politically. Mail by voting has some concerns however, over whether or not the results can be easily manipulated through the allocation of mailed votes. Some in Mexico fear that Maria's vision of a potential future Mexico may be in the cards, given recent trends.

 

[Hyvelic]

End of a Decade: The Harlem Renaissance

​

The United States of America was in a state of flux. With the changes brought on by the Great War globally geopolitically, things would not, and could not, remain the same as they had been. Nowhere has this been more present than in Harlem during the decade of the Roaring 20's as it would later be called. Individuals from Harlem would lead the rebirth of the cultural psyche of the people within the community. Countless individuals helped make these steps possible and helped contribute to these changes. However, there are a large amount of specific individuals who would stand out more than most.

Among some of the most important individuals would be James Mercer Langston Hughes or simply put, Langston Hughes. Hughes was a prolific poet, novelist, and playwright amongst many other accolades. Hughes became one of the most recognizable voices of the Harlem Renaissance. His works often captured the experiences and struggles of African Americans in the new age where the KKK was seeing a resurgence and the suffrage of African Americans grew stronger and stronger. First published in 1921 in The Crisis—the official magazine of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)—"The Negro Speaks of Rivers" became Hughes's signature poem and was collected in his first book of poetry, The Weary Blues (1926). His works are expected to continue to come out and with the new alliance for social and economic rights between the Popular Front, it is expected to reach even more people and affect them.

Another important individual would be Zora Neale Hurston who was an anthropologist, folklorist, and novelist, Hurston's writing celebrated the rich cultural heritage of African Americans. While she isn't as well known as many others, she is setting the foundation for many others who will inevitably come after her with her actions and connections. She may not have any current major outstanding works, but it is suspected that it is going to change shortly.

One slightly more well-known individual would be Festus Claudius "Claude" McKay OJ who was a poet and writer, McKay's poetry often explored themes of racial identity, social injustice, and his experiences as a Jamaican immigrant in America. A poet from the first, he also has written several novels and a novella of which the following two are the most influential: Home to Harlem (1928), a best-seller that is currently a nomination for the Harmon Gold Award for Literature; Banjo (1929). As a follower of W. E. B. Du Bois, Claude currently advocates for social change amongst many other issues.

Jean Toomer, an influential writer and poet of the Harlem Renaissance, made an indelible mark on American literature with his groundbreaking work, "Cane." Published in 1923, "Cane" is a unique and innovative collection that defies traditional literary categories, blending prose and poetry to weave a lyrical tapestry of the African-American experience in the South. Toomer's writing delves deep into the lives, struggles, and aspirations of Black individuals, painting a vivid and honest portrayal of the era's complexities. Through "Cane," he illuminated the multifaceted nature of African-American identity and culture, hopefully leaving an enduring legacy in the annals of American literature.

Countee Cullen, a prominent figure of the Harlem Renaissance, stands as one of the era's most influential poets. His poetic works deftly combined traditional forms with profound themes of racial pride, love, and artistic expression. Through his eloquent verses, Cullen not only celebrated the richness of African-American heritage but also confronted the pressing issues of now. His poems, often characterized by their lyrical beauty and introspective depth, continue to resonate as expressions of both personal and collective experiences. Cullen's poetry not only captivated his contemporaries but also left an enduring mark on American literature, affirming the power of words to inspire change and illuminate the human spirit.

Alain Locke often hailed as the "Father of the Harlem Renaissance," is a luminary philosopher, writer, and educator whose influence on African-American culture and art continues to be profound. His visionary ideas and tireless advocacy illuminated the significance of African-American contributions to literature, music, and the arts. Locke's groundbreaking work, "The New Negro," served as one of many catalysts for the Harlem Renaissance, fostering an environment where Black artists and intellectuals could flourish and celebrate their heritage. As a philosopher, he champions cultural pluralism and the belief that a diverse society enriched by the contributions of all its members is stronger and more vibrant.

Aaron Douglas, a prominent figure in the Harlem Renaissance, held a distinguished place in the world of visual arts. His exceptional talent as an illustrator and muralist allowed him to encapsulate the essence of this cultural and artistic movement. Douglas's distinctive style combined modernist influences with African and African-American motifs, creating powerful and evocative works of art that celebrated Black heritage and identity. His murals and illustrations graced numerous publications, bringing the vibrancy and creativity of the Harlem Renaissance to a wider audience. Through his art, Douglas not only captured the spirit of this remarkable era but also made a lasting contribution to the visual representation of African-American culture and history. His work continues to inspire and resonate with art enthusiasts and scholars alike.

Bessie Smith, known as the "Empress of the Blues," was a towering figure in the world of music during the early 20th century. With her commanding and soulful voice, she became an iconic presence in the Harlem Renaissance and beyond. Smith's emotionally charged singing style and lyrical depth were instrumental in defining the blues genre. Her recordings, such as "Downhearted Blues," not only sold millions of copies but also resonated deeply with audiences, transcending boundaries of race and geography. As a trailblazing African-American woman in the music industry, Bessie Smith left an indelible mark, laying the foundation for future generations of blues and jazz artists while earning her rightful place among the musical luminaries of her time.

Duke Ellington, a towering figure in the world of music, was a jazz composer, bandleader, and pianist whose creative genius left an indelible mark on the Harlem Renaissance and the broader world of music. Ellington's innovative compositions and groundbreaking performances not only defined the era but also transformed the very nature of jazz itself. His orchestra, often referred to as the "Duke Ellington Orchestra," showcased unparalleled talent and a unique blend of musical styles, helping to elevate jazz to the status of a high art form. Ellington's legacy as a pioneering musician and composer endures, continuing to inspire generations of jazz enthusiasts and artists while shaping the course of American music history.

James Weldon Johnson was a multifaceted luminary in American history, celebrated for his contributions as a writer, educator, and civil rights activist. His groundbreaking work, "The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man," offered a profound exploration of the complex themes of race, identity, and the concept of "passing." Through his literary talent and incisive storytelling, Johnson provided readers with a gripping narrative that delved deep into the social and cultural nuances of the time. Beyond his literary achievements, Johnson's tireless efforts as a civil rights advocate and educator left an indelible mark on the struggle for racial equality in America. His legacy continues to inspire and educate, reminding us of the enduring importance of confronting issues of race and identity in our society.

Wallace Thurman was a notable writer and editor who made significant literary contributions during the Harlem Renaissance. His work, including the novel "The Blacker the Berry" and his role as the editor of the magazine "Fire!!," focused on portraying the diverse experiences of African Americans, including those within the LGBTQ community, during this vibrant era. Thurman's writings challenged prevailing stereotypes and gave voice to marginalized communities, exploring themes of racial identity, discrimination, and sexuality. His groundbreaking work helped pave the way for a more inclusive and nuanced representation of African American and LGBTQ experiences in literature and culture.

Ethel Waters was a remarkably talented singer and actress whose contributions played a pivotal role in the artistic achievements of the Harlem Renaissance. With her extraordinary vocal prowess and captivating stage presence, Waters left an indelible mark on the worlds of music and theater. Her performances, both in jazz and on the Broadway stage, transcended racial barriers, earning her acclaim and recognition from audiences of all backgrounds. Waters' achievements not only helped redefine African-American representation in entertainment but also inspired future generations of artists. Her legacy remains a testament to the power of talent and perseverance in breaking down barriers and fostering cultural diversity in the arts.

Marcus Garvey, a polarizing yet undeniably influential figure, left an indelible mark on the cultural and political discourse of the Harlem Renaissance and the broader African diaspora. As the leader of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), Garvey championed Pan-Africanist ideals, advocating for the unity and empowerment of people of African descent worldwide. His vision of Black pride, self-sufficiency, and self-determination resonated deeply with many, and the UNIA's widespread reach inspired countless individuals to embrace their heritage and fight against racial oppression. While Garvey's methods and rhetoric were divisive, his impact on shaping African diasporic identity and the struggle for civil rights remains an integral part of history and the ongoing quest for equality and justice.

Angelina Weld Grimké was a pioneering playwright and poet whose work resonated with profound themes of race, gender, and social justice. Her writings, which included powerful poems and plays, marked her as a distinctive and vital voice within the cultural and political milieu of the Harlem Renaissance. Grimké's artistry delved into issues of racial identity, discrimination, and the struggle for civil rights, offering a poignant and evocative exploration of these vital topics. Her contributions continue to be celebrated for their insightful portrayal of the African-American experience, as well as their enduring relevance in the ongoing pursuit of social justice and equality.

Charles S. Johnson, a distinguished sociologist and editor, played an instrumental role in documenting and advancing the cultural achievements of the Harlem Renaissance. Through his leadership of Opportunity magazine, he provided a crucial platform for emerging African-American writers, poets, and artists to share their work with a broader audience. Johnson's commitment to showcasing the vibrancy of Black culture and intellectual life helped foster the growth and recognition of the Harlem Renaissance. His sociological insights also contributed to a deeper understanding of the social dynamics and achievements of African Americans during this pivotal era, leaving an enduring legacy in the realms of literature, art, and scholarship.

In the dynamic tapestry of 1920s America, these remarkable individuals ascended to prominence, leaving an indelible mark on the nation's history. This transformative decade witnessed a convergence of pivotal factors that intricately wove their narratives into the very fabric of society. Their journeys to fame were inextricably linked to the era's multifaceted landscape. It was an era defined by seismic shifts, from the Great Migration, which redefined the nation's demographics and culture, to the unparalleled economic prosperity of the Roaring Twenties, where innovation and entrepreneurship thrived. The political climate, too, played a role, as leaders and activists navigated the currents of conservatism and civil rights advocacy. Meanwhile, the cultural renaissance, exemplified by the Harlem Renaissance, saw artists and intellectuals challenge convention and inspire change.

To further explain some of the factors going into the Harlem Renaissance, we are starting with the Great Migration. The mass movement of African Americans from the rural South to the urban North during the early 20th century was a response to economic hardship and racial oppression. In the North, industries were booming due to preparations being made to enter the Great War before it ultimately ended, creating a demand for labor. Harlem, in particular, became a destination for many migrants because of its relative affordability and the promise of employment in factories, shipyards, and other industries. This demographic shift brought together a critical mass of Black individuals with diverse talents and backgrounds, setting the stage for a cultural renaissance.

As a byproduct, this would allow the urbanization and community building of minorities to come together to start the process of making a cultural identity in a truly American fashion. The urban environment of Harlem allowed for the development of a distinct African-American community. This urban concentration fostered a sense of identity and unity among residents, creating a supportive atmosphere for artistic expression and cultural innovation. Neighborhoods like Harlem became epicenters of Black life and culture, providing a canvas for the Harlem Renaissance to flourish.

Economic factors would also play a role, as stated above African Americans and others considered to be a part of that minority would flock to the community being formed to find employment opportunities and economic stability. This was because the availability of jobs in the North was a driving force behind the Great Migration. African Americans were drawn to Northern cities by the promise of better wages and working conditions, as well as the prospect of escaping the systemic racism of the Jim Crow South. Economic stability allowed individuals the financial means to engage in artistic pursuits, while a burgeoning Black middle class provided support for cultural initiatives.

One factor that should be considered separate, but important would be the opportunity to enter educational institutions. Harlem was home to several historically Black colleges and universities, including Howard University and the City College of New York. These institutions not only provided educational opportunities but also served as hubs for intellectual exchange and cultural development. They produced a generation of educated African Americans who have become prominent figures in the continuing Harlem Renaissance.

But, for all these opportunities it would be coverage of the topics discussed that allowed this to happen. Without knowledge of the trend, many would not be able to contribute to the wider growing revolution. Most importantly the existence of magazines and newspapers such as "The Crisis" and "Opportunity" played a crucial role in promoting African-American literature, art, and intellectual discourse. These publications provided a platform for writers and artists to share their work and engage in conversations about race, identity, and social justice.

One of the most surprising trends to come out of this era would be the traditional "American Melting Pot" effect that many immigrants undergo on a sociological scale. This specific instance happened because Harlem's diverse population, including African Americans from various regions, the Caribbean, and Africa, created a rich tapestry of cultures and influences. This cultural exchange allowed for the blending of traditions and the emergence of new artistic forms, contributing to the dynamism of the Harlem Renaissance.

The current ongoing trend is further defined and in turn defined by the tense political climate as the socio-economic struggles faced by African Americans, coupled with their aspirations for civil rights and racial equality, provided a backdrop for artistic expression and activism. Many artists and intellectuals used their work to address social and political issues, contributing to the broader movement for civil rights, and have both directly and indirectly caused the positive relations with the new American People's Front political group that is sweeping the nation.

In conclusion, the Harlem Renaissance of the past decade stands as a testament to the transformative power of culture, creativity, and resilience in the face of adversity. Through the vibrant voices and artistic expressions of figures like Langston Hughes, Duke Ellington, Zora Neale Hurston, and many others, the African-American experience found eloquent articulation and representation. The emergence of these luminaries was intricately woven into the broader societal fabric of the past decade and perhaps even the coming ones, shaped by the currents of the Great Migration, economic prosperity, shifting political landscapes, and the yearning for equality and identity. Together, they are crafting a narrative of hope, empowerment, and cultural richness. As we reflect on these pivotal figures and the factors behind their rise to prominence, we are reminded that all things must end, but it can only be hoped that the Harlem Renaissance continues to illuminate the path toward a more inclusive, equitable, and culturally diverse America.

 

[Fission Battery]

From Athena to Alice,

Blood Soaked all the Same​

In the wake of the revolt against Mittelafrika ahead of the impending Second Berlin Conference on Africa, the administration of Germany's prized possession found itself facing the consequences of its own actions. Lettow-Vorbeck's previous implicit approval of Mittelafrika belligerence looked poorly on the colony. He had taken a hands off approach to wrangling wayward actors in the hopes that they'd further expand the realm. It was after all, how he and Georg Kraut placed Britain's colonies under Jaunde's control and protection. That's why he was so keen to encourage the settlement of veterans, knowing they'd take matters into their own hands. Now with the reconciliation between Austria and Germany, suddenly the Pact of Rome were allies rather than potential enemies.

The sudden labour strike turned native uprising also came as a slap in the face to the Statthalder. It had occurred in Equatorial Africa, within the territory that the capital was in. That was an inexcusable slight against the regime, but furthermore was one of the causes being the treatment of conscripted workers. Schnee had formally abolished the corvee labour system and Lettow-Vorbeck stuck to that policy in the hopes of preventing unrest. A rather embarrassing oversight was the status of workers that were still conscripted, which was overlooked entirely when making the decision. In the years since, many have remained in bondage, loaned out to cartels to use as extremely cheap labour on their plantations and in their mines.

Jaunde wanted the crisis dealt with and embarrassment ended swiftly. The statthalter issued an office statement which ended the conscription of all labourers in Mittelafrika (but not those in the penal system). Africans would receive wages for their labour, though there were no guarantees for minimum wage or any other rights. He was confident that Mittelafrika possessed the military might to end it violently, should it come to that. However offered amnesty for certain groups of the Hoe Handle Rebellion, provided they met certain conditions in the hopes that it'd stop it from spreading. The first one was an absolute requirement, while others were conditional.

• Absolute: That they throw down their arms and return to work and/or villages immediately, provided they were not an instigator/leader of the revolt.
• Conditional: That they are a member of a warrior caste tribe in good standing with the government of Mittelafrika.
• Conditional: That they or an immediate relative was an Askari in the Schutztruppe.
• Conditional: That they turn over rebel leaders to the proper authorities.

If a person met one or more requirements, they'd be eligible to receive amnesty. The desired outcome was preventing the revolt from spreading, allowing swift military action to deal with the remaining holdouts and die-hards that refused to cooperate. Any survivors after that funneled them into the penal system to rotate them around Mittelafrika.

Communiques from the Berlin Colonial Office also stressed that consolidating the administration was a more important task than expanding its borders. These factors pushed Lettow-Vorbeck to reconsider his policies to ensure the continued stability and security of Mittelafrika. This meant a complete reverse of the bellicose harassment against fellow European powers. In a memo dispatched to the five governors beneath his command, Lettow-Vorbeck wrote "... We're like Alice in Wonderland. We've grown too quickly too fast and become disorientated by our rise over the continent. We must now act in good consciousness towards orderly conduct towards our neighbours…"

While the governors would respect the statthalter's orders, there was the matter of the freikorps. The veteran paramilitary groups that had started raising hell along the Portuguese and now South African borders, first to settle land then to protest the government's seeming abandonment of them ahead of the conference. The free farmstead they had been promised seemed to be slipping away, but more than that their pride as belligerent conservatives and reactionary nationalists was wounded at the thought of diplomacy. Falling back on institutional tradition of brutal violence and brutality Statthalter Lettow-Vorbeck drafted a policy that he hoped would satisfy all parties involved, saved for Mittelafrika's newest victims, or rather their previous victims.

Communiques were sent to Windhuk, ordering Governor Victor Franke to begin drafting plans for military engagements against Herero and Namaqua to seize massive amounts of farmland from them. Governor Franke, a veteran of Germany's genocidal campaign against the local tribes, accepted the grisly order without hesitation or remark. The freikorps wanted land and a show of force to get it, then Lettow-Vorbeck would provide for them both. He also hoped that messages between himself and their leaders would sway them to cooperate with Mittelafrika so that they'd cease making trouble without his approval.

 

[Cosmo Rat]

Ministry of Education Expansion in Mexico! Vision of Potential Future?
(Por la Musica)
President Obregon has vowed to found thousands of schools across the country in his push to invigorate the common people of Mexico, with the foundation of the Ministry of Education, with writer José Vasconcelos appointed as its Secretary.

Senior Vasconcelos was born in Oaxcaca to a customs official father and pious catholic mother. His mother died when he was 16, and grew up in Piedras Negras, Coahuila and attended school in Eagle Pass in Texas. A bilingual man who can speak fluent Spanish and English, and has sought to expand his knowledge of Nahuatl, Maya, Purepecha and other indigenous languages. He has served as the Rector of Mexico city's university, and other education positions throughout his life and has a family with two children.


An advocate for interracial relationships, education for the masses and an invigorated Mexican cultural reformation, Vasconcelos has vowed to bring education and the uplifting qualities of it to all of Mexico, and to define Mexican education to support the Mestizo dominant culture of Mexico... an acknowledgement of both Spain's colonial past as well as its indigenous roots.


While such policies have been lauded as progressive and forward thinking by many liberals and syndicalists within the capitol, elsewhere in Chiapas and other more neglected regions of Mexico have stated that the erosion of indigenous identity through national assimilation programs will be met with resistance.

Obregon has encouraged mediation on this matter, and schools will have local teachers intermixed with appointed hires as to keep a relatively balanced means of education platform.

While English is provided as a secondary language in many school programs, Vasconcelos has stated that, "The languages of Mexico are the primary concern for our students, with English offered as a business language. The world has seen waves of Anglo influences and now, German influence and in Mexico we will speak what is natural to us first."

With the opening of thousands of schools across Mexico's countryside, and the formal inclusion of Zapata and Pancho Villa by Obregon's Institutional Revolutionary Party towards his competitors of the National Agrarian party, it seems that cooperative policies even reach as far as education. Analysts predict that Zapata and Villa's influence may help assuage concerns of indigenous rights and representation in the education program, but others are still ambivalent over the grand national designs of Obregon and his Secretariat of Public Education senior Vasconcelos.


Vast amounts of murals accompany these schools, including beautification projects and expansion of national parks, and Obregon has formally invited many professors, intellectuals, artists and other academic figures the world over to come to Mexico and witness the transformation of the country.



What is known for certain is that Mexico is in the grips of its cultural revolution, and the Caudillo de Cultura Vesconcelos and his President Obregon have made it clear that they are full steam ahead with their vision...

However, many visions exist within Mexico. And the growing number of Syndicalist and Indigenous movements both have left their mark on the flavour of Mexico's direction, as labour rights and cultural rights, land autonomy and demands for land redistribution continue especially with estates such as Luis Terrazas.


Luis, from Chihuahua, is an old guard and once confidant and ally of President Benito Jaurez- who was most known for three things.

His assistance to the then president against the French intervention (when France was under the rule of its Second Republic with Napoleon the 3rd), his rivalry with Pancho Villa who he had faced off with over cattle rustling during the revolution (and the kidnapping of his son by Villa), and his gradual increment of landowned estate to which he had acquired through his governorship and position within the political realm of Mexico.

His holdings, which amounted to well over 7 million acres, is something that Zapata and Pancho Villa both have called for a mass redistribution to the people. Legal courts headed by Huerta, and now, Obregon have come into standstills as the vast wealth of Terrazas and his influence within the state still keeps the now very old senior Terrazas's properties well within his grasp as his lawyers debate in court government legal agents.

Whether or not the liberal dominated Institutional Revolutionary Party will be able to find measurable success with giants such as Luis, Obregon has succeeded in wittling away some larger estates and redistributing nearly 400,000 acres of land to common Mexican people.

In the eyes of many however, there was much more work to be done to make a more fair and equitable Mexico, and the growing dissatisfaction has led to increased party membership of the National Agrarian Party, who increasing numbers of disgruntled peasants, indigenous, socialists and Syndicalists seeking more effective land redistribution have seen flock to their party.

The Institutional Revolutionary Party however still retains a solid majority of support within urban centers, and many communities are grateful for the expanded infrastructure and schools, and participation in government elections.

Violence still exists on border regions however, as instability from nearby Latin American nations has caused upticks in criminal and insurgent activity that has spilled over to Mexico, prompting tight security.

 

[Traveller76]

"Despite the loss of the textile industry in Bengal along with various industries developed during the Raj, the Federation still retained some considerable advantages. The country was major producer of spices with black pepper, cardamom, clove and nutmeg grown exclusively in the region along with cash crops like sugarcane, chilli, banana, cotton, turmeric, millets and pulses. Other plantation crops included cashew, coffee, tea, rubber, betel, areca nut, coconut, bamboo and cocoa. Various major industries emerged in various parts of the State of Hyderabad before creation of the Federation, especially during the first half of the twentieth century. Hyderabad city had a separate powerplant for electricity. However, the Nizams focused industrial development on the region of Sanathnagar, housing a number of industries there with transportation facilities by both road and rail.

The British Revolution would led to the loss of capital from the United Kingdom, which was replaced by the wealth of Mir Osman Ali Khan, Asaf Jah VII, who was widely considered one of the world's wealthiest people of all time. With some estimate placing his wealth at 2% of U.S. GDP. The major source of his wealth was the Golconda mines, the only supplier of diamonds in the world at that time. Among them was the Jacob Diamond, valued at some £50 million (in 2008 terms), and used by the Nizam as a paperweight. Major sources of investment and trade partners by the 1920s would become Australasia, Canada and Japan. However while the rulers of the states were wealthy and charitable there remained populist and socialist agitation along with a hostile state to the north and a German colony to the south.

The Federation would need to begin a process of military and industrial expansion to prepare for the upcoming conflict..."

The Coming Storm

Refences:

Hyderabad State - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

South India - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

Mir Osman Ali Khan - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

 

[Frostbyght]

We See Thee Rise
Canadian Labor Revolts and Government Responses, 1919-1928


Mounted Police and Protesters clash during the Cape Breton Labor Strikes, 1925

"Are we going to permit a few greed-sodden drones, men who know not nor ever did know the meaning of the words patriotism and sacrifice to have the ruling of our lives? No! A thousand times no! It's the rotten corrupt system that allows men to accumulate millions while others starve."
- Private George Palmer, at a meeting of the Calgary War Veterans' Association, 1918.

While Canada and its leadership had been occupied by events across the Atlantic, things had not been quiet at home. The aftershock of the Weltkrieg and the collapse of the British Empire were felt not only in the halls of power but also in every aspect of life. Postwar Canada had seen massive increases in the cost of living. Prices of rent, fuel, and food had already spiked 48% by the time the Peace With Honor was signed, and jumped over 120% soon after. Dissatisfaction among workers soared as news of international revolution in Italy and France spread across the nation. Demonstrations and riots were common for several months as militant union members made their displeasure with Ottawa and London known. Conflict between protesters and local police forces was common. Rumors of smuggled weapons and separatism were rife in the Western provinces as long-existing tensions began to boil over. Throughout 1919 and early 1920, over 210 strikes were conducted in nearly every industry.

Seeing that local police efforts were only barely keeping the situation from boiling over, Prime Minister King chose to crack down hard. The RCMP was mobilized, along with several reserve army units, to bring an end to the violence plaguing both west and east. The riots and strikes were finally broken in late 1920. Reports of deaths and injuries at the hands of the Mounted Police and hired Goon Squads were suppressed as the Government pushed to stabilize Canada in the wake of the collapse of the British Empire.


Machine Shop Workers walk out at Amherst during the First Labor Revolt, 1919.

This period would come to be known as the "First Labor Revolt", and tensions would cool to a simmer by the start of 1921. Despite the failure of the general strikes and protests against the Government, enthusiasm would remain high among the Unions. In the West, the OBU (One Big Union) would see its membership swell from 70,000 to over 90,000 before the end of the Revolt, even as employers refused to negotiate with representatives. In the East, the TLC (Trades and Labor Congress of Canada) and the Canadian branch of the IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) had each gained additional members and financial support as Syndicalism grew worldwide.

The face of this growth was one J.B. McLachlan, a prominent Scottish-Canadian trade unionist, journalist, revolutionary and political activist. Having worked in mines since his 10th Birthday, he was a well-known leader in Miner's Unions in Nova Scotia. When the general strikes began he led the miners with strong organizational skills and imaginative tactics. McLachlan spent several months in prison during the First Revolt, and upon his release was greeted as a hero of the Syndicalist cause. With this newfound popularity, he dived into politics — with the Socialist Party, the Independent Labour Party, and the Communist Party of Nova Scotia. Other major figures also rose up the ranks of Syndicalist-aligned unions: prominant trade unionist Tom McEwen, union organizer Annie Buller, and IWW activist Arthur "Slim" Evans saw their stars rising as more support was thrown behind the labor movement.


J.B. McLachlan, the most well-known face of the Canadian Labor Movement in the 1920s. ​

The First Revolt never really ended, instead settling into a series of low-level nationwide strikes. Tensions remained especially high in cities where industrial workers were concentrated such as Winnepeg, Brandon, Amherst, Calgary, Toronto, Edmonton, and Victoria. Confrontation continued between the Unions and Law Enforcement but never reached the heights of 1919-1920. The situation was approaching a vaguely stable equalibrium. Targeted arrests and police violence had kept most of the strikes to a manageable level, and some minor reforms enouraged by Prime Minister King had given the government hope that the strikers might take what they could get and go home. The Prime Minsters and his ministers saw a light at the end of the tunnel. Things seemed to be looking up by mid-1924.

Then England descended into revolution, and King George arrived in Ottawa. The double blow of the British Revolution and the arrival of the Royalist Exiles gave the Unions and Syndicalists a shot in the arm. The tension in the cities that had been building for the past few years suddenly erupted.

The Second Labor Revolt is marked as starting in early 1926. The Canadian government had attempted to force a negotiated peace between the British Empire Steel Corporation (BESCO) and striking coal workers in Cape Breton. The strike had eventually been broken by the deployment of 2000 Canadian soldiers, but BESCO had delayed any recognition of the Coal Miners Union and pushed off further negotiations even after a Royal Comission had attempted to enforce the Corporation into compliance. Miners across the country, led by McLachlan and the OBU, delcared sympathy strikes. The unrest spread to the ongoing strikes in major cities, and erupted into open street warfare between Unions and local police.

Crowds overturn a streetcar in Winnepeg during the Second Revolt, 1926.

Additional strikes in other industries followed, and some in the high escelons of government were concerned that they might be facing a general uprising. Military units were placed on alert, and the RCMP was sent in with immense speed. Strikebreakers were deputized by local police, squads of thugs hired by companies to assist (additionally funded by money from some of the British Exiles), and corporate police armed for confrontation. Arrests were made in the thousands, with special attention payed to labor leaders and union organizers. Clashes led to dozens of deaths and hundreds of injuries across the country. The Second Revolt did not die out slowly, instead being suppressed by a swift and targeted campign of violence and imprisonment. In an attempt to address the direct cause of the conflict, though not the underlying issues, King George personally pressured BESCO to negotiate a new contract with the Union.

As the Canadian Government approached the start of 1929, it was clear that new action was needed. The RCMP had been an effective hammer, but their limited manpower was stretched thin. Plans were drawn up and pushed through Parliament for an expansion of the Mounted Police and local police forces to counter the increased violence. Target arrests and campaigns of harrassment had worked, and limited reform in the affected industries had appeased some of the less radical groups. Nevertheless, tensions remained high.


The Mounted Police were frequently deployed to break up crowds, riots, and protesters during the Second Revolt

Canada found itself with a lull in the violence and chaos that had engulfed its streets and Parliament found itself struggling to keep a handle on every issue plaguing the nation. Anti-Monarch sentiment was a strong undercurrent in the labor movement, and there were only so many non-radicalist Labor Leaders that the Government could use against the militants in both East and West. The TLC, being far less radical than the OBU, was a target for government influence. However, the OBU was considered far to radical to be dealt with, and was instead targeted for suppression and destruction. King George, despite some taciturn sympathy for the strikers' demands, was determined to not let another nation fall to the ravages of Syndicalist thought. "Britian has fallen to the Revolution," He was quoted as saying, "I will ensure Canada does not."

Nevertheless, there were some cracks in the Government's reponse. This fresh crisis has once again tested the tenuous truce between the King and the Prime Minsters, and with a Federal election approaching in 1930, some wondered whether King George would look elsewhere for a partner in the Canadian government. Time would tell if Prime Minister King and King George would continue to see eye to eye...​

 

[Kirook]

1929

Europe

"A steady hand on the tiller" had been the watch-phrase of German domestic policy for years (arguably even since Otto von Bismarck), and 1929 was no different. But while there were no truly drastic changes made, the year brought a new focus on efficiency and research, perhaps spurred on by a rising stratum of capitalist technocrats who had benefited from the industrial consolidation of the late 1920s. Among the "rationalizations" were a loosening of regulations on trade and immigration across Mitteleuropa, in order to provide German industry with cheap sources of goods and labor. The government did, however, maintain a few restrictions—an attempt to clamp down on Catholicism was defeated by Catholic parties in the Reichstag that feared a return of the Kulturkampf, but Germanization policies for Poles in West Prussia, Silesia, and Posen were allowed to go forward.

But where Germany's ship of state was steered smoothly forward, the Holy Union of the Caucasus foundered on the rocks. As the insurgency escalated, so did the religious fervor of the new government, and it resorted to ever greater acts of brutality to attempt to crush the Islamic rebels. Mass deportations and forced conversions were stepped up further, and reports began to filter back west of the deployment of incendiary and even chemical weapons against pockets of resistance.

For the German government, enough was enough. Its errant puppet needed to be brought back in line. On orders from Berlin, the Heer moved into the Caucasus to depose Krasnov and restore order.

Dislodging Krasnov and his followers from power was a relatively simple matter, and a temporary military government was installed in short order, waiting only on a German decision for a new leader for the former Don-Kuban Union. But the fanaticism whipped up by the self-proclaimed "Holy Protector" would not be so easily dissipated. While the Islamic insurgency began to ebb as the government that had oppressed them was overthrown, a separate rebellion led by Krasnov and his "crusaders" was brewing. It seemed that it would be some time before peace returned to the Caucasus.

Austria-Hungary, too, dealt with the problem of ending ethnoreligious strife; but with its own internal rebellion recently quashed, the question now was of securing the peace. The German trend of rationalization was also felt in its southern neighbor, as the Habsburg government (perhaps ironically) worked to dismantle the old feudal structures and create a modernized state. Austria-Hungary had begun the decade in the political status quo that had largely prevailed since 1867; it looked to exit it as a new federal monarchy with unified armed forces, founded on the principles of class collaboration and national personal autonomy.

Austria's Italian ally, the Kingdom of Italy, remained focused on defending itself from socialist advances by land and sea. It embarked on a new naval training program and an expansion of the harbors of Venetia to ensure that the maritime links between its two separate territories could be maintained, and constructed a series of defenses at key river crossings and mountain passes, along both the Po and its Central Italian border with the SRI. "White Italy" breathed a little easier with its flanks secured against its Red counterpart—as did its patrons in Vienna.

The Commune of France had a rather militant year as well; like the Kingdom of Italy, it put a great deal of effort into fortifying its borders and training its military. Its social programs began to chip away at traditional hierarchies of power, on the premise that capital (especially in the person of the hated Kaiser) was a common enemy to all, regardless of race, gender, orientation, or creed. But it was also a time of internationalism, as the Commune—in service to the long-held socialist belief that the proletariat belongs to no nation—continued looking outside its own borders to support their fellow travelers elsewhere, the effects of which would be felt around the globe.

Meanwhile, the still-nascent republic known as the Commonwealth of Britain began to move beyond rebuilding and restoring itself after the events of 1925, and towards a new future. The need for a Commonwealth Navy, to serve as Britain's first line of defense at sea as the Royal Navy once had, was filled piece by piece as the government drew upon the merchant marine and freshly-unionized shipyards. 1929 also saw the inauguration of the Arms Production Council, which would oversee the naval expansion and the adoption of new, advanced tools of warfare such as RADAR and tank brigades; it was aided in this effort by new trans-Commonwealth and trans-Internationale research initiatives in both civilian and military fields.

Western Asia and North Africa

As the Turkestan brush war ground down into a stalemate, both sides searched for new ways to redraw the lines of battle. Russia reached out to the old monarchies of the steppe, the Emirate of Bukhara and the Khanate of Khiva, to offer them territorial gains and a new lease on life in exchange for their support. In support of this effort it dispatched Pyotr Wrangel—one of the few White Army commanders to have maintained decent relations with Russia's ethnic minorities—to take overall command of the war effort as Enver Pasha's opposite number. Meanwhile, the Ottomans continued their efforts to rally the Islamic world behind their banner, entering into a mutual defense pact with Persia and Afghanistan and stepping up their military aid to the Turkestani forces. The result was that the conflict began to widen, drawing in not just the Persians and Afghans but also Alash Orda—which saw both Russian recruitment efforts and Turkmen saboteurs operating within its borders. The latter were able to cut the Trans-Aral Railway, seriously impairing Russian supply routes, although Russia's local allies were able to partly mitigate the problem by picking up some of the logistical slack.

The situation in the Caucasus also continued to be a point of interest for both sides, with Krasnov and the Islamists respectively petitioning Russia and the Ottomans for aid and promising to draw the Don-Kuban region into their orbit, though it remained to be seen whether either power would risk the ire of Germany by making the attempt.

On the home front, the Ottomans sought to counter the rising influence of Enver Pasha by re-entrenching liberalism and Ottomanism. Parliamentary supremacy and ethnoreligious pluralism—the latter enthusiastically supported by Caucasian refugee populations—were the order of the day in the politics of the Sublime Porte. And this political liberalization went hand in hand with economic liberalization, as newly-discovered Mesopotamian oil was put up for auction (with American and German buyers favored) and the Porte's new Islamic allies receiving foreign investment for development and defense.

Egypt viewed the ongoing conflicts in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Central Africa with trepidation: though it was not under direct threat, there was no way to be sure that that would still be true if the violence continued to spread (especially given the recent sabre-rattling from Mittelafrika). With all of that in mind, Egypt bolstered its military with Western-trained "Guard units" and new divisions of cavalry and camelry. To arm these units, they looked to a surprising source: the Commonwealth of Britain, which was host to most of the arms factories that produced the Lee-Enfield, long used as the standard weapon of the Egyptian armed forces. For a monarchy to look to a revolutionary state for aid was unusual if not unprecedented, but now the ball was in the Conmonwealth's court as it decided how to proceed.

Jabal Shammar, or Rashidi Arabia as it was now known, stood apart from most of these concerns under the protection of the Ottomans. Thus sheltered, it moved to take advantage of the oil boom for itself by prospecting new wells in the Arabian deserts. The profits from these sales—and some of the oil itself—went towards bolstering the Rashidi Air Force, growing it from the small core of biplanes that had been provided by the Ottomans during the Rashidi-Saudi war. With the Emirate controlling such a vast and sparsely populated territory, air power would prove key to ensuring state authority over the sprawling desert in the future.

Sub-Saharan Africa

Pressed on all sides by rebellions and border conflicts, Mittelafrika began to realize that the time had come to pick its battles. Provocations in Egyptian and Somali waters ceased (in what was widely touted as a win for their alliance, drawing the two nations closer together), and the Bush War against Portugal and South Africa began to wane as assets were redirected to putting down the Kongo-Wara revolt.

The most difficult part of this pivot was convincing the Freikorps to abandon their nationalist crusade. This was done by promising them that there was still glory to be won for the German race elsewhere—for example, a series of brutal land clearances took place in Namibia in a grim echo of the genocide some two decades prior, providing more land for the settlers to conquer and occupy. But there were also those who went north instead of west to join the fight against the rebels, hoping to carve out plots of land in Central Africa.

This section of the Freikorps, along with the threat of an aerial bombing campaign, served as the "stick" half of a carrot-and-stick approach deployed by Lettow-Vorbeck and his subordinates, both an intimidating factor against those rebels already in the field and a deterrent against further uprisings. The "carrot" was the promise of a wide-ranging amnesty for various groups of rebels if they threw down their arms, provided that they turned over their leaders or had had existing ties to the German colonial regime prior to the revolt, as well as an end to the system of quotas and corvée labor that had helped set off the uprising to begin with.

All of this had the effect of largely winnowing the Kongo-Wara rebels down to a diehard core of supporters, part of which was comprised of Marcus Garvey's Black nationalist militias. These groups proved to be both highly tenacious and surprisingly well-armed, but German air power began to tell against them, and by the end of 1929 they were falling back rapidly. It was expected that the rebellion would be fully put down by the end of the next year, barring any unexpected surprises.

Mittelafrikan policy, however, was not solely centered on the military; even as it was putting out fires across Africa, its ambitious Green Sahara Project went into operation. German private investment, especially from the newly forming conglomerates in the metropole, flowed into the region as the colonial government built dams, diverted rivers, and cleared land to expand Lake Chad, regardless of what—or who—might be in the way. The project was touted as a "new wonder of the world" in the making…one that would open Africa to even greater settlement and exploitation by the hegemon of Europe.

The one place German and Mittelafrikan investment could not penetrate, however, was Liberia, which resolutely closed its doors to any possibility of economic imperialism. Instead it focused on building up its own prospects, especially in the area of heavy industry and education. It was assisted in this both by African-American exiles from the Jim Crow South and by the first few Kru and other Liberian natives to escape from the caste system, which the government had been working to weaken for several years. The dream of a truly independent and modernized state run by and for Africans seemed closer than ever.

Americas

The spread of the KKK into Canada was viewed by the exiles and the Dominion government alike with alarm, and as such the RCMP moved expeditiously to stamp them out. They worked closely with local governments and municipalities to break down the Klan (as well as syndicalist and labor movements, ever the bête noire of the exiles) at the grassroots, while government-sponsored communications touted Japan as a key ally against syndicalist revolution and German domination.

Economically, the transportation industry saw rapid growth over the course of the year, with new railroads and pipelines providing access to far-flung resource deposits and car and airplane factories expanding to meet growing demand. This expansion provided military benefits as well, as Canada—much like its revolutionary enemy across the Atlantic—experimented with the possibilities of mechanized warfare to fight the wars of the 20th century.

To the south, the recently-reelected President McAdoo faced a nation more divided than ever along lines of class and race. Socialist organizing and reactionary backlash were both growing in power, and the President attempted to maintain a delicate balance via social-democratic economic policies and class collaboration, with a strong emphasis on public works. This proved to be a partial success, as a variety of programs from rural electrification to education reform to transportation development were rolled out across the country, but radicalization and class antagonism would not vanish in a single year.

It soon became clear that the Popular Front—or the "American People's Front" as it was sometimes known—was the main beneficiary of this radicalization. Despite the left's reputation for infighting, the movement was beginning to coalesce around leaders like John "Jack" Reed, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, and W.E.B. Du Bois—figures who were often allies in the same organizations or at least considered themselves fellow travelers in their struggle. It benefited also from the support of the Commune of France, which (not incorrectly) saw a red America as a potentially seismic shift in the balance of power in favor of the Internationale.

Meanwhile, in the absence of a single leader to force them into lockstep, reactionary forces became divided over their own bigotries—Protestant Klansmen attacked Charles Coughlin for his Catholicism and hardline anti-Semites grew suspicious of corporate interests they believed to be controlled by Jews. But the socialists were still largely kept out of political power despite their popularity; between that and the inability of the far right to unify, President McAdoo gained some leeway to see through his policy agenda.

However, the draconian ballot restrictions placed on Popular Front candidates were still a source of friction: the 1930 midterms were fast approaching, and yet American leftists had been left with no outlet for their beliefs except political violence. If McAdoo wished to maintain his posture of balance and moderation in the class conflict, finding a way to bleed off tension and ensure that their voices could be heard would be key to shoring up the crumbling peace.

The divisions extended to foreign policy as well. Dueling pro-Canadian and pro-British lobbies, both funded by their respective governments, sprang up in the halls of power in Washington and sought to sway America to their side of the Atlantic rivalry. An attempt at negotiating a peace in Nicaragua was soundly rebuffed as the Sandinistas angrily pointed to a litany of abuses committed by the United Fruit Company in their own country and neighboring nations, abuses made possible by the actions of the McAdoo administration. Outreach negotiations in the Caribbean went more smoothly—which was only natural, since the "negotiations" mostly took place at gunpoint in front of US Marines—but the State Department found itself confused by directives to seek closer ties with Germany, the mortal enemy of the governments that America had earlier recognized. Perhaps the key lay in mutual enmity with Japan, whose territorial ambitions posed a threat to the Pacific possessions of both powers.

Beyond the Rio Grande, the situation was more peaceful, as the "Mexican Renaissance" continued unabated. Obregón's key initiative for 1929 was an educational reform, which saw the creation of a Ministry of Education and the construction of thousands of new schools, even in previously underserved regions like Chiapas. Art and recreation continued to flourish as new murals and national parks were commissioned, and—in a sign of how far Mexico had come in less than a decade since the end of its civil war—the nation opened its doors to refugees and immigrants from across the globe (the most immediate effect of which, ironically, was a steady flow of new arrivals from Mexico's northern border). All the while, the reformist machine constructed by de la Huerta and Obregón continued chugging along.

Brazil's civil war reached a temporary standstill as the tenentes—by now perhaps a misnomer, as the revolution had grown far beyond a simple officers' mutiny—stopped to consolidate their gains. Attacking the government for capitulating to the United States and allowing the same kind of American occupation that had despoiled so many other Latin American countries, they proclaimed that upon their ascendancy they would hold a constitutional convention to determine the future of the new, free Brazil—a convention in which, per their new agreement with the natives of the Amazon, the rights of indigenous peoples would be guaranteed. With the help of cooperative locals, the rebels also began to fortify their territory, stockpile supplies and assemble new, battle-hardened defensive brigades in anticipation of an attack or blockade.

Asia

The DSRI began to transition to the socialist system promised by its change of name, strengthening labor unions and starting to introduce workers' self-management into its state-owned enterprises. While there was some debate over whether an unindustrialized country like India could fully achieve socialism, leftist organizations held that it was important that the transition be directed by the workers first and foremost, and Nehru's government acquiesced to their concerns (to the delight of India's benefactors in France). Military training with French assistance also continued, as most observers on either side of the Free India-Raj border held that a conflict between the two was inevitable sooner or later.

For its own part, the Raj followed the recent trend towards transportation improvements and infrastructure construction, helped along in this effort by detachments of Royal Engineers dispatched from Canada. These detachments went on to assist Hyderabad in breaking ground on a series of new schools, clinics, and hospitals.

The Princes and their Anglo allies also undertook their own military preparedness efforts, first fortifying their borders as so many other states had done, then assembling a variety of military innovations from the colonial period and the Weltkrieg to support their infantry divisions with machine guns and artillery. Attempts to form a Marine division and an Air Force for the Raj began to bear their first fruits, but would take time to see through to completion. In the meantime, the government sought closer economic ties to the rest of the Entente—an effort that found success primarily in Canada, whose economy was quickly growing to accommodate the British exiles.

Siam's rapid rise over the last several years began to reach a crescendo, as King Rama VI made a pilgrimage to Nakhon Sawan ("the Heavenly City"), erecting an elaborate Buddha statue and proclaiming a new name for the nation: Thailand.

With this new name came a new slogan: "Practice the [Buddhist] Faith, Venerate the Ruler, Protect the Tai". This represented a marked turn towards religious rhetoric and a further strengthening of Thailand's already-burgeoning nationalism, especially as the state's messaging began to turn towards anti-imperialism and the protection of oppressed Buddhist minorities under European control. The institution of a military draft and the establishment of a submarine base on the western side of the Kra Isthmus were further signs of the country's new direction, as was a new wave of ennoblement of prominent figures of the growing middle class, creating a new class of local magistrates and regional governors with loyalty to the Crown.

Concerned by the ascendancy of a new hardline colonial governor, the PKI stepped up its training and recruitment efforts, strengthening its underground paramilitaries. It received aid from the Commune of France in this endeavor, ensuring that it had a solid and well-equipped military force at its command. Governor de Jonge spent most of the year assembling his cabinet and gathering together the colonial police and military forces, but the communists of the Dutch East Indies could be confident that a crackdown or purge would not sweep them off the board.

The Fengtian Government remained divided between Zhang Zuolin's pro-Japanese faction and his son Zhang Xueliang's United Front supporters. The two men battled for influence throughout 1929 by means both legitimate and covert, but with Japan backing Zuolin to the hilt, it seemed that Xueliang was on the back foot by the end of the year.

This was all to the good for Japan, for in its next plan it could afford no distractions. It was a plan that was simply stated, but with dire implications for Asia, the Pacific, and the world:

A surprise attack on the German colonies in Southeast Asia.

Tired of conducting a Great Game with Germany for power over Asia, Japan had decided to knock out its rival once and for all. Its declaration of war—issued only after Japanese forces had landed in Indochina and Malaya—described the action as "preemptive self-defense", citing Ostasien troop movements in the area, German refusal to recognize Japanese control of Qingdao, and Berlin's support of the United Front (referred to only as "anti-Japanese entities") as preludes to a German attack. The plan was for Japanese forces, based out of its holdings in Taiwan, to force landings near Saigon and Singapore, rapidly capturing the former city and besieging the latter by land and sea.

But there is an old saying that "no plan survives contact with the enemy", and that proved just as true in Southeast Asia as it had been since time immemorial.

Though the German colonial forces had had no explicit forewarning of Japan's attack, they had been preparing for a scenario just like this one for quite some time. Well-drilled and carefully planned defenses slowed the Japanese advance to far less than their high command had hoped. In Indochina, Japan became bogged down in the Mekong delta as Saigon failed to fall by the end of the year; in Malaya, they succeeded in cutting off Singapore, but only at a dire cost in blood and equipment.

But regardless of the fate of the campaigns, the die had been cast. The Eastern Seas War had begun…and the fate of empires hung in the balance.

 

[Fission Battery]

"America has Cuba and Hawaii.
Britain had the Bahamas and Jamaica.
France had Algeria and Guyana.
Why shouldn't Germany have its own tropical paradise?
Invest in the Green Sahara Project!
The marvel of the modern world!
Reserve your bungalow getaway early, before beachside properties are all bought up!"

The Great Work Begins​

Advertisements like these were printed and distributed en masse across Germany and Mitteleuropa in newspapers, magazines, and pamphlets. In an all out media blitz postcards, brochures, and other infographics were printed to get the word out. The goal was increasing awareness of the project to increase private and foreign investments into it. It sold itself on the promise of future seaside resorts and tropical getaways in the heart of the empire, where one could brave the bush on a guided safari hunt if one was so inclined or see the sights from an airplane or airship.

Africa was a land of adventure, a wondrous continent tamed by European explorers, and brutal military crackdowns, providing endless opportunities to those wise enough to see it for the uncut gem that it truly was. It promised something for everyone. The amateur naturalists would be astounded by the curated gardens and menagerie of animals imported from across the globe, once the lake was filled of course. The middle class family could enjoy relatively cheap man made beaches where their every whim would be catered to by a retinue of servants and hotel staff. The veterans and explorers would get their safari adventurers where they could hunt the rare and exotic animals of the continent. While aviation enthusiasts would get scenic aerial tours to enjoy the awe inspiring and stunning landscape.

Everything, and more, was promised by the Green Sahara Project. Beautiful renditions of what it could look like were posted across Europe. It was man's conquest over nature, righting the wrong that God had failed to correct. It was Europe's domination over Africa, bringing light to the dark continent. It was Germany's technical and engineering prowess reshaping the surface of the world to surpass the Panama and Suez Canal each! It was a symbol that imperialism would not only survive, but thrive in the modern day. It was a brand new exciting age where the Earth was bent to the whims of humanity in ways never seen before.

The displacement of potentially millions often went unremarked, save when presenters promised safety from any native uprising. The destruction of the peoples around Lake Chad meant it'd be a "virgin land." The expanded shoreline would nicely wash away the blood. Critics doubted that the project would amount to much, however once the construction of dams and canals began they changed their tune quickly. The pitch was simple: "It's happening. Do you want to miss out on the chance to invest?"

Krupp was contracted to handle the bulk of the construction. Other German conglomerates received their share of contracts, bringing in more capital into Mittelafrika. There were some practical benefits to the initial damming and canals. It'd help control water flow to prevent flooding downstream, aid in irrigation, and provide water for any local industrial projects. The planned installation of hydroelectric generators would provide power to the region and project, sustaining further growth. It was hoped that the paused intercontinental railway would ease the movement of goods and people across Mittelafrika.

The practical realities of how long it'd take to fill Lake Chad and the suitability to build on its shores went uncommented on. There was evidence that the lake had been bigger in recent geological history, perhaps even during the last Ice Age. The hope was that if enough fresh water was pumped into it then it would sort itself out. It'd all work out, after all so had the Panama Canal. Nobody in charge of the project considered the possibility that it might end up like the French attempt to build the canal that ended in failure, rather than the American success story they were selling everyone on. Regardless, the real 'losers' of the project that suffered the indignities of it were the African labourers contracted into the back breaking work for little pay and the farmers soon to be forced off their land for no compensation.

 

[Weygand]

A LETTER
To the French Foreign Minister
@grimely
​

Sir,

I am writing to express my concern over the present state of the Internationale's cooperation and relations with the United States of America. Since its inception the Commonwealth has been conscious of its nascent condition as a socialist republic, and minded as we were to this cautious stance in our foreign affairs we have avoided where possible serious foreign engagements beyond the exchanging of recognitions and the establishment of diplomatic relations with many of our neighbours.

However in the person of President McAdoo the Commonwealth and the wider cause of labour in Britain has found a strong and constant ally. It was President McAdoo who was the first among powers outside of the Internationale to recognise the Commonwealth, and it was President McAdoo whose bilateral trade with the Commonwealth has allowed for the alleviation of a much feared famine in the British countryside.

With all of this in mind, the Commonwealth has been of the mind that the United States - though undoubtedly a capitalist power - may serve as an important bridge between ourselves and the walled world which has thus far disdained our organisation for its socialism. Though we acknowledge the imminent task of the Internationale to be the proliferation of socialism, we are also strongly of the belief that these efforts may not necessarily make their principle objective violent upheaval of a nation's political system.

The Commonwealth's embassy in the United States has gained extensive friendships across the Democratic and Republican parties, as well as the labour and socialist movements which are growing within the American conscience. It is the adamant belief of the Central Committee that a socialist revolution may be achieved in the United States without need for violence or coercion, and that if it is not possible, it is undesirable to provoke the ire of the American government and people by insisting it is.

With these ideals in mind we urge therefore a coordinated approach and attitude toward the prospect of a revolution in North America and a revision of the Internationale's objectives where the United States is concerned.

I am eager to discuss this with you further.

E. BEVIN
Foreign Commissioner for the Commonwealth of Britain

 

[Weygand]

The Looming Shadow​

In the summer of 1930, the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Commonwealth of Britain, Arthur James Cook, collapsed at his residence in Downing Street. Cook - a habitual workaholic with an almost visceral contempt for medical advice that would inhibit it - had suffered for some time from an old work injury in his right leg which had been aggravated further during the heated General Strike of the Revolution. Now, Cook had to be loaded into an ambulance and shipped to hospital, where he awaited a procedure to amputate his leg.

Still the Chairman insisted on taking his work with him. A small desk was modified to extend over his hospital bed, and civil servants inhibited the functioning of Health Service employees as members of Congress and the Central Committee bussed to and fro. One of Cook's most prolific visitors, however, was Oswald Mosley: the 'Red Baronet' was held in contempt by Bevin and the established Trade Unionists like Citrine, but Cook - decidedly to the left of some of his colleagues - shared some ideological similarities with the man.

During this short stint in hospital, Walter Citrine was at the height of his powers. As General-Secretary of the Central Committee, his reign over the civil service meant that much of the policy-making that took place in the year of 1930 went through him: his only frustration was Cook's increasing griping. The rift between the two men had begun to widen after the 'Blue Scare' of 1928, with Cook favouring tighter control and sweeping security legislation that Citrine unfavourably compared to the Kaiserreich. Mosley, ever the political opportunist, had inserted himself into the growing gulf. Through Congress' business proceeded largely uninhibited, the Labour Party without Cook to helm it was beginning to fracture along its old factional lines.

By the end of the year, Cook began to complain of a shortness of breath and a difficulty performing strenuous tasks - this was made all the more apparent by the sudden exertion moving around on his crutches required. Now wheelchair bound, the Chairman sat for a number of sessions, then made his way to the selfsame hospital.

A cancerous mass was identified on his lungs.

Cook was shattered.

Yet, looking across the divided mood in the country, and knowing Citrine - a man he was increasingly coming to hate - stood to inherit control of the Committee, Cook now felt he had very little to lose.

He told no-one, and continued in his post.

 

[Sealy]

A Probable Alliance​

The burgeoning ties between Egypt and Somalia​

One could write an entire academic treatise on the history of Somalia and its ties to the Arab World. Even before the rise of Muhammad (or even Christ for that matter), the Bab-el-Mandeb; the strait separating Yemen and the Horn, has seen constant backwards and forwards cultural, economic, and religious exchange. Islam was most likely brought to Somalia through trade, rather than conquest by the Caliphate, and in having done so made the area both rich and ferociously religiously devoted.With the advent of Islam, Arabic became ingrained in Somali society to a degree that is hard to compare with any European state. It was as if to be a Catholic priest in Poland one had to learn German. It was with this that the fundamentals of the Somali-Egyptian alliance would be founded, but it would be the acute cause.

Somalia had come into being through an anti-British revolt started by Mohammed Abdullah Hassan (nicknamed the Mad Mullah but the Anglos) in the 1890s. A Sufi poet, he like his contemporaries had arisen out of a milieu of Somali nationalism, mystic islamism, and neotraditionalism that were all a response to the foreign, christian, and industrial colonialism perpetrated against the Somali people. The fanatical following The Sayyid held was not just due to his military prowess but his lineage and his immense knowledge; he was a descendant of the Prophet Mohammed ﷺ, he was a Hajji, and he could recite all of the Koran and Sunni Hadith from memory (a Hafiz). His ability to rally a revolt that not only held of the British for decades, but with German geopolitical support would overthrow them, was an immense feat. By the end of the War in Europe the Dervish Movement he lead was seizing Italian Somaliland and was Marching in British Mogadishu; although the city itself wouldn't fall until the British Revolution cause the evacuation of troops from there. The unification of Somalia, under a loose tribal confederation, would see his power and influence rise to immense heights and be the restoration of his nation to sovereignty. The Mullah would not live to see this however, passing in 1923; with his legacy continued by his Father in Law Mohamoud Ali Shire, Sultan of Warsangali.

The common cause between Egypt and Somalia would come to a crux with the so-called "Second Berlin Conference". Following the Hegelian-Marxian adage that "all events happen twice, first as a tragedy then as a farce"; the Conference had been an attempt by Mittelafrika to solidify itself font eh world stage, but instead had merely alienated most players in the African continent. Nowhere was this more true than in the Horn. Prior to the Conference, Somalia had strong relations with Germany and Austria; having fought its twin enemies of Britain and Italy in the Weltkrieg with the former providing active support for its movement and the latter monetary assistance in the form of newly minted Maria Theresa Halder. Germany had even pawned off some obsolete destroyers to Somalia to established an embryonic navy so it could protect its trade routes with Europe. Yet its exclusion from this so-called Conference along with the inclusion of its rival Ethiopia caused a radical change in policy. Its lack of recognition by Germany's outpost on the continent was a cause for active alarm. This is where Egypt saw exactly the same thing, the alliance was only a natural outcome. An additional facilitator was the fact that Shire and the Egyptian Wafd leader Saad Zaghloul had been exiled together on the Seychelles in the early 1920s, before the Empire had properly fallen.

With Mittelafrikanische expansionism starting to threaten trade routes in the Red Sea between the countries, numerous small naval skirmishes between their decrepit fleets on one hand, and the meger forces of a colony lashing out on the other. Somalia and Egypt, with a home field advantage and proper coordination, were able to beat back the attempts by Mittelafrika to harass its trade ships, forging a bond in battle between the nations that would cement into a formal alliance between the two. Trade opened up (although for what it's worth, Somalia had little to trade outside of basic agricultural goods) and soon formal embassies and consulates were being exchanged. The German-proper station in Somali Berbera also helped ease tensions between Egypt and Germany, as the latter assured Egypt it had no role in the provocations of the wayward Colony.

The alliance would cause a cultural feast of sorts back in Egypt. While for the Wafd it was shrewd geopolitics, both Islamists and Arabists saw potential in bringing Somalia into the Egyptian orbit. For the Islamists, the Somalis were a prime idea of a society they wanted to build; one governed by Sharia and almost entirely muslim. It is worth noting that the Sharia and Islamism of Somalia was vastly different to the Modernist, Salafism of the neonatal Muslim Brotherhood or the Wahhabis of Central Araba. The Dervishes were, first and foremost, Dervishes; interested in mysticism and the power of words. Likewise they also put a heavy emphasis on traditional law (Xeer) which ran against the odds of the islamic modernisers. Still they found support within the Ittihad Party, which while having helped birth The Brotherhood, also had traditionalists within their ranks that saw in Sudan a mirror of Somalia. Their ideas of bringing Islamic Confederalism would find some purchase with the Islamic Leaders of Sudan not swayed by Salafism but not completely bought into the Wafd. On the flipside, for many pan-arabists Somalia had always been seen as a Brother Nature that belonged in the Arabic fold, akin to the Dutch in Pan-Germanism or Mongolia for Turkicists. As such Panarabists use these connections as a chance to set up shop there, although finding that the pro-arab elements of the population were also islamic clerics, unlikely to give the secularist pannationalism much of a hearing. Still many hoped that across the Aden Yemen would still come into the fold in a way that would serve the Arab cause.

Within the Egyptian middle classes, a minor form of Somaliphilia swept the nation, with people seeking out high quality traditional goods from the region. There was also a small number of economic migrants that came to Egypt, mostly to Port Sudan as a part of the Trade. Still the ties between the two countries would only grow as long as Ethiopia and Mittelafrika remained a threat, which apparently was not going to stop any time soon.

 

[Frostbyght]

We Stand On Guard
The Otter Commission and The Royal Canadian Army

A recruitment poster used in Canada during the Weltkrieg. More than 600,000 Canadians would be mobilized to fight on the Western Front.

"Canada entered the Weltkrieg as a Colony and came out a nation." - Bruce Hutchison, Canadian Journalist

As a Dominion of the British Empire, Canada automatically found itself at war with Germany when the Weltkrieg began in 1914. Its primary military forces, split between the Permanent Active Militia (PAM) and the Non-Permanent Active Militia (NPAM), were little more than a colonial garrison and most were not called up for service on the Western Front. Canada's contribution to the Weltkrieg instead came in the form of the Canadian Expeditionary Force. While some units of the PAM were mobilized into the CEF, a majority of the units were freshly raised volunteers. This could not last and as casualties began mounting, Canada began to flirt with conscription. By the desperate last days of the war, conscripted troops had been thrown into the line in an attempt to stabilize the situation on the Front.

By the time of the final Allied offensive in May, 1919, the CEF had swelled to Six Divisions and was well-known as one of the finest fighting units on the Western Front. Their reputation had been gained in brutal battles at Vimy Ridge, Passchendaele, and Mont Sorrel; their bravery and loyalty was beyond question. Bravery and loyalty were not enough, however, to turn the tide. As the war came to a painful end for England, Canadian troops returned to their country throughout 1919 and 1920, without the same level of dissatisfaction and unrest as their cousins across the Atlantic. Instead there was a prevailing sense of Pride amongst those who had served. Despite the Peace With Honor being considered a defeat for the British Empire the Canadians did not feel defeated.

Units from the CEF were, in fact, proud of their wartime record. Many wished to see the units organized purely for the expeditionary force maintained as part of a standing army for Canada. In the brief period of peace and fiscal austerity following the end of the Weltkrieg it was found that answers were needed for many questions raised by the hasty and slapdash mobilization. What regionalization was needed in the armed services? What would be the future role of the Militia? How much should the government spend on the military? How should new units (Airplanes and Armored Vehicles) be integrated? What was needed in terms of modernization of military equipment, doctrine, and training?

Enter General William Dillion Otter.


William Dillion Otter during the Second Boer War. He would eventually become the Chief of the General Staff of Canada in 1908.

Otter was the first Canadian-born Chief of the General Staff, at the head of the Canadian Militia. He had a long history of service to the Dominion, having served during the short North-West Rebellion and commanded a Regiment of Canadian infantry during the Second Boer War. He was elevated to Chief of the General Staff in 1908. Otter was known as a punishing commander, demanding strict adherence to European Standards for his men so that the British would not show up his own soldiers.

Otter and a group of other officers - including Major General Archibald Macdonell, Brigadier General E.A. Cruikshank. and Brigadier General A.G.L. McNaughton - were commissioned by the Canadian Government to answer the questions that plagued the Canadian Armed Forces. The Otter Commission, as it was so creatively called, conducted interviews in the Autumn of 1920. No official report was released, either to the government or the press, but several smaller and unofficial suggestions were given to the Government in the post-war period.

Only small-scale changes were initially approved. For example, in order to preserve the battle honors earned during the Weltkrieg by both the pre-war Militia units and the CEF units, a system of perpetuations was created based primarily on geographical connections through the original recruiting areas of the CEF battalions. The only other notable change was the addition of two units raised for the CEF becoming permanent members of the Canadian Army: Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry and the 22nd Battalion. The total reorganization of the Canadian Military was considered overly expensive and unnecessary, and it was believed that the other accepted suggestions could be conducted over a longer period of time without issue.

Then the Isles fell to revolution and the King arrived in Ottawa. When the dust of the Great Exile had settled, there was now a fresh and powerful lobby looking to reforge the Canadian Army into the shield and sword of the Empire: the British Officer Corps. Otter, now in his mid-eighties, was once again called out of retirement to brief a refurbished Commission looking to integrate the scraps of the British Army into the Canadian Armed Forces. The newly formed "Thacker Commission" would consist primarily of Exiled British Officers, but as a political offering to the Canadians, General Herbert Cyril Thacker would be placed at its head. Though Otter himself would soon return home due to his age and ailing health, the suggestions of the Otter commission were reexamined and many were implemented with all haste. The Canadian Militia became the Royal Canadian Army.


The Thacker Commission, consisting of both Canadian and British Officers, 1927.

The RCA would consist of two sub-organizations: the Non-Permanant Active Militia would become the Army Reserve, while the Permanent Active Militia, the remnants of the British Army, and the re-activated units of the CEF would combine to become the Regular Force. Initial proposals were for a force of 50,000 Men drawn from British and CEF Units to act as the Core of the RCA, with an additional 15 Divisions added to the Army Reserve able to be called up when needed. This was, perhaps, premature. With the crisis in Quebec still being fresh, it was questioned whether these numbers could be reached without causing another round of anti-conscription riots. Nevertheless, plans were drawn up for a major expansion of all facets of the RCA. A lack of things like "Money", "Equipment", and "Manpower" would not get in the way of grand plans for the sword and shield of the Empire.

Special attention was given to modernization of these forces, which included the reactivation and expansion of the Automobile Machine Gun Brigades that had served with the Canadians on the Western Front. Many Generals remembered the high hopes for the Tanks of the British Army during the last days of the Western Front. Battles at Clermont and Amiens had proven the viability of armored warfare. Canada, however, did not have any great Tank works, and would likely take years to develop the capability and expertise needed. Those proponents of Armored Warfare had to settle for Armored Cars instead of vast fleets of heavy tanks.


The Canadian Automobile Machine Gun Brigade was founded and commanded by Brigadier-General Raymond Brutinel in late 1914, and would become the forerunner to the mechanized units of the Royal Canadian Army.

Despite these setbacks, the initial stages of reorganization had been completed by the end of 1929. Integration of the Canadian and British Officer Corps was at an acceptable level, and lessons were being spread from the regular force to the reserve. Some disgruntled voices pointed out that the Army should be preparing for amphibious operations and training for beach landings, in preparation for a great return to the British Isles. More reasonable voices, however, hushed these ridiculous statements wherever they could be found. Even in their wildest dreams the King and his dedicated cabinet knew that Canada could hardly be the great springboard for an attempt to retake the homeland. They lacked the strength, the political unity, and the raw industry needed to combat the Red Menace in its birthplace.

Instead, eyes were turned across the Pacific. Many suspected, with the outbreak of war between Japan and Germany, that Canadian forces (or at least, their equipment) might be needed to assist the Japanese in driving the Huns from Southeast Asia. Others, however, were keen to let Japan fight its own battles. After all, the Crown Jewel was under threat from the north. If the Royal Canadian Army was to fight anywhere in the near future, surely it would be in India...​

 

[Frostbyght]

Rescheduled Due To Unforeseen Circumstances
The 1930 Imperial Conference


Even a revolution at the very heart of Britain could not halt the wheels of the Empire. They were merely delayed.

Since 1887, the British Empire had held periodic gatherings involving leaders from the self-governing colonies and dominions. Originally instituted to reinforce imperial unity, as time went on, the conferences became a key forum for dominion governments to assert the desire for removing their remaining colonial bonds and progressing evermore towards full self-governance. In addition, they offered a chance for the various ministers and governors to cooperate in charting the course of inter-Empire economic, diplomatic, and military matters. These meetings had always been held in London - the beating heart of the Empire - with one exception in 1894 where it had been held in Ottawa.

The last Imperial Conference before the revolution had been held in 1923. Focusing on matters of the Imperial Economy and the rights of the Colonies, it was a tense and conflicted occasion. Coming so soon after the end of the Weltkrieg, both the United Kingdom and its various tendrils across the globe were dealing with the aftermath of the Peace With Honor and the active war in India. Many of the Dominions, primarily Canada and South Africa, pushed for a more equitable relationship between England and the rest of the Empire. The Prime Minister at the time, Ramsay McDonald, felt that the internal cohesion of the British Empire was of the highest importance, and supported taking a step away from the concept of a centralized British Empire in favor of a more decentralized British Commonwealth. With the support of MacDonald, the Conference affirmed the Canadian position that dominions had the right to pursue their own foreign policy separately from Britain and the Empire and could negotiate and sign treaties on their own behalf. It was also recognised that each member of the Empire was obliged to avoid taking any action that would injure another member and that neither the Dominion governments nor the British government could commit another to an action without its consent. No formal declaration was made, but the stage was set for a grand evolution of the Empire at the next Imperial Conference, planned to occur in 1926.

This, of course, did not happen.

With the chaos of the Great Exile and the Lost Year, the Imperial Conference of 1926 simply never happened. Ministers in Canada and across the remnants of the Empire found themselves far too busy with the chaos engulfing their territories to meet. As things stabilized over the late 1920s, King George V and his cabinet were eager to reinforce ties with the remaining Dominions. Fresh diplomatic missions were sent across the world, to India, South Africa, Australasia, and even the West Indies Federation. Having lost the heart of the Empire to Syndicalism, the King was advised by exiled ministers like Austen Chamberlain and Leo Amery that Canada must take a leading role to prevent the Empire from collapsing further, and that closer ties with the remaining territories would be vital to the future of the Anglo-Japanese Entente.

It was proposed, therefore, to resume the Imperial Conferences with a meeting in Ottawa in October, 1930. The agenda would surround the future of the British Empire, economic links between the Dominions and Canada, and the level of Autonomy given to the Dominions. Hopes were high that with a successful conference, it could be shown that the British Empire still stood strong and united; ready to face down all those who would threaten it. As confirmations rolled in from across the Empire, it became clear that the host nation had a slight problem.

Traditionally, the Prime Minister of Canada would attend as the representative of a member nation. Naturally, with the changed situation of the Empire, the Prime Minister of Canada would now be the hosting dignitary next to King George V. The meeting would be held in the House of Commons chamber on Parliament Hill. All of this was well considered and well planned.

The issue was, of course, that no one was quite sure who would be the Prime Minister in October. The relationship between Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King and King George V had been growing colder and colder since their detente in 1926. Many considered it likely that the King would throw his support, and that of the Exiles, behind the Conservative Party of R.B Bennet. Bennet was a staunch anti-syndicalist and supported increasing economic ties between the remaining states of the Empire, going so far as to call for a system of "Imperial Preference" to defend against the massive economies of Germany and America. Prime Minister King found himself increasingly on the backfoot as the new year approached.

So, while Ottawa prepared to receive the leaders of the Empire, eyes were turned to the Canadian Election. Set for late July, it was agreed that whichever candidate came out on top would have immense influence not only over the future of Canada, but the future of the Empire itself...​

---

KING GEORGE V HEREBY CALLS THE PRIME MINISTERS OF THE EMPIRE TO OTTAWA FOR A CONFERENCE ON THE FUTURE OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE, TO BE HELD STARTING OCTOBER 1st.

INVITATIONS ARE SENT TO:
Prime Minister Billy Hughes, of THE AUSTRALASIAN CONFEDERATION
Prime Minister Jan Smuts, of THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA
Viceroy Rufus Isaacs, of the BRITISH RAJ
And their respective Cabinets.

(@Kirook , @Traveller76 )​

 

[Traveller76]

We accept this invitation.
Viceroy Rufus Isaacs, of the BRITISH RAJ

 

[Sealy]

When is a democracy not a democracy?..

When the people vote but their vote isn't counted...​

When the people have suffrage but parties control how they do so...

When the people have rights but they do not know such...
​

What is the remedy for such a situation?
Anarchy, Autocracy, Oligarchy?
Nay, the solution is Education
​

If Russia is to be a democracy, it's people must be informed. If Russia is to be free, it's people must be wise. If Russia is to have a future, it's people must be able to read. We put the cart before the horse; we put liberty before enlightenment.

For as long as this is not the case, demagogues, aristocrats, and foreign powers will rule in place of the people.
​

A decade of works may turn this country around, and finally restore dignity to the people. But such works will not be given to us down from Petrograd. They must be seized by those wise enough to know, yet lowly enough not to exploit this knowledge.

Down with Karensky! Down with the Senate! Down with the Parties!
Long live Democracy! Long live Literacy! Long live Russia!​