EURPG 1700 - GSRP Edition

1741 An Emperor Betrayed, Pt. IV:
Austria, Soy Yo


Don Carlos did not wish to rule his Empire from Vienna, or Buda.

In fact he quite liked El Escorial.

Don Carlos did not wish to annex Austria and Hungary to Spain and risk war with Britain, France, Prussia and Bavaria, widespread rebellion and the further devastation of what hollow husk yet remained of the Holy Roman Empire.

In fact he quite liked peace. Peace allowed him to build, and reform, and restore, get richer and stronger.

War was expensive.

As such, to those who knew him the 1741 Hofburg Crisis was based on two fundamental misunderstandings regarding the character and mind of Don Carlos, to whit, (01) his willingness to deviate from tradition, primarily as personified in the figure of his namesake ancestor Karl V and (02) his willingness to resolve violently what he could otherwise resolve diplomatically.

The titular stickler was "Austro-Hungarian autonomy".

As far as Carlos was concerned, Austro-Hungarian autonomy had been a reality ever since the Armies of Flanders and Naples had descended upon Austria, Hungary and Bohemia and rid them of Emperor Heinrich VII's tonterias. The resulting 1731 Familienpakt between Don Carlos, Heinrich and Karl Albrecht of Belgium had put his conquests to paper and made them legally binding, with the end result that Carlos and his men went home and a Heinrich-free Austria was left to its own devices.

By the terms of the Pakt and with expressed Papal and international backing, Carlos had become Heinrich's fellow Emperor, sole regnant Archduke of the Erblande (Hereditary Lands, namely Austria and her dependencies) and Apostolic King of the Lands of the Crown of St. Stephen (Hungary, Croatia, Slavonia and their dependencies), informally known as Cisleithania and Transleithania respectively.

For his part Heinrich had received Bohemia back and kept Bavaria, the two cousins pledging to safeguard each other's territorial integrity.

The Emperor would make concessions, while both the 'Kingdom' of Belgium and Bohemia would enter the Harmonious Union, the Emperor consented to Carlos III becoming Duke of the each of the Austrian Duchies and King of Hungary and Croatia, as well as Co-Emperor; An appointment that had the explicit blessing of the Pope. The Spanish Habsburgs, German Habsburgs, and Wittelsbachs would enter into a Familienpakt to defend the territorial integrity of each of their respective realms. (...) There would also be no more question of Spanish control over Austria and Hungary. These territories to which Carlos III formally organized as under a Palatine of Austria-Hungary governing from Vienna, who initially would be Prince Eugen of Savoy until a member of the Spanish Royal Family came of age. Bohemia would be returned to the Emperor's control, giving him a power base outside of the wreckage of Bavaria.


EVS: Eugénio von Savoia, as he signed his name.
Born 1663, he was 78 in 1741.

Prince Eugene of Savoy-Carignano, a Franco-Italian general, had been named Palatine of Hungary and Landespräsident (Governor General) of the Hereditary Lands. He was Don Carlos' third cousin (being a great-grandson of the Infanta Catalina Micaela of Spain) and had a storied history as a general fighting for Austria. In combination with the office of Hofkriegsratspräsidenten (President of the Imperial War Council) which he had held under Heinrich - and so succesfully used to coup him -, these titles gave him wide-ranging executive, administrative and military authority to govern Austria-Hungary as he saw fit.

Bar starting a pan-European war or leaving the Emperor-Archduke's name out of official documents, Eugene was free to do as he wished, how he wished.

Relations began to sour as the decade wore on, however.

There were two points of contention: (01) long-term concerns re: Austria-Hungary's future and (02) short-term concerns re: custody of the Archduke-Infantes, the senior line of Haus Hapsburg's next generation.

As he withered and aged, Prince Eugene's distrust of Don Carlos encouraged him to repeatedly and anxiously demand custody of at least one of Don Carlos' sons. His goal was to accomplish with a new Archduke what he had failed to do with his former pupil Heinrich. His anxiety naturally contaminated the military junta which ruled Austria-Hungary alongside him and had followed his lead in breaking with Henrich. Easily discernible was Eugene's desire - and tacit threat - to set up Carlos' own son as a rival and anti-King against him, should Carlos do anything other than follow Eugene's succession plans for Austria-Hungary and divy up his lands among his sons.


Prince Eugene did not hesitate to bluntly state: if raised by their father, in Spain, the Archduke-Infantes would be Spanish, not Austrian. How could they uphold and preserve the traditions of Austria if they were not Austrian? He, and the army, wanted an Austrian ruler in the Hofburg, and they wanted what they wanted now.

(Eugene himself, that King in everything but name, was French).


Don Carlos balked at such words. He was Austria. He was the very head of the domus Austriae, the House of Austria. The seniorat, the legacy, the name, the traditions... they were all his. Austria, soy yo. The traditions of Austria were the traditions of Spain. Not for nothing was the etiquette of the Viennese court rightly known as the Spanish cerimonial or court etiquette, brought there by Spanish infantas tracing back in a direct line to the Empress Maria (d. 1603) and through her back to Mary of Burgundy (d.1482). Mary of Burgundy had brought the trend-setting pageantry and protocol of the Burgundian Court to the Hapsburgs, who had imbued it with the Roman Catholic piety of the Most Catholic Monarchs and bred what became known as the pietas Austriaca or Habsburgica.

By this moral and religious code, the Hapsburgs were sacralized as agents of God on earth. The Jesuits historically helped support and develop the notion of the special religious and imperial mission of the Haus. This sacrosanct mission was expressed outwardly in the Spanish court etiquette, in everything from the many public feast days and pilgrimages to Mariazell, from the black Spanish court garb to the silence, reverence and propriety of Karl V's Castille, from the practice of kneeling before the Emperor and ensuring acess to him remained the privilege of a highly select few.

Accordingly, Eugene's reasoning for this novel demand - and novel it was, for nothing of the sort had been included in the original agreement - made Carlos take great offence and consider Eugene guilty of the highest treason. Carlos perceived himself under attack not only as a father, but as a patriarch and dynasty. What exactly did the general mean to insinuate?

Was he (Carlos) not Hapsburg enough, not Austrian enough, not traditionally-minded and Catholic enough, to ensure his sons ended up proper orthodox Hapsburgs and not whatever Heinrich had become?

Did the upjumped Frenchman in lifelong exile from his own home, pretend to have a better grasp of Carlos' ancestral fatherland and the Spanish court ceremonial, than Carlos himself?

And what of those pesky rumours which had plagued Prince Eugene since youth, his lack of a wife and the long-whispered depravity which had prevented him from acquiring a church benefice as a young man, even in the filthy halls of Sodom and Gomorrah, otherwise known in the French tongue as Versailles? Would it be fitting for the Restorer of Haus Hapsburg and Defensor Ecclesiae (Defender of the Church) to hand over his young and impressionable sons to a foreigner with a dodgy reputation for sexual immorality?

Between the Emperor-Archduke's self-image as a Hapsburg traditionalist and the Prince's self-image as a Kingmaker not to be questioned, there was little chance for an easy resolution of such prickly matters via courier, racing back and forth between El Escorial and the Hofburg.

Both sides thought the other ungrateful.

Both sides thought the other more than a little mad.


***


Hofburg ("Castle of the Court"), seat of the Dukes of Austria since the 13th century

***


Tensions in Austria escalated with the 1738 visit of the Spanish Queen Dowager. Don Carlos had sent his mother to shower Prince Eugene with honours and carry out an extensive survey of the lands. Carlos knew he had not been raised in the Hofburg and that much had changed under Otto and Heinrich: he wanted to know exactly what. He meant to rule well, while he ruled. He would not suffer his name to be a byline or footnote in the annals of Austria, a worry entirely separate to his successions plans, as far as Carlos was concerned. As the Spanish court ceremonial and pietas Austriaca had given way to Imperialism and then Byzantism, changes had been made to the government and military of Austria-Hungary - Carlos wanted to know which changes, exactly.

Prince Eugene and his junta interpreted this as absolute proof of untoward succession plans and a sure sign Carlos meant to annex Austria-Hungary. They accordingly responded with a series of hostile actions, including expelling the Queen Dowager (who was told in no uncertain terms they could not guarantee her safety if she stayed), fomenting or poorly containing rioting and producing a hitherto unheard-of rival pretender, promoted as Palatine of Hungary in Eugene's stead.

Karl of Koháry (or Don Carlos de Koháry, as the Spanish called him) was the name afforded this pretender. The boy had apparently been sequestered and secretly raised by Prince Eugene since birth or near enough. He was presented as the secret son of a secret liasion between the Emperor's foster-father and Prince-Regent and a lady of the Koháry family, lately raised to comital rank in 1685.

The best case scenario went that during his short reign as King of Hungary the elder of the three Carlos - then Karl III of Hungary - had made a secret, non-dynastic marriage to a woman of inexplicably low birth and begotten a son on her, all the while failing to notify his loving relatives and the wider world of European nobility. Such a move ensured his son's identity would always be (at absolute best) immensely questionable and highly suspect.

This failure was compounded by the failure to provide adequately for his only possible heir in any way, shape or form.


Otherwise, the child was a bastard or changeling, the prospect Don Carlos thought more likely from afar.

Word went the lad had extensive estates in Hungary derived from the Koháry family. Since female succession was not the norm in Hungary and required explicit royal approval (the prefection of female heirs by an exclusive royal prerogative), such lands could not have been inherited: and what vast inheritance was this that took place without anyone noting? Such a state of affairs would have required extensive corruption in order to be hidden successfully for so long from the Emperor-Archduke, his officers and the outside world.

No wonder Eugene had exploded at the idea of a national survey.

As far as Don Carlos was concerned, secret royalty was nonsense. Royalty was public business and he knew his uncle Karl better than anyone - better than Eugene, better than madame Koháry, better than anyone - to believe this story as Eugene related it to him.


Don Carlos de Kohary, named Palatine of Hungary 1740
***​

Don Carlos had been a babe at the breast when his unlikely and ever-sickly father, Don Carlos II, passed away.

The death of the Betwiched King (El Hechizado) of Spain might very well have represented a break in Hapsburg tradition had it not been for the conversion and Castillian indoctrination his third bride had been submitted to, assuring Don Carlos III was conceived and suckled at the breast of pietas Austriaca. The arrival in Spain of the archduke Karl, reborn as the Prince-Regent Don Carlos, had reinvigorated the Spanish court and fanned the sombre flames of the pietas austriaca all through the early days of Don Carlos III.

Indeed, many would consider Don Carlos' fixation on the Italian Rinascimento - corpulent, sensual, shining, golden - and lifelong concern with Imperial affairs as derivatives of the upbringing the Prince-Regent had given him. He was Karl V come again, the shining center of Christian empire, guardian of the Res Publica Christiana and defender of the Church. Not even the gates of hell could prevail against him.

And thus Don Carlos braced himself for what lay ahead, leaving beind Finale Ligure, Genoa and Parma to make his return home: yes, home, his eastern, ancestral home, the Hofburg. Desirous of diffusing the situation, getting his sons married and arranging a happy future for his House, Don Carlos set out for the Hofburg, ready to show the Imperial War Council his quality and worth - once again.
 
1741 Imperial Court Circular


His Imperial, Most Catholic and Apostolic Majesty Don Carlos, Forever August, is delighted to announce the upcoming Triple Wedding of the Most-High House of Austria, to take place at the Hofburg in Wien in a year's time.

His eldest son and general heir, the Archduke-Infante Don Carlos Félix Cristiano Domingo José Inácio Maximiliano Ernesto Augustín Víctor de Austria, Prince of Asturias, Girona, Viana, the Spains and the New World, Duke of Montblanc etc., will take to wife Her Royal Highness Louise Marie de Bourbon-Parma, daughter of Luxembourg and Parma-Piacenza,

His second son and heir in his eastern domains, the Archduke-Infante Don Felipe Fernando Maximiliano Juan Juliano Santiago Frederico Leopoldo Emanuel de Austria, Duke of Segovia, will take to wife Her Royal Highness Violante Francesca Diana Beatrice Vittoria Maria Maddalena de' Medici, daughter of Tuscany,

His third son, the Archduke-Infante Don Juan Pedro Bautista del Salvador Nazareno Conquistador Rodolfo Matias Enrique de Austria, Count of Monza, will take to wife Louise Franziska Elisabeth von Wettin, daughter of Saxony and Poland-Lithuania,

Admist much dancing, feasting and general revelery.

With the wedding, the Emperor shall promulgate a codified House Law of Haus Hapsburg and a Sanctio Pragmatica firmly establishing the succession rights of his sons and their descendants.

The corresponding ecclesiastical dispensations have been applied for & planning commenced.

All crowned heads of Europe are invited.

Worthy princes are encouraged to send their sons of suitable age and station to study alongside the Archduke-Infantes in the military academy to be established at the Hofburg.

R.S.V.P.
 
1741 Imperial Court Circular II:
The Edict of St. Mark


I. Signore Carlo Ruzzini, hitherto Doge of Venice la Serenissima, shall be named Duke of St Mark (Duque de San Marcos) and Lord of the Rif (Señor del Rif) and receive suitable estates in our Kingdom of Morocco,

II. The Ruzzini court-in-exile shall be escorted by the Fleets of Spain from the Morea to their new home,

IV. The Dukedom of St Mark and all associated honours, incomes and privileges shall be created with remainder to Don Prospero Dandolo y Ruzzini, nephew and adopted heir of the Doge,

III. Don Prospero shall take to wife our cousin Doña Maria Guadelupe FitzJames Stuart y Colón de Portugal, daughter of our Duke of Liria and Xérica, Lord Lieutenant of Morocco,

IV. The House of Dandolo Ruzzini shall swear to uphold the present privileges enjoyed by the Jesuits, Knightly Orders and Jacobean nobility in Morocco, the fiefs of Salé and Larrache held by Genoa and Parma, and above all to uphold the Roman Catholic faith.

V. The Kingdom of Morocco, otherwise the Lands of St. Mark the Evangelist, shall be held in fief of the King of Spain as liege-lord and sovereign, in perpetuity, in all things honouring and obeying him and his heirs in their perpetuity, and nothing doing that might harm, injure or frustrate their interests, both personal and politic. The crown shall revert to Spain should the Ruzzini line falter or rebel.

VI. The ports of Tangiers, Ceuta and Melila, with their immediate environs and dependencies, shall remain attached to the Crown of Spain and under direct Spanish care and administration.

VII. His Imperial, Most Catholic and Apostolic Majesty hails Doge Francesco Loredan, the Council of Ten and all good citizens of La Serenissima, resolutely denying any military undertaking to 'restore' Doge Carlo Ruzzini and gratefully accepting their financial contribution to the Moroccan war effort.

Spain recognises Venetian regime change in return for cash payment.
No Spanish intervention to take Venice back for Carlo Ruzzini.
As of next turn (1743-1745) Morocco will become a vassal state of Spain played by @adriankowaty.
Ruled by Ruzzini Doges and a Venetian court in exile, with Jesuit, Jacobite and native help.
 
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Haus Hohenzollern

  • Frederick I (b. 1657 d. 1713) von Hohenzollern, King in Prussia, Elector of Brandenburg
    • Married - Elizabeth Henrietta of Hesse-Kassel (b. 1661 d. 1683)
      • Luise, Hereditary Princess of Hesse-Kassel (b. 1680 d. 1705)
    • Married - Sophia Charlotte of Hanover (b. 1668 d. 1705)
      • Prince Frederick August (b. 1685 d. 1685)
      • Frederick WilliamI (b. 1688 d. 1740) Reichspresident of the North German Federation, King of Prussia, Stadtholder of the Lausitz Republic, Elector of Brandenburg
        • Married - Sophia Dorothea of Hanover (b. 1687)



  • Frederick William I(b. 1688 d. 1740) Reichspresident of the North German Federation, King of Prussia, Stadtholder of the Lausitz Republic, Elector of Brandenburg
    • Married - Sophia Dorothea of Hanover (b. 1687)
      • Prince Frederick Louis (b. 1706 d. 1706)
      • Queen Friederike Sophie Wilhelmine of Britain and the Netherlands (b. 1709) m. King Frederick of Great Britain and the Netherlands (b. ????)
      • Prince Frederick William (b. 1710 d. 1710)
      • Frederick II, Reichspresident of the North German Federation, King of Prussia, Stadtholder of the Lausitz Republic (b.1712) m. Amelia Sophia Eleonore of Hanover (b. 1711)
      • Princess Charlotte (b. 1713 d. 1713)
      • Frederica Louise (b.1714) m. Hieronymus, Heir to the Palatine, Prince of Serbia etc. (b. ????)
      • Philippine Charlotte (b. 1716) m. Charles I, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel (b. 1713)
      • Prince Louis (b. 1717 d. 1717)
      • Sophia Dorothea, Margravine of Brandenburg-Schwedt (b.1719) m. Frederick William, Margrave of Brandenburg-Schwedt (b. 1700)
      • Louisa Ulrika (b. 1720) Unmarried
      • Prince Augustus William, Margrave of Thuringia (b.1722) m. (Insert Name Here) of Poland
      • Princess Anna Amalia (b.1723) Unmarried
      • Prince Henry (b. 1726) Unmarried
      • Prince Augustus Ferdinand (b. 1730) Unmarried




  • Frederick II, Reichspresident of the North German Federation, King of Prussia, Stadtholder of the Lausitz Republic (b.1712) m. Amelia Sophia Eleonore of Hanover (b. 1711)
    • William (b. 1727) Unmarried
    • George (b. 1730) Unmarried
    • Frederike Sophia (b. 1736) Unmarried
 
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House of Bourbon-Luxembourg
  • Philippe I (B.1683) King of Candia, Grand Duke of Luxembourg, Duke of Anjou. M. Elisabeth Farnese (B.1692) Duchess of Parma.
    • Louise-Maria (B.1716) Princess of Asturias, Princess of Candia. M. Don Carlos Félix (B.1721) Prince of Asturias, Girona, the Spains, and the New World.
    • Charles Sebastian (B.1725) Hereditary Prince of Candia and Parma. B. Doña Maria Luísa Enriqueta (B.1730) Archduchess-Infanta.


His Majesty Philip I
By the Grace of God, King of Candia,
Grand Duke of Luxembourg, Duke of Anjou, and Duke (Jure Uxoris) of Parma,
Captain-General of the Venetian Republic

 
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THE FLOWERING
Grief, Love and Architecture in Modern Florence

Part I: The Dreamers and the Builders
1739-1740s



VIEW OF FLORENCE FROM MONS FLORENTINUS

What is art? What is beauty, and why do men pursue art and beauty with such intensity? These are age old questions that have awed human civilizations since times immemorial, with ready and universal answers often deemed to be impossible. Out of all the dynasts who ruled polities in their time, the Medici were perhaps among the foremost to be troubled by such concerns. After all, the godfathers of the Renaissance knew one thing or two about art and the pursuit of beauty. It required constancy, as a lush and yet fickle garden cultivated only through sheer herculean efforts across multiple generations. It required talent, both to create beauty and to find and amass the creators. And it required money, for in those times the pursuit of beauty was an expensive affair, capable of moving an entire industry on its own. These were the principal ingredients that constituted the patronage of arts, but what was it, in truth, that pushed the creators to create, and the sponsors to sponsor their creations? The more cynical would point towards the establishment of networks of clientele and the gaining of prestige through patronage, while the moneyed could note that it was a way of showing off their wealth, and not an end in itself. But what about when beauty was an end in itself? What could be the motivator for the creation of true art?

The Medici, godfathers as they were, did not possess all the answers, but they did know something. In the first half of the fifteenth century, the wealth and intense patronage of their famed progenitor, Cosimo the Elder, had almost single-handedly made Florence the beating heart of the Italian Renaissance, so much that the Florentines declared him Pater Patriae after his death. Cosimo the Elder had been a deeply religious man. At the same time, he had been a banker, and a statesman, both professions that did not necessarily complement his religiosity very well. Cosimo the Elder had been a man plagued by his demons, and from the immense guilt he bore on his shoulders the modern world had been created to supplant the old one. Guilt could be a powerful motivator for the pursuit of beauty, as if the act of creating beauty washed away all the ugliness within. Cosimo's guilt had led him to create beautiful things, masterpieces of unparalleled beauty. It had been so powerful that it crossed generations and reached across centuries.

Cosimo IV Ferdinando de' Medici shared more similarities with his namesake and progenitor than he realized. Religious guilt had pushed Cosimo the Elder towards greatness. Cosimo Ferdinando, although a devout Catholic, could not claim to suffer from the same kind of self-flagellating spirituality as Pater Patriae. But he did have a claim to suffering. The year of 1738 had brought many challenges to the thirty year old monarch, but none had left him as shaken as the two events that had threatened to uproot his entire world. The first had been, beyond a doubt, the death of his beloved mother, the Dowager Queen Violante Beatrice of Bavaria. Mother and son had been close, and Cosimo IV himself had depended on the Dowager to rule early in his reign. Violante's death had left the Most Serene King broken and depressed. The Queen had barely been laid to rest in the overcrowded Medici necropolis at the basilica of San Lorenzo when a second tragedy struck the grieving monarch. Malaria was a recurrent disease in the marsh-infested countryside of Tuscany, even after three decades worth of efforts for land reclamation and drainage. 1738 proved to be a particularly bad year. News came from Pisa of the passing of the renowned jurist and naturalist Giuseppe Averani, under whom Cosimo had reverently studied in his youth. The King's state of mind was only worsened when his own son and heir, Cosimo Ottaviano, fell ill and was confined to a sickbed for weeks.

Although the Grand Prince would make a full recovery, the near death of his eldest son, combined with the loss of Averanus and the Queen Dowager, all in quick succession, left Cosimo IV badly shaken. Whereas other Medici would simply give in to melancholy (either through debauchery or secluded prayer), Cosimo IV followed in the footsteps of his namesake, Pater Patriae. He would turn his suffering, his emotion, into something far larger than his own person. He would create beauty to wash away the ugly. On the linen shrouds of his loved ones, a new Florence would rise, one made of beauty, plenty and light to cast away the growing darkness.

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A map of Florence in the mid-18th century, prior to the Flowering. The old city can be seen on the northern bank of the Arno river. The Oltrarno district, far smaller and underdeveloped, lies on the southern bank, with the Pitti Palace and the Boboli gardens being the main landmarks, just across the Ponte Vecchio. Mons Florentinus, the highest point of the city, lies to the east of the southern bank, outside of the medieval city walls, where the church of San Salvatore al Monte and the abbey of San Miniato al Monte can be seen.


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The last grand building projects to be undertaken in Florence dated from the second half of the sixteenth century. The first Grand Duke, Cosimo I, and his court architect, the famous Giorgio Vasari, would transform the urban landscape of Florence, with the erection and renovation of bridges, the construction of the Uffizi and the development of the Oltrarno district centered around the Pitti Palace, which became the main residence of the grand-ducal court in his reign. Cosimo's successor Ferdinando I would further contribute to the beauty, though his reign was most preoccupied with projects in Pisa (concerning the Order of Santo Stefano) and, of course, the creation of the prosperous port city of Livorno out of thin air. On the other hand, the crisis of the seventeenth century had been unkind to the Medici Grand Dukes. Florence, and Tuscany at large, came to suffer from depopulation, and the grand-ducal treasury was depleted. By 1740, however, the situation had changed, both due to the general improvement of global conditions and the Fernandine reforms. The redevelopment of the country also directly impacted Florence. In 1700, La Dominante had been a depopulated mess of priests, nuns and a repressed citizenry living under a regime of religious terror. By 1740, the city had grown again, both in numbers and in wealth, and had seen its place as the cultural and artistic capital of Italy rightfully restored.

Of course, the Grand Wedding of 1727, through its many preparations, on the one hand, and its lasting effects on the local industry, on the other, had played a crucial role in the restoration of Florence to what it had once been. The varied stimuli to the cultural industries and the return of pageantry and street festivals are widely known. What is often overlooked, however, is that the preparations for the Grand Wedding also included an urban project that impacted the Oltrarno district, namely the construction of palatial apartments and residences on the southern riverbank to host the massive foreign delegations during the wedding. These constructions pointed towards a courtly interest in developing the Oltrarno district, moving away from the old medieval city in the northern riverbank to establish a more modern city across the Arno, grounded on modern principles and design. Thus, when Cosimo IV and his councilors decided to embark on an urban renewal project in 1738, he chose to devote his attention to the underdeveloped Oltrarno, rather than to tear down the old city and start anew. Practical concerns were also taken into consideration, first and foremost engineering an adequate solution to the recurring flooding of the Arno river, which had been plaguing the city since its foundation.

Admittedly, these practical concerns were not at the forefront of Cosimo IV's mind. In his melancholy, he desired to create beauty, and not to destroy the old. These practicalities even caused the King to clash with his ministry, at some points. The Corsini Cabinet, headed by the Grand Chancellor Bartolomeo Corsini, Marquis of Tresana and Prince of Sismano, was preoccupied with the war in the Kingdom of Africa. Indeed, in some social circles it was whispered that the Marquis Corsini, an old soldier, only clung to power for as long as there was a war for him to fight. The marquis had been appointed Grand Chancellor in 1727, following the collapse of the Bavariocracy, shortly after the King's majority. Bartolomeo Corsini had overseen the Conquest of Tunis in 1728, the War of Bavarian Succession in 1731 and the consolidation of Tunisia thereafter. The Corsini Cabinet had established military schools to train officers and engineers, and state workshops to produce ironworks, weapons and armaments. The marquis had retained his job because he was good at it, and because he was needed. Now, however, the King's ambitious projects in Florence threatened to endanger the war effort in Tunisia, both in terms of resources and available manpower. The Most Serene King acknowledged the Grand Chancellor's concerns, but dismissed them. Foreign funding and assistance were more than enough to wage the colonial conflict beyond the sea, he claimed, and stated that life had to go on. In the end, Corsini had to give in, fearing dismissal. Cosimo IV was no longer a child, but had fully grown into his position. And, if the King was distracted with his building projects, at least the marquis would have a freer rein in other matters of state.

With the decision having been taken and the resources set aside, all that remained was the assembling of talent.


FERDINANDO FUGA

It can be correctly stated that the architectural environment in the first half of the eighteenth century in Tuscany was dominated by the friendly rivalry between Alessandro Galilei and Ferdinando Fuga, both brilliant architects of Florentine extract who left their mark on Italy (and beyond) throughout their long and accomplished careers. While Galilei, a scion of the same aristocratic family that birthed Galileo, often enjoyed greater standing and favor than his peer, the talent and influence of Ferdinando Fuga cannot be underestimated. Fuga was born in Florence in November 1699. His mother's family had long served in the local civic administration, while his father had been born in Murano. In the Venetian Carnival of 1696, the elder Fuga had made the acquaintance of Ferdinando de' Medici, then Grand Prince, who would later rise to the throne as Ferdinando III, taking him back to Florence as his chamberlain. Indeed, Ferdinando Fuga would be named after the Medici Grand Prince, who served as his godfather, testifying to the close relationship between the Fuga family and the House of Medici. He grew up in Florence, where he was the pupil of Giovan Battista Foggini, a well regarded sculptor and architect who was one of the protagonists of the Florentine Baroque.

Finding little space for his work in Florence, Fuga settled in Rome in 1718. He soon established himself as a rising star in the architectural circles, though he would only really come into his own after the election of Francesco Maria de' Medici as Pope Innocent XIII. The Medici Pope favored all things Florentine, and architects were not exempt from this rule. Whereas Alessandro Galilei received major commissions such as the rework of the façade of the Lateran Basilica, Fuga was also allowed to shine. Although he was unsuccessful in submitting his design to the Fontana di Trevi (a project which would ultimately be awarded to the Roman Nicola Salvi), he received the commission for the façades of the basilicas of Santa Cecilia in Trastevere and Santa Maria Maggiore, whose reconstruction and renovations definitely put him in the spotlight.

In 1727, with Galilei occupied as Secretary of the Royal Household in Tuscany for the Grand Wedding, the Cardinal de' Medici appointed Fuga as the Architect of Sacred Palaces, a position he would later retain over the first decade of Innocent XIV's pontificate. In this position, Fuga would design and build the Palazzo della Consulta for the Cardinal-Secretary of State, as the seat of the chancellery of the Holy See, his finest palatial work (notwithstanding the Palazzo Corsini in Rome, which Fuga designed for Cardinal Neri Maria Corsini in the 1730's). Innocent XIV would provide him with further commissions over the 1730's for the expansion of the Quirinal Palace and the completion of the Manica Lunga wing, including its much celebrated coffee house. The Quirinale coffee house points towards a change in Fuga's style. Having begun as a pupil and an architect of the Baroque, over his career Ferdinando Fuga would increasingly adopt pioneering principles and techniques of Neoclassicism, although he would never fully embrace the new style as Galilei had. The coffeehouse's Neoclassical design highlights the central role played by Fuga in the transition between both styles in Italian circles, which would remain a trademark of Ferdinando Fuga throughout his career. Regardless, Fuga rose to become one of the foremost Italian architects of his time, sharing that honor with Galilei, Nicola Salvi and the Neapolitan Luigi Vanvitelli.


SANTA MARIA MAGGIORE


PALAZZO DELLA CONSULTA


QUIRINALE COFFEE HOUSE

While Ferdinando Fuga's career was principally centered in Rome (including not infrequent commissions in Florence as well), Alessandro Galilei's was far more eclectic. Born as Alessandro Maria Gaetano Galilei in August 1691 in the city of Florence, he hailed from an old Florentine aristocratic family which had produced many notables over the centuries, including the eponymous Galileo. While Fuga had studied under a baroque architect and sculptor, Galilei was instructed in the arts and science of architecture and engineering by Antonio Maria Ferri, an outstanding figure of the Accademia dei Nobili whose main field of expertise was military engineering, fortifications and artillery. One can assume that Galilei's pioneering predisposition towards Neoclassicism, a more functional style than the intricately ornate Baroque, may be credited to his early education as a mathematician and military engineer, a venue of employment which he explored prior to fully committing to monumental architecture. Even then, Galilei would continue serving as a military architect, as seen later in his work in Tunisia.

As was the case with Fuga, however, the early 1710's Florence was not a welcoming place for ambitious architects. Unlike Fuga, however, Galilei did not seek refuge in Rome. Instead, he looked farther beyond. Benefiting from a sincere friendship with the English envoy at the Tuscan court, the Hon. John Molesworth, the young Galilei booked a passage from Livorno to London, arriving there in August 1714. He enjoyed the hospitality of the Molesworth family, which was not without influence in social and political circles and possessed vast estates in both England and Ireland. The Viscount Molesworth was a member of the Royal Society, a connection which would prove very valuable to Galilei during his stay there. At the time, the English circles were influenced by Neo-Palladian architecture, rejecting the Catholic Baroque style, a situation which suited the young Italian architect just fine, and would in turn influence him as he matured. Galilei would come to try to emulate, in his own words, "the beautiful and simple architecture of the ancients". According to him, good taste was expressed through simplicity, firmness, proportion and correlation. "Our century is much inclined to abandon this beautiful simplicity from which derives the principal foundation of good architecture," Galilei would write later, in 1723, when he had already returned to Italy, "which is now ruined because straight lines and right-angles are eschewed and everything that is essential to good taste is avoided as being something monstrous."

At London, Galilei would find fertile ground to hone his skills. The government of the time was in the midst of promoting the construction of dozens of churches in the capital. Galilei designed at least seven projects. Although none would be commissioned, the work proved captivating, as Galilei was able to free himself of the shackles imposed by the Italian Baroque and fully embrace Neo-Palladian and the emerging Neoclassical style. Out of the seven London church projects, the most astonishing was Galilei's design based on a Doric temple, consisting of a rectangular building, five bays in width and eight in length, standing on a podium of eight steps and surrounded on three sides by an order of freestanding Doric columns; a far cry away from the style that dominated Italy at the time. The Doric temple also stood out as Galilei's only project proposing a rectangular church; elsewhere, he favored circular, square or octagonal layouts, entirely rejecting the traditional basilical forms of his homeland. Afterwards, Galilei acquired a taste for palatial architecture. In 1717, he designed a new royal palace for His Britannic Majesty by the Thames, but in the end he had to content himself with serving lesser patrons and landed nobility, designing Castletown House in Ireland and the east portico of Kimbolton Castle in Cambridgeshire, among other country houses. By 1719, Galilei had grown frustrated with his English clientele and, profusely thanking Lord Molesworth for his patronage, left for Tuscany and returned home. His five year stay in England had not made him rich or renowned... but it had given him the required time to come into his own as an innovative architect with innovative ideas.


DESIGN FOR A DORIC CHURCH IN LONDON


GALILEI'S LONDON PALACE

Back in Tuscany, Galilei fortunately caught the attention of Ferdinando III de' Medici, who already in 1719 named him the chief architect and engineer for court buildings and military fortifications. The Most Serene King's passion was the patronage of music, however, and not architecture. Compared to his later achievements, Galilei's first tenure as the Medici court architect may seem lackluster, for patronage itself was lackluster in these early days, given the dearth of funds and resources. Nevertheless, Galilei received important commissions during this time, which included the renovation of the choir of Cortona Cathedral, additions to the royal villa in Poggio a Caiano, Ferdinando III's preferred residence, and the design and construction of the royal opera house in the Medicean Villa of Pratolino, which headquartered Ferdinando III's musical school, by far his most significant work at the time (Galilei's opera house would later become the main venue of the Reale Accademia Ferdinando III, hosting Handel's works). With the inauguration of the Regency and the Bavariocracy following Ferdinando's death, the diverse skillset of Galilei was also applied to more practical projects, principally concerning the drainage of malarial swampland in the Maremma and the Val di Chiano for land reclamation. At last, but not least, Galilei was also employed by the Queen Regent as one of the tutors of Cosimo IV, teaching him mathematics alongside Luigi Guido Grandi and the main principles of engineering and architecture. The connections Galilei fostered during his first tenure as court architect would allow him to rise to new heights in the future, especially when King Cosimo came of age.

With the election of Pope Innocent XIII in 1723, however, Galilei left his position in Florence to offer his services to the papal court, with the blessing of the Queen Regent. Rome, at the time, was the proper refuge of Italian architects, with a notable demand for architectural commissions and available resources for projects. This was specially true during the pontificate of the open-handed Innocent XIII, who, in his old age, desired to leave his mark in the ancient urban landscape of the Eternal City. Like his colleague Ferdinando Fuga, Alessandro Galilei would greatly benefit from Roman patronage, indeed perhaps even more so. During the next few years, Galilei would execute many of his renowned masterpieces, which definitively consecrated him as one of the greatest architects of his age. His most famous project was, beyond a doubt, the renovation of the Lateran Basilica. Under papal commission, Galilei would construct the Cappella Medici in the Lateran, which would later serve as the burial site for Innocent XIII. He completely redesigned and rebuilt the cathedral's façade, abandoning all traces of the Baroque in favor of the Neoclassical style. The monumental and quasi-palatial character of Galilei's project for one of the holiest churches in Christendom caused a minor scandal in the Roman artistic circles, but in the end his project prevailed and left a lasting impact in the urban landscape, becoming a reference for future projects.

At the time, the Duke of Urbino, Cardinal de' Medici, also commissioned the façade of the Basilica of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini, the national church of Florence in Rome. Contrary to the more controversial Lateran façade, the Prince Gian Gastone insisted on a Baroque design, much to Galilei's chagrin, but which he executed flawlessly, although the construction would only be undertaken in the first half of the 1730's. Galilei's Roman career was briefly interrupted in 1726 and 1727, when he was called to Tuscany to serve as the Secretary of the Royal Household for the Grand Wedding. In this capacity, Galilei oversaw the cleaning-up of Florence for the event, and implemented the development project of the Oltrarno district, with the construction of palatial housing in the southern riverbank to receive the incoming international guests. This experience in developing the Oltrarno would prove invaluable later in life. For now, it had earned him the Grand Cross of the Order of the Lily, the order of merit to award services to the Crown of Etruria that Cosimo IV had created in the aftermath of his wedding.


ALESSANDRO GALILEI
& THE LATERAN



LATERAN BASILICA


SAN GIOVANNI DEI FIORENTINI


PRATOLINO OPERA HOUSE

The apogee of Alessandro Galilei's career was yet to come, however. The Conquest of Tunis in 1728 opened a new chapter for Medici territorial possession in North Africa. Once mere raiders and corsairs, the Order of Santo Stefano intended to establish a permanent presence in the coastline. This involved, of course, the construction of proper fortifications in the key port cities to defend the settlements and military garrisons from inland incursions. Knowing this, the newly adult Cosimo IV called on his former tutor to resume his position as Chief Engineer of Court Buildings and Fortresses. The King's counselors were skeptical that Alessandro Galilei would agree to leave his comfortable life in Florence and Rome to embark on a dangerous mission in newly-conquered Tunisia, of all places. Galilei was now a celebrated architect, and not a simple military engineer. Lesser men might have scoffed at the offer, but Alessandro Galilei was a man of ambition. He would not have left the comforts of Florence to embark on a risky Londoner adventure in his youth otherwise. Challenges came naturally to him.

Of course, it would be unwise to assume that the mere challenge of erecting a defensive network of fortifications along the Tunisian coast was enough to convince Galilei to take the commission. He did not regret his earlier career as a military engineer, but he thought himself destined for greater things now. As it turned out to be, the young Cosimo IV was of similar mind. Military engineers were abundant in Italy, but there was only one Alessandro Galilei, and it was this one Alessandro Galilei whom the Most Serene King thought to be uniquely suited to the task at hand. He was an artist who knew of engineering, and he was an engineer who knew of art. Both these qualities would have to be evenly represented in the architect entrusted with the literal construction of the nascent Kingdom of Africa, for Alessandro Galilei had not been contacted by Cosimo IV to just build fortresses. The Most Serene King had a grander task in mind for his favorite architect and former teacher: the planning, design and execution not of a simple fortress, but of an entire city that would carry his name.

It was the promise of Cosmopoli that ultimately convinced Alessandro Galilei to take the commission. Many architects could claim to have designed fortresses, while others could boast of palaces, churches and cathedrals... but only a select few, if any, had ever had the opportunity of constructing their own city. To an architect of the Enlightenment who was raised on the Italian urbanistic traditions of Leon Battista Alberti, the prospect was too enticing. For all intents and purposes, Alessandro Galilei wished for Cosmopoli, or, as he called it after his classicizing style, "New Carthage", to be his magnum opus. Over the next years, Galilei would design and build strong defenses in Tunis, Hammamet, Monastir, Mahdia and Susa, effectively turning them into fortified ports, but Cosmopoli would be at the forefront of his attention. Located on the island of La Goletta in the entrance to the Bay of Tunis, the future capital of the Kingdom of Africa would form an integrated defensive network with the old capital of Tunis. The latter was invested with fearsome land defenses, but only a select few facing the sea, for Cosmopoli commanded the entrance to the bay.

The new capital was not only designed as an island fortress, however, but as an ideal city. Drawing on the legacy of Alberti and on the lessons learned from the development of Livorno (and also influenced, in some ways, by Thomas More's utopian island society), Galilei designed the capital from scratch to serve as a military, administrative, and religious center. Cosmopoli would be designed to be constructed following a geometric and symmetrical grid, in which the use of space was dictated by the exercise of citizenship. The Viceregal Palace and the basilica of San Cipriano, seat of the Archdiocese of Carthage, on their own, would stand as epitomes of the Neoclassical style, with the latter in particular drawing from Galilei's previous Doric designs, now fully realized. To build New Carthage, Alessandro Galilei pulled no punches when it came to fully embracing Neoclassicism, regardless of the remaining Baroque sensibilities of his homeland. Classicizing architecture and urbanism were indispensable to him in the foundation of New Carthage, risen to the Modern Age from the ashes of Antiquity. He designed a city to be perfect, as well as functional, and to grow into the role Cosimo IV had envisaged for it as the capital of his new kingdom. How much of Galilei's plan would actually be implemented in Cosmopoli over the years was a question for the future, but by the time that Cosmopoli was formally inaugurated in 1737, it was undeniable that Alessandro Galilei had left his mark in the new city.

Therefore, when the time came for Cosimo IV to assemble the talent that could make his vision of beauty and art, true art, made manifest, there were hardly more qualified men for the task than Alessandro Galilei and Ferdinando Fuga. The former was an innovative architect with vast experience in urban planning and engineering, both in Florence and abroad. Compounded with the latter's ample and fruitful experience in Rome, with Fuga's sensibilities balancing the neoclassical extremes of his Tuscan peer, great things could be expected for His Most Serene Majesty's dreams in the Oltrarno. As was often the case, it started with a church: a basilica so fair and awe-inspiring that the later Medici would be able to claim to have a Pantheon of their own.


VIEW OF LA GOLETTA AND TUNIS IN 1728


BASILICA DI SAN CIPRIANO IN COSMOPOLI
ARCHIEPISCOPAL AND PRIMATIAL CATHEDRAL OF CARTAGE AND AFRICA



PALAZZO VICEREGIO
COSMOPOLI
 
Turn 24
Turn 24, 1741 - 1743 A.D. - "The Era of the Imperial Idea."


Carlos III of Spain, being Crowned Emperor of the Romans by Pope Innocent XIV in Milan.

Like a thunderbolt that fell from a clear sky, the collapse of the Venetian Doge's clique represented a sea change in the political fortunes of Europe. For whatever earnest reason the Doge's clique proceeded in their careful formulation of policy the governing elite of the Republic of Venice would hold them in disdain. The collapse of the North African regime created by the Treaty of Adrianople would see the Doge deposed by the Council of Ten, then driven to the Morea, then driven to lands farther beyond. In the wake of the collapse of the Doge's clique would rise a new political order in the Mediterranean. An order that would move the Old World beyond sectarian rivalries and towards an age of Realpolitik.

Events of the North African Crusade



Hodza Mounment in Algeris, present day.

Colonel Anvar Hodza picked up the shattered pieces of Venetian Algeria and formed it into a durable state. He was a great admirer of both Henrician Imperialism and Frederician German Nationalism. His allegiance to the Doge's clique as a native Dalmatian came about due to a desire to form a Venetian nationality not tied to membership in a family recorded in the Golden Book of Venetian Patricians. Those ideas of benevolent assimilation would morph into something quite different. The French had decided that his presence as de facto leader of the Algerians was undesirable and sent a force to kill him.

Under the guise of supporting a local warlord aligned with the Ottomans, a large Franco-Berber force converged on the port of Algiers. It was only by the large-scale defenses of the city, so carefully prepared in the past several years by Hodza, that the invaders were forced off. Lest the French try again, Hodza made common cause with the Emir of the Shanqit, Abderrahmane El-Mokrani. It was a simple arrangement; Hodza's Algerian Commonwealth would pay tribute to the Shanqit and the Shanqit would leave them alone. As part of the exchange Venetian artillerists aligned with Hodza would build and supervise siege artillery for the Shanqit's Moroccan campaign. This allowed the Shanqit to make rapid progress through Spanish Morocco, pushing the Spanish into the Rif and out of Morocco proper.

Hodza's nationalist ideology began to have an influence on Abderrahmane. Slowly but decisively, Abderrahmane began to see the Shanqit as a forum for Berber Nationalism. To do this required more victories and fresh off supervising the advance in Morocco, Abderrahmane planned to returned to Tunisia to do battle with his nemesis the Duke of Berwick.

Unfortunately, the passage of time had not been friendly to Berwick. Who was convinced that the "moonpeople" were out to get him. The situation had become so odious that the King of Portugal, John V, who had taken up the Cross in Tunisia to defend the Kingdom of Africa personally asked the Tuscans to be allowed to honorably pension the general off. John would take command personally, aided by Tuscan generals such as Vicovaro and take the battle directly to the Shanqit. From the Tuscan island stronghold of Cosmopolis, the Portuguese began to land forces in Tunis on the opposite shore to push towards Kairouan.

Leading the Tuscan Royal African Legion himself, the Portuguese King showed little hesitation and no fear in engaging the Shanqit. Unlike Berwick, John was used to getting his way and at the same time appreciated Abderrahmane for the great captain that he was. The battle for Kairouan was anticlimactic as there was not much Shanqit resistance to be found. The bulk of the Shanqit Army was instead engaged in carrying out a military coup against the Shanqit Caliph.

Abderrahmane had been convinced by Hodza's ideology that an independent Caliph was detrimental to the creation of a Berber imperial state, created to serve and glorify his people. The Caliph's Court at Sijilmasa was massacred and a more compliant puppet put in his predecessor's place. This would set the stage for a political realignment in the Western Mediterranean.

The Roman-Shanqit Pact

It was the initiative of Pope Innocent XIV, through his Jesuit allies, to stabilize the gains made by Christendom in North Africa. It was Hodza that would carry out the "shuttle diplomacy" on behalf of the "Franks" and the Shanqit. While Pope was dismissive of Hodza's Frederickian ideology the Jesuits assuaged his concerns. What emerged was confirming Tuscan, Genoese, Venetian, Spanish, and Shanqit areas of influence in North Africa. Titles and status would be recognized but hard borders would not be drawn. This would allow trade to flow, tribes to come and go as they please, and worship as they please. Thus, the pitfalls of the Treaty of Adrianople were avoided. This was cemented by a treaty of perpetual peace between the "Romans" and the "Berbers."



Saint Ambrose barring Theodosius from Milan Cathedral by Anthony van Dyck,
a painting acquired by Pope Innocent XIV and prominantly displayed in his study,
as an example of the role of the Church to "judge" the deeds of the Emperor.

To effectuate such a peace the Pope conducted the greatest exercise in temporal power since the Middle Ages. He decreed that the Holy Roman Empire, to which the executive was vested in the two branches of the House of Habsburg, would be further divided into two. The Italian territories, including their North African possessions, were detached from their association with Heinrich and would join Spanish Italian territories as the "Latin" empire. Likewise, Carlos would not have an executive role outside of the lands assigned to him. The cost of legitimacy was being forced to abandon his planned "supervisorial" reforms of the Italian League. The Latin Empire instead was meant to serve as a loose confederation akin to what the Holy Roman Empire was before the Imperial Reforms of 1703. The Patrimony of St. Peter, as always, stood above this arrangement. Of the temporal Italian states, the Duchy of Savoy demurred from joining this entity which they deemed illegal, and Venice proper which claimed its ancient assignment to the Eastern Empire based in Constantinople. Savoy did inform the Pope through intermediaries that a kingly crown granted under the Roman throne would be his price for entry. The Pope was tempted to grant such as honor but decided to consult Carlos before making the appointment. The perpetual Imperial Chancellor, Karl Albrecht of Belgium, even gave his assent; Rumor had it that he was given a large sum of Portuguese gold, though not necessarily from the Portuguese state, to ratify the policies on behalf of the Empire's nonfunctional ruling institutions.

The Shanqit were now free to consolidate their power and advance further into the Sahel. Their rigorous restriction of pastoralists to only graze on common lands and patrols of Saharan trade routes won their empire the respect of the urban dwellers and the fear of the tribes. The Shanqit dispatched aid to subdue the last Animist empire of the Sahel, the Great Fulo, and began to plan a grand campaign to seize the gold producing areas in Guinea.

Events in the Spanish Empire

The Papal Decree of 1743 ended any discussion about the legitimacy of the Carlos III of Spain's imperial pretensions. They would no longer be tied to a theoretical role in Germany, instead they would concern the maintenance of Christendom in the Western Mediterranean and North Africa in particular. The triple marriages of his heirs Don Carlos Felix with Maria of Bourbon-Parma, Don Felipe Fernando with Diana de Medici and Don Juan Pedro with Louise Franziska of Saxe-Poland-Lithuania cemented ties with the Italians and the Baltic Pact. Half-jokingly some mused that it created a new generation of Spanish dynasts that would be ruled by their wives. Maria of Bourbon-Parma in particular was every bit as domineering as her mother and taking advantage of her greater age and wisdom, would mold the Prince of Asturias to her will in various ways. Despite their difference in age, much like Eleanor of Aquitaine, she would provide her husband with a share of strong-willed sons. With the first child born in 1743 to ensure the continuity of the Senior Line.

The "Roman" regime warmed the cold reception of Austrian and Hungarian elites to Carlos. With the question of imperial legitimacy put out of the way and the creation of a local Habsburg regime under Don Felipe Fernando underway, Austria-Hungary changed course to embrace the "Spaniard" as one of their own, seeing the benefits of having influence in a larger Mediterranean market that included North Africa. The road was now open for the Pope to crown Carlos anew as Roman Emperor in the old Imperial Capital of Milan. While the Pope had not presided over the triple Habsburg weddings, he made the effort to journey the Cathedral of St. Mary in Milan to preside over the coronation. Every crown of the empire held by the Spanish Habsburgs was present at the ceremony, but Carlos would be crowned with one specially made for the occasion. It was a solid gold circlet decorated with laurel motifs, fronted by a red ruby, meant to invoke the imperial diadems of the Hellenistic period. The culmination of the ceremony was when picked soldiers of the Spanish Army of Italy raised Carlos upon Byzantine-era shields, copying their Eastern Roman counterparts of old.

It was not all glamor and ceremony for Carlos for his time away from Spain meant new reforms and decrees. Carlos founded the Hofburg Military Academy. With Prince Eugen himself choosing the curriculum, teachers, and headmasters with input from the Carlos and the Jesuits. This was accompanied by a civil service college and tasking Jesuits with creating new legal compilation of the laws.

Matching Constantinople, the Vienna Medical School opened as a state institution devoted "modern medicine." A new census also carried out in Austria and Hungary, with somewhat more compliance than expected. There were also other policies carried out such as lowering taxes on householders with large families, dowries for poor girls, and price controls on bread that would become more important as Great Britain began claw grain imports for itself away from other needy states. For the first time since his conquest of the territories of the Junior Line, Carlos felt welcome in Austria, Italy, and Hungary.

Events in the French Empire

The devot party in control of France met Carlos' rise in status with a mixture of jealousy and apoplectic reactions. Immediately, polemics justifying the King of France as the "purest and most natural of all monarchs" as the Franks had been immediately received into the Catholic Church, in contrast with the Arian tendencies of other Germanic kingdoms, such as the Visigoths. It was in the 1740s that French writers began to denigrate the Spanish by referring to their realm as "Visigothic" or "Arian" and created a counter-point in the form of a "Charlemagnic idea" that cast France, and France alone, as the natural leader of Christendom.

One of the "swords" of this vision of Christendom was Philippe, the Duke of Parma, who surprised even his jaded brother in the level of plunder he brought back from Crete, Dalmatia, and the Morea. Parma not only redeemed the vogt rights of Luxembourg in full but made a larger and completely voluntarily contribution to the family funds of his brother. He did this merely to prove he was wealthier than the King of France and his Orleans cousins. This largess would aid the devots in their pursuit of reforms as an alternative source of funding for their experiments. Especially in the realm of ensuring the tax rolls were updated and accounted for in completeness.

Inspired also by French India's success, albeit without having done much of anything, a new group of investors backed by the Bank of France decided to venture into the West Indian Ocean. These were lands dominated by the Omani Empire. The French liberally sold arms to the Omanis for all forms of luxuries, most notable coffee. The French also established trading forts on the islands of Mauritius and the Seychelles that would become centers for plantation economies in the future.

Much further afield, French traders made contact with the Christians of Borneo. As "humble servants" of the self-proclaimed leader of Christendom, the French traders put the entire island under their protection and allowed their native allies to overthrow the last traces of the Islamic Sultanates on the island. The fact that most of the locals were Calvinists did not perturb the Catholic French. They were classified as "quasi-Jansenists" in need of spiritual reformation by the Jesuits. The locals welcomed the French, who brought arms and good silver and in exchange spices and exotic woods.

The Venetian Empire and its Serbian rival

The advent of the Duke of Parma as Captain-General for Life of the Venetian Republic reverted Venice to older modes of governance. The power of the Council of Ten was now unquestioned. While Parma had much power overseas his ability to create any sort of policy was dependent on the willingness of the oligarchs to listen. He generally took little interest in domestic policies anyway; he was content to get rich plundering low hanging fruit in the Eastern Mediterranean. His campaign in Dalmatia was a world class exercise in looting. This set the stage for an unhappy local populace rallied by the Serbs of all people.

The Elector-King of the Palatine had been tasked by the Sublime Porte with evicting the "Franks" from Dalmatia and were largely successful in this task. The Republic of Ragusa in thanks for its liberation from Venetian occupation bestowed upon the Elector the title of Captain-General for Life. This made the Elector of the Palatine very, very, very unpopular with the French; not only for slaying many of their noble sons serving in the Knights of St. John aiding the Venetians but also for making a mockery of their definition of being a filial Catholic ruler. However, it made the Elector widely popular in North Germany, for anything the French disliked somehow had to be good, and in doing so it made the North German unofficial policy of cooperating with the Turks more palatable.

Events in the Holy Roman Empire subject to Emperor Heinrich and the Holy Roman Empire subject to the Prince's League

In an unbroken line from the Ottonians to himself, Heinrich of the Junior Line of the House of Habsburg presided over a prosperous state. From his throne in Nuremberg an authentic centralized state was being built. Instead of enforcing top-down uniformity, the Empire had centralized neither by adopting a militaristic or theocratic policy. Instead, Heinrich governed his realm by example and created a true aristocracy, one both grounded in birth and by talent, by molding the nobility to his expectations. This was a process that had begun under Emperor Leopold, accelerated under Emperor Otto, and perfected in his reign. The achievement of the Late Roman ideal of the exemplary lineage of rulers.

The greatest breakthrough for Heinrich in this part of the 1740s was to balance the ambitions of his cousin Carlos with those of his to restore his authority in the Empire proper. It was an no secret that Heinrich had patronized the Jesuits to defend his Catholicity from criticism, especially the loud criticism of Carlos. The Pope saw Heinrich as a way to counter-balance the influence of Carlos in the Papal States. The Pope made great use of veterans of the Zodiac Armies in raising his own Papal Army. The German Legion, comprised exclusively of Catholic German volunteers, was extensively used in putting down banditry and independently minded barons throughout the Papal States.



Heinrich VIII in full regalia.
By now excellently constructed copies of the Imperial Regalia held by the Spanish
were constructed for the Emperor in Germany's use.

So satisfied with Heinrich's advice, the Pope consented to give Heinrich as Emperor the power to create special "usages" for his Protestant subjects wishing to return to Rome, doing so to follow the example of their Emperor's faith, but not have the wholly adopt Tridentine usages. These "personal ordinates" under Imperial protection saw large swaths of Germany return to communion with Rome. So popular was this approach that even Protestants in North Germany, who saw the opportunity to create a German church not subject to rivalries of the princes, approached Nuremberg with proposals for ordinates. This was not popular with the North German Princes who jealously guarded their prerogative to regulate the faith of their subjects. As well as the emerging urban middle class that had been brought up under the secular ideas of the Enlightenment.

Advancing the Enlightenment had become the North German agenda. By achieving advancements in the sciences and humanities the North German regime advanced its strength relative to its position surrounded by enemies. What was formally called in the Palace of Prussia, more commonly known as the "Palace of Wisdom" to the masses, gathered the greatest minds of Europe to think and experiment. While most discovered advances were either useless or not appreciated in this time period, the Palace allowed the common system of weights and measures promoted by King Frederick to gain traction. The major advance pushed by the Palace was that the system be rooted in multiples of ten. This base ten system or "Prussian metric system" would be widely adopted in the Germanies. Also adopted was the potato; proven by agricultural experts as a nutritious staple food. The acceptance of the potato in its baked, mashed, or roasted form would help isolate North Germany from the rapid increase in the price of grain driven by the exponentially growing British population's demand for both Vistualan and American grain.

Events in Poland-Lithuania

The good times kept coming for Poland. Largely driven forward by an ever-increasing demand for Polish grain. Population growth in Britain and Spain meant a greater demand for grain. While the Spanish could count somewhat on Neapolitan grain to keep supplies steady, the British kept needing more and more. Dutch secondary exports of Hungarian grain to Britain were no longer larger enough to keep prices down.

The royal share of these profits was put to transforming Warsaw from the Vasa city of red brick to one of Wettin marble. A new neighborhood designed along Enlightenment principles was created which was centered on a new city residence for the Wettins. This "Winter Palace" came with an orangery and French garden as well as a representative festival area. Its richly decorated pavilions and the galleries lined with balustrades, figures, and vases testify to the splendor the Wettin Commonwealth and in terms of new construction of royal residences, only the Imperial Palace in Nuremberg outshone it in magnificence in Central Europe.

Events in Russia

Emperor Alexei declared his intention to compete with the Wettins by redesigning the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg. It would be built with the riches of Siberia and no expense was spared. The Italian architect Francesco Bartolomeo Rastrelli made the best use of the location and decided upon an elegant structure rising out of the canals of the Neva River. The Winter Palace contained 2,000 rooms, 2,000 doors and 2,000 windows. The principal facade was 150 meters long and 30 meters high. The ground floor contained mostly bureaucratic and domestic offices, while the second floor was given over to apartments for senior courtiers, imperial relatives, and high-ranking officials. The principal rooms and living quarters of the Romanovs are on the uppermost floor. The great state rooms, used by the court, are arranged in two enfilades, from the top of the Great Peterine Staircase.

Not fully appreciating the size of the palace, the Emperor decreed the expansion be done within a single year and it was. A French traveler described the scale of the work, "During the great frosts of 1743, 6000 workmen were continually employed; of these a considerable number died daily, but the victims were instantly replaced by other champions brought forward to perish." Less costly, by a large margin, was the expansion of naval forces in the Baltic and Black Seas.

Events in the Medici Monarchy

As part of the glorification of their state the Tuscans began to expand their capital of Florence into a proper royal seat. Work on the urban projects in city was accelerated under the direction of architects Alessandro Galilei and Ferdinando Fuga. The new Neoclassical Basilica of Saints Cosmas and Damian, on Mons Florentinus, was completed alongside the Medici necropolis. The new basilica was to be the central point from which the redevelopment of the Oltrarno district, on the southern bank of the Arno River, will radiate. The medieval walls in that area were demolished to allow for an expansion of the city and for the implementation of a modern grid pattern. In front of the basilica was planned a large terrace/public square to be named Piazza Bavaria with a view of the old city across the river. An ornate stone bridge shall be constructed over the Arno, linking Piazza Bavaria to Via Ghibellina next to the church of Santa Croce. This bridge will be called Ponte Ghibellina. The main idea of the Medici was to build up a monumental route to cross the river for big processions and pageantry.

Also on the agenda was a grand tour. King Cosimo would travel across various European locations to make the presence of the Medici known. The tour will begin in Italy with visiting Lucca. From there, Cosimo proceeded on a state visit to Genoa, passing through Massa-Carrara, where he concluded the betrothal of Prince Filippo Ferdinando de' Medici to Duchess Maria Teresa Cybo-Malaspina. His next destinations were Milan, Parma, and post-Ruzzini Venice, where he hoped to contribute to the legitimacy of the new regime and to enjoy honest Venetian entertainment. From there, Cosimo proceeded to Vienna for the Habsburg weddings. Then, the king visited to Salzburg for the first time, where he organized the election of his kinsman Prince Giuliano Gastone as the Prince-Archbishop.

His agenda was disrupted in Bavaria, where he was denied entry by the Imperial authorities unless he made obedience to Heinrich in Nuremberg personally. The Medici ruler refused and revised his itinerary. Instead, he would go to Poland and spend quite some time in Warsaw admiring the Wettin additions of the city. He would linger there until he was urged to go visit Paris and London. In Western Europe, Cosimo would hire up as much talent as he could for service in Tuscany. This would draw the ire of the British establishment especially and he would have to cut his time there short.

Events in the Anglo-Dutch realm, its Colonial Empire, and Johor

It would be quiet times in the Netherlands as most of the focus went towards renewing the country's extensive line of fortifications. The Dutch waterline barrier was extended both towards Belgium and North Germany. The old Dutch barrier fortresses in Belgium were held by a combination of Dutch and Belgian soldiers, with the expectation they would be fully turned over to Belgium in a decade's time.

In London, capital of the United Kingdom, a new royal residence was to be constructed. William III had favored Kensington Palace after Whitehall had burned down late in the 17th century, but it was too far from London for King Frederick. Somerset House was considered for its central location, but it was sited along the river and the Thames smelled awful at all times of day. Eventually Federick was offered the site of Buckingham House, then owned by Sir Charles Herbert Sheffield who was busy adding to his considerable estates in Lincolnshire and wanted money. The Baroque style that proved highly popular in continental Europe was often viewed with suspicion in England where it was considered "theatrical, exuberant, and Papist." Instead, the palace would be constructed in the Neo-Palladian style and its great living master Richard Boyle, the 3rd Earl of Burlington, was assigned to design and supervise the construction, which would take the better part of the rest of the decade.

Overseas, the Anglo-Dutch were busy diversifying their naval supplies away from dependance on the Baltic. The Baltic Trade Pact had a near monopoly on naval supplies in Europe. British North America was promoted as an alternative source of lumber, tar, and copper. The British appetite for resource also extended to grain. The British population in 1700 stood at under 9 million spread out across Great Britain and Ireland. The total British population by 1743 was 15 million. North American grain, particular from the Iroquois Confederacy, supplemented purchases of Vistulian grain to feed the large urban centers of Britain. Much of the land in the Midlands and Ireland had been given over to more profitable cattle ranching and livestock interests in Parliament promoted grain imports as a way to avoid giving over their lands to less profitable wheat.

In India, the French East India Company proved a much tougher organization to crack than the British East India Company had expected. The French Company's Governor-General, Joseph François Dupleix, acted a de facto Indian potentate and had plenty of allies to among the native princes to fight against Company advances in South India without his personal involvement. Foremost among them was Roshan Akhtar, Nawab of Arcot. Dupleix also made a fortune on side supervising investments in Portuguese Senegambia, primarily the importation of gold into the Indian economy.



Joseph François Dupleix meets with his native allies.

Both India Companies unleashed armadas of corsairs each the other's shipping in a naval campaign that stretched the entire length and breath of the costal areas of the Indian Ocean. The British made a special effort to disrupt French trade with the Safavid Empire but soon realized the French were directly trading with the merchants of the Omani Empire, to avoid a direct confrontation with Britian in the Persian Gulf.

Dupleix also sought to strike back against the British, rallying Tamil interests to his side by aiding in their ambitions to support their kinsman in Dutch Celyon. The Dutch had maintained a tenuous relationship with the interior regions of the island, controlled by the Kingdom of Kandy. They had long neglected the Tamil population that predominated in the northern parts of the coast. Dupleix used the Madurai Nayaks to stir up their kinsman against the Dutch. The VOC was caught off guard by the size and extent of the rebellion and requested aid from the EIC, which included support from the ruling house of Kandy.



Robert Clive commanding in the thick of action.

Barely 18 years of age and little more than a "glorified assistant shopkeeper", Robert Clive was serving as a company agent in Bengal when the opportunity to take a field command in the presidency armies arose. He would eventually rise through the ranks to become Dupleix's nemesis. With barely 250 men under his command, he arranged for a series of raids into the mainland Indian territories of the Nayaks to punish them for their actions against Dutch Celyon, with a dash akin to the chevauchées of the Hundred Years War. Where his seniors had failed, he gained results and was rapidly promoted through the ranks.

Clive's greatest triumph in the Nayak War would be the swift recovery of Dutch Celyon. Having been shorn of Dupleix's support, the Tamil rebels turned to their natural leaders the Nayaks of Kandy. The ruling Sinhalese royal family had been supplanted by maternal relatives of the last king. King Vijaya Rajasinha was on paper a Buddhist, as was expected of a Sinhalese king, but was culturally more akin to his Telugu speaking relatives on the mainland. He was also a noted persecutor of Catholics and Clive was able to leverage this for informal Jesuit cooperation.

Within three months Clive had subdued the ten Kandian disavanies and deposed the Telugu speaking king with the support of the Sinhalese majority. Impressing upon his VOC allies on the need for a permanent solution to the restive population of Celyon, Clive and his superiors arranged for native potentates he had conquered on both sides of the Palk Strait to swear allegiance to King Frederick of Great Britian directly. For the first time in the history of the British Empire in Asia the British Crown would have formal involvement in the governance of overseas territories. In the long term, it was hoped this move would secure the support of the Crown against "free traders" who wanted to abolish the Company's monopoly on trade with East Asia. It was also a de facto acknowledgement that the VOC's position in South India had begun to erode as it focused more of its attention on subduing the wealth of the Insulindian archipelago. For the Crown's benefit, these overseas possessions would remit a source of wealth not dependent on the whims of Parliament. Wealth that could be put to work in Frederick's many grand projects. Such as the construction of Buckingham Palace.

Dupleix was forced to react to the expansion of Anglo-Dutch influence in Ceylon and South India by increasing his support for Roshan Akhtar and making an alliance with the most powerful potentate in the region, Humayun, the Nizam and Nawab-Subadar of the Deccan. Agreeing to his improve his armies and support his political initiatives in the Mughal court.

Meanwhile in Johor, much of the new land cleared by the "King's service" was now farmed by refugees from the Franco-Bornean regime. Thousands of Borneans were put to work growing peppercorn, sugar cane, betelnuts, cloves, and soybeans that were sold to the agents of the British East India Company and the Qing Southern Seas Protectorate at competitive prices. These landless Muslims and Chinese migrants were corralled into the plantations at the order of the Sultan. Many of these plantations were granted to veterans of the previous war with the British that had distinguished themselves in the battle for Singapore. The revenues from this project made Johor wealthy and among the richest among the many states of the Insulindian archipelago.

Events in the Ottoman Empire, Cyprus, the Safavids, and Oman

The botched invasion of the Venetian Morea contrasted with the campaign to liberate occupied Dalmatia. Rumors that Ruzzini was heading to Morocco and then Cyprus, free passage negotiated with the Turks in exchange for opening the fortresses to the Ottomans, was discovered by Venetian leaders and Ruzzini had to escape first to Athens and then to Cyprus. The alarm was raised, and the Ottomans were confronted by the prospect of laying siege to the densest system of fortresses in the Balkans. The stalemate in the Morea meant no clear way for the Ottoman Navy to attack the Ionian Islands as planned. Instead, the Ottoman fleet relocated to Attica to support various amphibious operations against Venetian positions.

The war against the Safavids was turning out much better. Going on the total defensive in the Caucus anticipated Nader Beg's offensive. No real movement was made be either side on that front. Meanwhile, Shah Jafar was prodded out of his opium den long enough to supervise a major offensive into Khuzestan. With most reinforcements going to Nader Beg's offensive in the Caucasus, only the Shah's forces in far Isfahan were on hand to repel the offensive. The Turks poured into Khuzestan, ravaging what had been one of Iran's major breadbaskets. What the Turks did not count on was an never ending cascade of raids by Bakhtiari tribesmen. The Savaifds had made use of the people of this region as warriors early on in their rule. They were responsible for dividing the tribes of the Bakhtiaris into two wings, the Haft Lang and Chahar Lang. The lineage of the first Savafid appointed khan, Tajmir, was still in control of the region and loyally harried the Ottomans, slowing their advance considerably.

All was calm and peaceful in Constantinople, as the peripheries of the empire burned. Ahmed III had did more than any other Ottoman ruler in the past century to stave off the decline of the empire. He was the first Turkish Absolutist ruler and the first among the rulers of the European Enlightenment. His destruction of the Janissaries had eliminated the political power of the harem and he ruled, as his august predecessors did, having to obey only Providence. When he passed, his eldest son Mehmed bypassed his uncles to become the next Padishah. It was that night he was girdled with the sword of Osman and then proclaimed Roman Emperor by being raised up on the antique shields of his German regiments. He had barely grown to manhood but his natural qualities as an administrator and academic achievement—he was a polyglot, being fluent in Turkish, Persian, Arabic, Russian, Greek, German, Italian, French, Spanish, and English; his mastery of mathematics and geography; and his interest in the navy—set him apart from the last series of Padishah's who had been raised in the cage. No mere potter was he and he would not be content to be one. Rumors had it that he had set European adventures to create a "New Order Army" garrisoned out of the Ottoman Balkans. The project was carried out in much secrecy to avoid revealing to the rest of Europe the extent of the Padishah's ambitions. Interestingly, the Safavids were rumored to be undertaking the same project in their heartlands, just with French experts instead of German.



Mehmed V, Padishah of the Ottomans.

The new ruler reluctantly granted Ruzzini and his followers sanctuary in the empire. They were granted the island of Cyprus to govern as a vassal of the Sublime Porte. Ever since its conquest from the Venetians in the 15th century it had languished as a backwater. In 1670, Cyprus became a sanjak under the Eyalet of the Archipelago, under the direct control of the Kapudan Pasha, the head of the Ottoman Navy. This control was exercised through an appointed mütesellim. However, under this system, local aghas were the tax collectors. This magnified their power and resulted in discontent, with the rivalry between them causing a two-year long revolt in the 1680s, led by Boyacıoğlu Mehmed Agha. The intermittent strife never subsided until the landing of the Venetian exiles. Ruzzini had been named muhassıl and the entire island was now directly subject to the Porte. He was given the sole power to collect taxes and to regulate relations between the various factions of the island, the most powerful being the Greek Cypriots under the control of the Archbishop of Artàke and All Cyprus.

The new Padishah also undertook various public works projects to signal the start of his reign. He began to expand the water supply for the city of Alexandria in Egypt. He hoped to create a new port in the region that would revitalize the Egyptian economy. It was in this era that Egyptian authorities began to experiment with cheap cotton fabrics to compete with British textiles that had overwhelmed the domestic market in recent decades. This combined with the spread of the flying shuttle throughout Europe began to revitalize local fabric production in Turkey. Prior to this breakthrough the textile production relied upon the coordination of four spinners to support a single weaver. Many of these projects were funded through the creation of a National Bank, whose firman held by Lebanese bankers sought to inject capital raised from the empire's elite into businesses and capital projects throughout the empire. The process was helped along by European experts, especially those attracted by the openness of the Turkish Enlightenment.

Meanwhile in far off Oman, the Imam's regime prepared for a corsair war against Portuguese shipping. Blessings were plentifully handed out by the Yarubid Imam, who had been swept forward to new heights of power. The coastal merchants were impressed with his expansion of influence all along the Eastern portion of the Indian Ocean. The Imam also had a near monopoly on date palm production. Taking advantage of the falaj system of underground waterways his predecessor had built to supply water to fortresses while fighting the Portuguese, the entire system had been repurposed for the Imam's many plantations. He also had the good sense to strike a deal with the French East India Company to supply his forces with all manner of military goods.

At first the war went well. The Portuguese were driven from Mombasa and the Imam's small fleet of fourth rates had proven themselves well against the Portuguese; albeit under the direction of French officers and artillerists. The problem emerged when the British East India Company arrived in the region to attack French East India Company interests. The War in India had officially spilled over into the Eastern Indian Ocean and much shipping had to avoid the Persian Gulf and Zanzibar to make directly for Portuguese Goa to avoid British privateers. Safavid merchants took advantage of the arrival of the British in the Persian Gulf to begin trade relations with them. The EIC undercut their French and Omani opponents in trade and slowly British ships began to carry most Persian goods.

Events in West Africa

The gold the Shanqit sought to control came under the increasing control the Ashanti Empire. Emperor Opoku Ware had taken the strong foundations of the Akan Confederacy founded by his grandfather and turned it into an imperial state. Newly conquered areas such as Dagbon were given the option to remain as tributaries or to join the empire outright. Servicing this territory was the imperial roadways that radiated from the capital at Kumasi. Perhaps under the influence of Prussian traders along the Gold Coast that paid tribute to the Emperor, the Ashanti state created a system of standardized weights. These policies help to make the Empire the strongest of the native states between the Sahel and the Blight of Benin. They also attracted the attention of the Shanqit, who were busy subjugating the Great Fulo and other Sahel states farther North. Increasing numbers of North African traders arrived in the Empire, bearing salt and other goods to trade for gold. Most of these interactions were peaceful but interspersed among the merchants were Shanqit scouts, watching and taking careful observations of their surroundings.

The Curaca Confederal Revolution and Iberian unrest

Spain had let rebellion in the New World simmer for decades until it exploded dramatically in Peru. The great silver mountain of Potosi had supplied nearly half the world's silver until now. A major cave in caused a large but manageable work stoppage. However, the greed of local colonial administrators did not allow the local Quechua corvee laborers to recover the bodies of the departed. They went on strike and petitioned their native chiefs, the curcas, to head to Lima to deliver a protest to King Carlos III's representatives. The Viceroy and his staff had little knowledge of the unrest in the countryside. Ever since Carlos II's reign the local criollo elite had done everything in their power to keep such information from the Crown, in order to continue to skim off a large portion of silver for their own uses.

As the procession wound its way from Cuzco towards the coast, the criollos attempted to stave off they delivery of the petition by attacking the convoy with their goons. However, as news of the attack broke the criollos were driven off their rural encomiendas by angry natives, with the cry "For the King!" There was nothing left to hide from the Viceroy's regime, who clamped down on local autonomy of the encomenderos severely but the Spanish policy of benign neglect of the colonies meant he had little resources to fight off the rebels.

When news of the disturbances reached Europe, Spanish public opinion was divided. The excesses of the criollo elite in Peru were universal disdained. However, the lack of Peruvian silver would surely have a negative effect on state finances. Something had to be done but where was the king? He was in Italy and Austria, playing his part as "Roman Emperor."

Now it was time for the Spanish Empire to be angry with Carlos. The basis of his power was Castile and he had long neglected it in favor of foreign ambitions. There was even talk that Carlos desired to incorporate his Iberian possessions into the "Latin abomination." It was already humiliating for the Crown of Aragon to see its Italian possessions attached to the Roman Empire, the Castilian nobility now drew the line that they would not be absorbed, that their ruler would put their ambitions first and not be subordinate to whatever universalist empire Carlos dreamed of creating. For what was a more powerful, glorious, and prestigious throne, than that of Castilian Spain?

---

Orders for Turn 25, which will cover 1744 to 1747, will be due Saturday the 20th at Midnight EST.
 
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1741 Imperial Court Circular II:
The Edict of St. Mark


I. Signore Carlo Ruzzini, hitherto Doge of Venice la Serenissima, shall be named Duke of St Mark (Duque de San Marcos) and Lord of the Rif (Señor del Rif) and receive suitable estates in our Kingdom of Morocco,

II. The Ruzzini court-in-exile shall be escorted by the Fleets of Spain from the Morea to their new home,

IV. The Dukedom of St Mark and all associated honours, incomes and privileges shall be created with remainder to Don Prospero Dandolo y Ruzzini, nephew and adopted heir of the Doge,

III. Don Prospero shall take to wife our cousin Doña Maria Guadelupe FitzJames Stuart y Colón de Portugal, daughter of our Duke of Liria and Xérica, Lord Lieutenant of Morocco,

IV. The House of Dandolo Ruzzini shall swear to uphold the present privileges enjoyed by the Jesuits, Knightly Orders and Jacobean nobility in Morocco, the fiefs of Salé and Larrache held by Genoa and Parma, and above all to uphold the Roman Catholic faith.

V. The Kingdom of Morocco, otherwise the Lands of St. Mark the Evangelist, shall be held in fief of the King of Spain as liege-lord and sovereign, in perpetuity, in all things honouring and obeying him and his heirs in their perpetuity, and nothing doing that might harm, injure or frustrate their interests, both personal and politic. The crown shall revert to Spain should the Ruzzini line falter or rebel.

VI. The ports of Tangiers, Ceuta and Melila, with their immediate environs and dependencies, shall remain attached to the Crown of Spain and under direct Spanish care and administration.

VII. His Imperial, Most Catholic and Apostolic Majesty hails Doge Francesco Loredan, the Council of Ten and all good citizens of La Serenissima, resolutely denying any military undertaking to 'restore' Doge Carlo Ruzzini and gratefully accepting their financial contribution to the Moroccan war effort.

Spain recognises Venetian regime change in return for cash payment.
No Spanish intervention to take Venice back for Carlo Ruzzini.
As of next turn (1743-1745) Morocco will become a vassal state of Spain played by @adriankowaty.
Ruled by Ruzzini Doges and a Venetian court in exile, with Jesuit, Jacobite and native help.


With the Ruzzini making their home on Cyprus and sinking further and further into the Grand Turk's servitude, the Edict of St. Mark is rendered null and void. The honours and titles granted to the Ruzzini are tacitly revoked and what remains under Spanish control or influence of the Lands of St. Mark the Evangelist (the Kingdom of Morocco) is administratively and legally regarded as the Rif, i.e., as immediately and entirely Spain's. Peace in North Africa, the perceived ingratitude of the Ruzzini and mounting discomfort with the fighting in the eastern Mediterrenean all serve at least one purpose, however, which is to facilitate Don Carlos' definitive acceptance of the new Venetian regime and discrete, retroactive approval of the Council of Ten's coup d'état, a move he had once abhorred and denounced loudly to any diplomat who would listen.
Jilted at the altar, Doña Maria Guadeloupe FitzJames Stuart was compensated with hearty Imperial recommendation as a suitable bride for Carlo Scipione de Medici, youngest son of Florence. A mere twelve years the boy's senior, Don Carlos insists a Medici marriage for Berwick's granddaughter (daughter of Berwick the Younger, a Spanish general) is the only truly worthy prize to mark the end of that man's stellar career.
 


THE COSMIC TOUR
Part I: The Italian Circuit


COSIMO IV FERDINANDO
KING OF TUSCANY AND AFRICA

Regardless of rank or station, the death of a loved one can cause profound impact in any given person. From a mere peasant and seasonal worker in the Sienese Maremma to someone as high and sublime as the King of the Tuscans, it is an universal and irresistible truth from which there can be no easy escape. Indeed, such was the case when Violante Beatrice of Wittelsbach passed away after a prolonged illness in November 1738. La Dama Bavarese was mourned in all of the country, but none mourned her more than her precious only child, the Most Serene King himself. The death of his mother provoked heartfelt change in Cosimo IV Ferdinando. Since his early days, he had been an introverted youth, burdened by the immense heritage of the House of Medici and a deep sense of duty towards that legacy that was otherwise uncommon among his peers. Of course, the King had other interests beyond matters of state. He had studied philosophy and neohumanism under Averanus in Pisa, he was passionate for the musical arts (and certain musical muses, such as the soprano Anna Maria Strada), and he had taken quite an eccentric delight in the emerging practice of archaeology and antiquarian studies, taking the Accademia Etrusca of Cortona under his patronage and assembling a vast collection of relics from another time, from the Winged Horses of Tarquinia to ancient artifacts unearthed from the ruins of Carthage. But these were only fleeting pastimes when compared to his suffocating duties in Florence, at the head of not only a royal administration, but also of the conduction of an overseas war in Tunisia and of foreign affairs in the complex web of European diplomacy, which threatened to engulf Tuscany in crisis after crisis if not managed properly.

The truth was that Cosimo was tired. Unlike many of the men of his age, the Bavariocracy and the thinkers and statesmen of the Tuscan Enlightenment had bred him for duty. For all his life, the Last of the Medici had burdened himself with his inheritance, a self-imposed weight on his shoulders that he came to resent in the years following the Dowager Queen's passing. Should he not live a life of his own too? The King, of course, was in pain. He had channeled part of his grief away from destructive thoughts and into the creation of beauty and art, leading to the aptly-named Flowering of Florence. Perhaps Cosimo's grand construction and ambitious urban reform projects hid a deeper meaning that even the King himself failed to acknowledge. A desire, perhaps, to escape Florence, by transforming the very landscape of the city. An ingrained and unrecognized wish to break out of his gilded cage, founded on a curiosity for the outer world that had mostly been denied to him by his overprotective guardians in his childhood. The death of his mother elicited a subconscious reaction in the Most Serene King; one that claimed that he was now an adult and the master of his own fate. The stressful demands of government, combined with the pressures exacted by the Hofburg Crisis in the European web of alliances, and by Abderrahmane El-Mokrani, the New Hannibal, in his new kingdom of Africa, pushed the still-grieving king to the edge.

In short, he needed a break.

Fortunately for the thirty-four year old monarch, the victorious aftermath of the Hofburg Crisis presented an excellent excuse to escape his suffocating court. The King's reputation was at an all-time high in Europe, by whose efforts war between the great powers of the continent had been kept at bay, following his crucial intercession both in the Maddalenas incident and in the aforementioned Austrian affair. Indeed, some had even begun calling him Il Pacificatore, a moniker that the peace-loving and enlightened monarch preferred over allusions to his purported crusading spirit. The King's critical support for the Planet Emperor in the Hofburg Crisis had even won him the betrothal of his eldest daughter, Princess Violante Francesca Diana, to the Infante Felipe, who was expected to be enthroned in Vienna as Archduke of Austria and King of Hungary in short notice. It would be the wedding of his daughter in Vienna that presented the perfect excuse for Cosimo to quit the royal court and embark on a tour. Originally intending only to accompany Don Carlos' retinue beyond the Alps, the King's excitement for the trip soon turned it into a general Italian tour. Cosimo Ferdinando had rarely been away from Tuscany over his life, having traveled only twice to Rome and once to Cosmopoli across the sea, to greet and welcome Dom João V and his Portuguese troops. He would not waste the opportunity afforded to him by the wedding of his daughter.


REPUBBLICA DI LUCCA
THE FIRST DESTINATION OF THE COSMIC TOUR

The party that left the city of Pisa was fit for a royal of Cosimo's station. Although introverted, none could accuse the Medici King of undue modesty. He was still, after all, the only son of Ferdinando III de' Medici, a monarch who had been famous and infamous all throughout Europe for his decadence, lust and his love of extravagance. Although Cosimo Ferdinando could not claim even a tenth of his father's decadence (nor his personal skills with musical instruments), he was not a man who held a disdain for extravagance. On the contrary, he had been raised to be a patron of arts, a godfather of the new Renaissance the Bavariocracy had promoted in Tuscany. The Grand Tour of Italy and the Triple Wedding in Vienna were opportunities not only of individual improvement for the Most Serene King, but also for the display of Florentine culture, art and sophistication. As such, Georg Friedrich Händel and several of his fellow composers and musical talents of the Royal School of Pratolino would join the entourage, both to entertain the Medici in their travels and to offer true spectacles to whoever had the honor of hosting them. Along with the Pratolines came representatives of the literary circles, from both Florence and Siena, poets and playwrights of the Crusca, the Intronati and other academies, as well as a gaggle of painters, engravers and sketchers in the search for inspiration, of both spiritual and monetary kinds. Cosimo IV would also be joined by his family in his tour, at least initially; his wife Luigia Isabella of Orléans and two of their sons, the princes Filippo Ferdinando and Giuliano Gastone, with each having a role to play in the growing pageant (whereas the Grand Prince, Cosimo Ottaviano, was preoccupied by serving Dom João V as an aide-de-camp in Tunisia).

The first destination of the royal tour, which did not take long to receive the judicious nickname of "the Cosmic Tour", would, perhaps surprisingly, be the city of Lucca. Just across the border from Pisa, the Republic of Lucca had long struggled to maintain its autonomy in the face of Florentine expansionism. The two cities, alongside Pisa, had been locked in a deadly rivalry in the late Middle Ages. Whereas the latter had fallen to the Florentines in the fifteenth century, Lucca had been able to preserve its autonomy and self-rule. When Cosimo arrived, one of the reasons for Lucchese success soon became apparent: a formidable set of walls that enclosed the city. Although the fortifications of Lucca had never been put to the test, as the city had not been besieged after their completion, the strength of Lucca's defenses impressed even the King himself, who remarked in his diary that he would have to send "a sketch to signore Galilei". Once inside the fortress-city, Cosimo received a festive, if cautious, reception. Lucca and Florence had never been at war since the establishment of the Medicean Grand Duchy, but relations had often varied from cordial to tense over border disputes and (sometimes legitimate) Lucchese fears of Tuscan encroachment.


It was a fraught relationship, defined equally by moments of rivalry and friendship, that Cosimo IV sought to mend. The King may have embarked on his tour to seek distance from work, but work had a way of finding him, for he too was a restless soul. Perhaps Il Pacificatore had gotten carried away in his own legend as a peacemaker and wished to continue his exploits in promoting rapprochement with the small neighboring republic. Or perhaps the King had grown envious of the formidable reputation of his foreign minister, the Cardinal Corsini, and sought to prove for himself and to the world that he could achieve foreign successes without having to rely on his red eminence, who had remained in Florence to govern. Whatever the case, Cosimo put away the introverted man and wore his kingly face as he dealt with the Lucchese aristocracy, even as Tuscan flag-throwers from Florence, Siena, Pisa, Volterra, Cortona and Pistoia competed with the local offerings in a friendly spectacle in the Piazza dell'Anfiteatro.

The government of the republic laid with the minor and greater councils, on the one hand, and the Council of Elders, the Anziani, headed by a Gonfalonier, on the other. It was with the Anziani that Cosimo sought to negotiate, as representatives of the all-powerful Consiglio Generale, an assembly composed of three hundred citizens whose families had been Lucchese for several generations, two hundred of them landowners and the rest members of the local bourgeoisie. The outcome of the negotiations was the Treaty of Amity. The parties pledged not to make war on one another and to treat with each other cordially, to consult each other before taking decisions pertaining to shared interests, to facilitate trade and the mutual enforcement of the rule of law, and to promote cultural and artistic exchange between the Tuscan and the Lucchese academies. Of particular note, related to more practical matters, was the agreement concerning the drainage of Lake Bientina. Located at the border with the neighboring republic, the Lago di Bientina was the largest lake of Tuscany. It was particularly prone to flooding, endangering both the Arno river and the Lucchese countryside, up to the very gates of Lucca itself after strong rains. Medicean and Lucchese joint endeavors had attempted to construct a draining canal in the sixteenth century, but the system had grown inefficient with time. The Treaty of Amity negotiated by Cosimo Ferdinando contained provisions to continue joint drainage efforts, to combat the flooding and reclaim farmland for the growing population of the country. Although the Most Serene King was unable to persuade the Consiglio Generale to approve of a customs union with Tuscany, he succeeded in convincing them to establish a treaty of friendship and amity, as an important first step in Tuscan-Lucchese rapprochement.

The Treaty of Amity to dissuade fears of Tuscan encroachment was indeed well-timed, for the Cosmic Tour next took the Most Serene King north into the Lunigiana, and into the palace of the greatest of the local potentates, the Duchy of Massa-Carrara.


MAP OF THE LUNIGIANA

Naturally, Cosimo took the scenic route, even though the business of government awaited him at his destination. His letters to his former tutor and minister, the economist and cardinal Sallustio Bandini, reveal that Cosimo took a romantic liking to the lands of Cinque Terre, quaint medieval port towns squeezed against the Lunigiana's immense and awe-inspiring coastal mountains, entire villages frozen in time and hidden amidst a kind of natural beauty that the King had never seen in his lifetime. The wars had blessedly not touched this part of the Lunigiana, shielded as it was from the greed of the Bank of St. George by the larger and more powerful landmass that was neighboring Massa-Carrara. The statelet had been created in 1473, when Jacopo Malaspina, the Marquis of Massa and a scion of the Malaspinas of Fosdinovo, purchased the Lordship of Carrara for himself. His line ended with his granddaughter, Ricciarda, who accepted as her husband the Genoese aristocrat Lorenzo Cybo, of illustrious lineage, as a grandson of both Pope Innocent VIII and Lorenzo the Magnificent. Indeed, the marriage had been arranged by Cybo's uncle, the Medici Pope Leo X. The House of Cybo-Malaspina originated from Ricciarda and Lorenzo, and prospered due to the high demand for marble. Carrara marble, after all, was highly sought out by the courts of the Renaissance, much to the benefit of the local rulers. Carrara had been elevated to the rank of marquisate in 1558, while Massa was raised to a principality ten years later. In 1664, Emperor Leopold I ultimately confirmed Alberico II Cybo-Malaspina and his line as Dukes of Massa and Princes of Carrara.

After a brief but blissful retreat in Porto Venere, in which the King was only accompanied by his wife and a select few courtiers, Cosimo decided to make his way inland to the town of Massa, where the reigning duchess, Maria Teresa Francesca Cybo-Malaspina, had already generously received the rest of his party. The seventeen year old was the eldest daughter of the late Duke Alderano II and his wife, Ricciarda Gonzaga, who now ruled as regent in the young duchess' name. The Dowager had been a friend of the Medici in recent times, seeking closer ties to His Most Serene Majesty to shield her state from Genoese ambition. Indeed, she had contracted two thousand mercenaries for the Duke of Berwick's troop in the War of Bavarian Succession, and more recently had contributed men to the war in Tunisia. The family was well connected in the Curia too, where Maria Teresa's uncle, Cardinal Camilo Cybo-Malaspina, had previously served as Latin Patriarch of Constantinople and Grand Prior of the Order of Malta in Rome, as an important, if rather aloof, ally of the Secretary of State, the Cardinal-Duke de' Medici. "The road to Massa is lined with deposits of the purest white marble awaiting transportation to the sea, sent from the town of Carrara, which lies further inland in a valley nestled in the mountains," the King wrote in admiration to his friend, councilor and minister, Pompeo Neri. "The mountains are scarred here, with deep white gashes that are as if gaping wounds in the fabric of nature. Mountains of marble, all exposed to the Sun. How can so many objects of beauty emerge from such destruction? These mountains must be where Prometheus was imprisoned by Zeus, for Prometheus was wounded in the same way for giving mankind its greatest gift. This is the place where all beauty originates, and it is scarred for it."

The Most Serene King had evident practical reasons for visiting the ducal court of Massa. The Florentine state had long held strategic interests in the Lunigiana, as it commanded important passes in the Apennines on the approach to the city. The republic had acquired territorial exclaves in the region, which the Medici had later expanded: the Captaincy of Pietrasanta, lodged within Lucchese territory; the Commissariat of Pontremoli, acquired in 1650 by Grand Duke Ferdinando II; and the Governorate of Fivizzano, seat of the Governorate of Lunigiana, from which the other Medici possessions in the region were administered. The Corsini family also independently held the nearby Marquisate of Tresana, a title which conferred to them the status of sovereign princes and a testament to the prevalence and interest of the Florentine aristocracy in the Lunigiana. These were all towns and exclaves that Cosimo would visit on his way to Genoa, becoming the first Medici monarch in quite a while to set foot there, but for now the Most Serene King's eyes were set on the ducal court of Massa, the key to all of the Lunigiana, and the young noblewoman who wore the ducal coronet.


MARIA TERESA FRANCESCA CYBO-MALASPINA
DUCHESS OF MASSA AND PRINCESS OF CARRARA

Regional interests and politics aside, Cosimo IV had two other reasons for being drawn to the Cybo-Malaspina court. First and foremost, the King and his court were hungry for the pristine white marble from Carrara, in a time when Carrara marble was indeed in high demand throughout all of Europe. Cosimo was a dreamer and a visionary, and he had had a vision of a beautiful and modern city befitting of a king. That ambitious vision had led to the Flowering of Florence, but the new flowerbed could only thrive while it was carefully tended to. Left unattended and neglected, it would whither, and in time be relegated to distant memory. Florence did not need water and fertilizer to thrive, but marble. A cheap and secure source of marble of the highest quality, to be precise. The close proximity of Carrara, combined with the historically close relationship between the House of Medici and the Cybo-Malaspinas, made it the obvious supplier. Secondly, the Most Serene King sought to arrange an advantageous marriage for his second son, the Prince Filippo Ferdinando, whom he had brought alongside him on his tour for this precise reason.

The joint hunger for marble and for a dynastic match thus found a happy combination in the person of the Duchess of Massa and Princess of Carrara, Maria Teresa Francesca. As a ruling noblewoman in her own right, the Duchess came highly recommended. Massa-Carrara may be a small state, but it was still the first among the small states of Italy. Indeed, her title and territory afforded the Duchess a formidable station among the unpledged women of her age. As a matter of fact, Maria Teresa Francesca had seriously been considered as a bride for the Grand Prince of Tuscany himself, Cosimo Ottaviano de' Medici, but his parents had eventually discarded her for their firstborn, preferring to pursue a royal match for a future king instead. But for a second son as Filippo Ferdinando, Maria Teresa was a fairly advantageous bride. Cosimo Ottaviano was destined to inherit the Medicean crowns in due time, and before that he would eventually be endowed with the Dukedom of Urbino in his own right. The King's third son, Prince Giuliano Gastone, was marked for a church career. Filippo Ferdinando, however, was the spare. At most, he might have contented himself with the position of Governor of Siena (then occupied in name by Anna Maria Luisa de' Medici, the Dowager Electress Palatine), as many of the younger Medici sons before him. But the governorship of Siena was not an inheritable title, nor did it provide a fully independent household and source of sustenance.

Therefore, the marriage of Prince Filippo Ferdinando and Duchess Maria Teresa Francesca presented itself as a natural solution to the conundrum faced by Cosimo IV. Not only would such a match provide for his second son and his lineage indefinitely, it would also guarantee a secure source of marble for the Flowering in Florence. In a time when marble was in high demand, Massa-Carrara could even expect a significant increase in export revenues, as every European noble from London to St. Petersburg seemed intent on building themselves palaces of every sort. As if that wasn't enough, the marriage of Prince Filippo to the Duchess Maria Teresa would secure, once and for all, the state of Massa-Carrara for the House of Medici. Although the state was expected to remain sovereign and autonomous, and not be integrated into the Crown of Etruria proper, a Medici cadet line would be installed in the duchy, consolidating Tuscan influence and strategic interests in the Lunigiana, and reinforcing the land bridge to the Tuscan exclaves of Pontremoli and Fivizzano. For Massa-Carrara, the benefits were evident. The duchess Maria Teresa Francesca would be granted a royal match to a prince, and would by extension become the sister-in-law of the future monarchs of France, Portugal and Austria-Hungary. Furthermore, the independence and integrity of her state would be assured, in a time when the Lunigiana was likely to suffer from increased mediatization.


LA SUPERBA, GENOA

Thus, the betrothal of Prince Filippo Ferdinando de' Medici of Tuscany and Maria Teresa Francesca Cybo-Malaspina, Duchess of Massa and Princess of Carrara, was concluded. Happy and invigorated by another foreign success, King Cosimo IV was in a good mood when he departed the city of Massa for Genoa, making sure to visit Tresana and his exclaves of Fivizzano and Pontremoli on the way. Regardless of his enjoyment of his peaceful time in the Lunigiana, the King was delighted to return to more urban dwellings, and particularly excited to see the city of Genoa with his own eyes. After all, the alliance between the Medici and the Most Serene Republic of Genoa was legendary. They had led the crusade in Africa, rescued the Order of Santo Stefano from obscurity, suppressed the piracy of the Barbary states, and established a permanent Catholic and Italian presence in the Algerian and Tunisian coastlines. Cosimo was keenly aware of the fact that the rebirth of Tuscany had only been possible due to the sincere alliance with the neighboring republic, which had facilitated access to credit in the Bank of St. George and had allowed the Conquest of Tunis, whose wealth, port revenues and tariffs had done much to refill the Tuscan treasury over time.

For that much, Cosimo was happy to come to La Superba. His visit was a grand occasion and a celebration of their victorious alliance. Cosimo was welcomed at the city gates by the elderly Marquis of Baselice, Carlo Andrea Rinuccini, who had been serving on and off as the Tuscan ambassador to Genoa since the signing of the treaty of alliance in 1716, when not preoccupied in Cosimo's Council of State or in undercover missions to Constantinople. The powerful Doge, Gio Filippo Spinola, offered a reception in the Palazzo Ducale, and further entertainments of every sort on every night the King spent in Genoa. In return, Cosimo graced the opera houses of the city with performances carried out by the School of Pratolino. The scholars of the Crusca and the Intronati paid lively visits to the Genoese literary academies themselves, reinvigorating the spirit of state-sponsored intellectual exchange first established in the Treaty of 1716. If there was any resentment for the policy of Tuscan neutrality during the War of the Algerias (although one pending towards the Genoese side), or of His Most Serene Majesty's recent exploits in the Lunigiana, they remained well hidden for the duration of the royal visit.

The rest of the tour went on in a flurry. Having devoted perhaps too much time for his stays in Lucca, Genoa and the Lunigiana, Cosimo hurried across Italy to keep on schedule. From Genoa, he went to Parma, where he was welcomed by his cousin the Duchess Elisabeth Farnese, who had once stood to inherit Tuscany if the male line of the Medici had failed. Her infamous husband, Philip of Anjou, was away in Dalmatia, but the King of Candia had nevertheless made his presence known in the great palace that he had raised in Parma, nearly enveloping the entire city. "A testament to the glory of the House of France and the disappearance of the House of Farnese," Cosimo sullenly wrote to Cardinal Bandini back home, adding that the sheer size of the Angevin home impressed him far beyond what was necessary. "We must respond," he penned in a letter to the architect Alessandro Galilei, "if not in size and absurdity, then in elegance and grace. It is clear to me now that we have outgrown the Pitti, and that the Imperial Vicar of Italy and royal heir to Matilda of Canossa cannot be undone by the Duke of Parma".

From Parma, the King visited the Este court in Modena, where he paid his respects at the site of the death of his grandsire, Cosimo III, before eventually making his way to Ferrara and Bologna, where he visited the university and wrote an affable letter to the Pope about the many qualities of his home city. He next visited Ravenna, where he marveled at the legacy of the Romans and the monuments commissioned by Justinian the Great, though he was annoyed to come across the grave of the Florentine poet Dante Alighieri, "the father of the Renaissance, who should by all accounts be resting with all laurels in Florence by the side of Michelangelo and Galileo." The King's stubborn insistence on purchasing Dante's remains and having them transferred back to his home city caused a minor diplomatic incident in the city, forcing him to move on, frustrated. In the end, it didn't matter. The final destination of the Italian Circuit was upon them. Hidden behind the morning mist, Venice sat just across its lagoon.


Elisabeth Farnese, Cosimo IV's third cousin and host at Parma
 
Indian Glory

As the conflict had erupted across the Indian subcontinent, it was a matter that had been given little attention at the courts of Europe. Among the various events of the day, such as the conflicts in Northern Africa, the newest crisis of the never ending cycles of the Hofburg. The new creation of empires in the south of Europe by the Pope and Habsburgs both, a colonial conflict in the far east was of little imagination. It, like the other events, was just another conflict in a far-off land. The only key difference from these and the others being that for once, the conflict took place off the coast of India, rather than the coasts of Southeast Asia where the Company had so often fought against the Sultanate of Johor within the last few decades.

The first affects on the wider political order would come through the various cosairs, pirates and other miscreants that ought to be hanged by the proud officers of His Majesty's navy, laying low ships to the best of their abilities. Reports of sightings and fighting in India being mentioned in the occasional press, as well as the various coffee spots that was now scattered across the breadth of London. Social gatherings to keep occupied the various young would-be intellectuals and socialites during the London season.

It was thus that it was neither given it's due attention, nor for that matter interests as to what was unfolding in India at large, by the general public. Despite the general stance of the king, previously dubbed as Emperor of India in mock moreso than support, at the given preference for matters on exotic shores rather than issues at home, he too was to be caught off guard. Rather, it was the recent visit by the King from Tuscany that had taken the center stage, and the rather indecent visit that had been cut short following the breaking of social norms. It had pushed the news of the great victory of a young officer by the name of Clive to the backend of all the other affairs which were occurring, among such the raising grain prices across Europe.

It would not be until the directors of the company held had a meeting with the Prime Minister and cabinet, and subsequently an audience with his Majesty at Kensington that it would begin to dawn not just on the political establishment but also Britain at large at what had occurred. In just a matter of a months, a young officer had taken to the field and won great victories, putting down a revolt in Ceylon that had put at rest the long discussions and issues that surrounded the islands. A long debate between the Dutch and British establishments over colonial interests.

What would soon happen would be the full swing of the British establishment as ceremonies were put into place. The Company led by the Prime Minister would present the king with a charter, signed by the various men of prominence from the fallen realm of Kandy, declaring King Frederick as their new sovereign as the crown for the first time would assume direct rule in India. An understanding reached between the crown and that of the Company. The former having been the great supporter and protector of the company in British politics as the king had seen them as pivetol to his foreign ambitions. The kingdom of Kandy was to be both a reward and a cementing of said relations to continue against the continued adventures and goals of the various free merchants who sought to oppose the primacy of the company within the Indian subcontinent.



King Frederick presented with the pledges of allegiances of the people of Ceylon.

It was to be a lavish affair, with the court in full dress at the banquet, with the nobles and elite of the realm gathered from England, Ireland and Scotland all in what was to be a surprising turn of events, and one that had now greatly strengthened not just the crown's support for the company, the ambitions of the king but also the financial possibilities as a whole new kingdom was now added to the jewels of the British Empire. Financial possibilities that was not at all lost on the court of St. James. This was especially true in the light of the richness that the sugar had at one time given the Wittelsbach, and now gave to the Portuguese. Ceylon reportedly had the possibility to match such with the far more restrictive cinnamon which had not yet spread across the world. To speak nothing of the potential for tee.

Discussions would quickly overtake the celebrations as just what to do with the this new territory. It was unlike the Company holdings in India. It was not just tax rights, or other agreements that had been struck with local princes under Company oversight. It was the outright removal of a Prince and the elevation of His Majesty as a king in a far off land. It was an entirely different matter than what had until the present time been allowed to unfold within the subcontinent and it was something that everyone was all too aware of. It could not be treated as just another Company addition, not least of all due to the more sensitive agreement struck with their Dutch counterparts in the V.o.C that had seen all of this come together. What was needed was a wider policy for adoption.

The approach which was taken by the Crown, with the advise of cabinet, would be the appointment of a Viceroy to rule in the name of the king on the isles. It was far away, too far at that, for the Crown to be able to administer it effectively from Britain. It was thus also clear that the new Viceroy could not simply impose himself or his views upon the natives, but would rather be required to find a solution in the name of His Majesty, in which the native nobility and powerholders of Ceylon, would be bound with the purpose of the British Crown and the wider empire at large. The man who was selected for such a task, perhaps not the most obvious of candidates, would be the Lord Chesterfield, a trusted courtier and former key player in royal circles. The selection of Chesterfield, a person otherwise too highly ranked for such a mission, showed the importance to the crown and the heaviness of the task in establishing proper rule in the landscape that was Indian politics.

As such the prior domains of the king of Kandy would be incorporated into what would be the new royal domains of the Crown upon Ceylon. Along with those lands of the former Companies. The land that the crown itself would own and administrate, while the various nobility would keep their estates, their lands and their rights from times past. The Viceroy would take over military matters of the state, by and large through the use of the Companies who would be able to levy troops and protect the shores of the new kingdom with their navies. A dual judiciary would be established, with the local system of judgment and laws remaining in place, the matters of judgment kept with the local gentry while Europeans would be judged by the laws of King Frederick, presided over by the Viceroy and outside the jurisdiction of the natives.

Now it would be up to Chesterfield to see if he would manage to make as great a mark as the young Clive.
 
Res Publica
In history of Most Serene Republic of Venice and her ancestor, Rome, one cycle unfortunately repeats. And repeats again. The country experiences corruption - an oligarchy takes over due to it - the trouble period erupts - the system collapses - the system is replaced by something new and then cycle of corruption repeats. And just like Roman republic collapsed in wake of civil wars, popular-oligarchic conflict and then even army dictatorships, and its collapse enabled enstablishment of Roman Empire, the Roman Empire fell under weight of unsustainable, expansion-based economy, population collapse, civil wars and corruption in its political ranks, leaving place for barbarian polities to take over it, Roman Empire in the east made itself collapse due to events of 13th century and civil wars enabling Ottoman Empire to take over it piece by piece, until fall of Constantinople, Venice is also experiencing similar cycles. First one was in 11th-12th centuries, when original government, a curious mix of monarchy and popular rule, got replaced by oligarchy. Now by hands of foreign invaders, and domestic treason, the proud patricians of the Republic triggered likely another crisis, with outcome of it to be decided yet.
It's matter of uttermost irony that I, as Doge, was kept being accused of commiting coup d'etat, undermining the system - until they, the patricians, done it themselves - with help of invasion of Italian polities and Parmese-French meddling. Right now a new regime, a de facto military dictatorship, was enforced at bayonet point, with position of second Falieri given jointly to Loredan, a failed expectation of moderate to solve tensions, and Philippe d'Anjou, being in the same position Odoaker was when Orestes enforced military dictatorship and expelled Julius Nepos, legitimate Roman Emperor, only to be undermined by coup of that Scirian barbarian and his barbarian soldiers. Like then, Venetian usurpers are likely to be couped in future by barbarian, this time descendant of Gothic invaders, who call themselves Dukes of Anjou.
This calamity of law and justice needs ous to reconsider what exacly republic is and what we should fight for as restorers of legacy of Roman culture Venice carried until last day. The notion of res publica, what is now known as Republic.
Romans defined Res Publica as public, shared, common thing and responsibility. It wasn't about the system - like Venice, Rome also decayed from relatively egalitarian system down to level of aristocratic, oligarchic republic and then military dictatorship followed by Empire - but about principles. The Public Thing is not merely a state, it's a duty. Everyone should sacrifice individual desires for common cause and put justice and law over personal aspirations. This way, the state peace and justice can be enforced.

The allegory of this was painted as frescos in town hall of Siena by 14th century painter, Ambrogio Lorenzetti. In his notion, sacrifice of personal ambitions over wellbeing of Republic and public good makes for backbone of social order and justice. At that very principle I tried to rule Venice, working hard on strenghtening the state and dealing with corruption and injustice. Only to be violently ejected from power by clique of oligarchs paid with foreign money.
Now that I end myself on the isle of Cyprus, I should take a note of the notion of peace and rebuild the country, starting with the isle. Since beginning, during tenure of previous Doge, I was supporter of return to old ways, before old Republic was hijacked by plutocratic oligarchy of modern day. We need to return to system where Doge, with title of Dux, was directly elected monarch managing executive aspects of the state, aided with popular assemblies serving as legislature. With returning to that model, where the Doge is truly a man of the people and head of the state and popular governance in legislature, as backbone of healthy system. In modern times however, it couldn't be based on Athenian-like direct assemblies anymore. Instead, let people elect their representatives for fixed cadency, to represent them as legislature until next elections happen. Likewise, make cabinet of the Doge composed of officials elected by such representative assembly, with Doge as head of the cabinet, but not whole ruler. The necessary balance of power, where Doge is responsible before popular assembly and executive is elected by legislature, elected by people. This would be an adaptation of old Venetian system of original Commune, to modern period. In following diaries, I will portray aspects of such imagined, an ideal state, in chapters refering to various aspects of statehood: citizenship, justice and others.​
 
Rebuilding of Famagusta

The city of Famagusta according to engraving done in 1703 by Olfert Dapper in his "Description exact des iles l'Archipel"

In order to properly govern the Isle, the first task of the Ruzzini government is to rebuild and develop city of Famagusta into proper capital city. An office building will be set on main square, making for administrative center of the city and the fledging state. It will contain treasure house, archive to store documents for later use, a scriptorium for scribes to write documents, record court hearings, trade deals etc., a court to settle disputes and negotiate property exchange between city denizers and governor's office, for his personal as governor of the island.
In terms of public buildings, an old Ottoman bathhouse will be rebuilt and to provide water for it and the city needs, an aqueduct will be build alongside with fountain for citizens to gather fresh water from. Moreover, city will receive granaries large enough to accomodate at least past population of the city - 10000 thousand and enough dwellings will be erected within old city walls to accomodate such population.
The city will also have its own walls rebuilt, with cannons placed at its towers to provide defence against the attacks. Also local vigilia (police) will be organized within settlement, to provide law enforcement and mantain order within city and direct countryside around.
To feed repopulated settlement, old farmlands will be rebuilt and irrigation reenstablished, using water from local creeks and small rivers, aswell as water collected by local aqueduct, which branch will deliver water to noria which will then spread water throughpout canals to irrigate soil. Moreover, a fishing port will be erected on the coastside of the town, to supplement food production with sea produce - that port will later also be expanded into proper trade one.
To accomodate a proper city, within the walls the roads will be paved and service of street cleaners will be enstablished, to clear any urine, trash and other disgusting things out of the city into dedicated dumping grounds away from both fields and city itself, to mantain basic health. Also, an office of town doctor will be enstablished (later expanded into proper hospital) to provide medical care for the inhabitants. Last but not least, a public school will be opened, to provide education for the local youth and to train city officials for later administration role. The school will teach children at very basic how to count, write and read and to those who show promise, also all things needed for public official, depending on supposed future role of the pupil in question.
Back to main plaza, the old bazzar will be properly surveyed and organized into orderly marketplace, with city weight to properly weight items to avoid scamming and stocks to punish criminals for lighter offenses. For higher offenses, a prison will be organized where inmates will be separated from society for duration of their inprisonment.
In order to collect taxes, a tax office will be enstablished in the city and network of tax collectors will be enstablished to collect dues from local population, including the countryside outside city walls and the town district. This will be future source of revenue for the city council and the Isle itself too.
Reconstruction of Famagusta will serve as basic template for organization of towns in future, in terms of services, infrastructure, and planning, to ensure proper standards of cities on the isle.​
 
The Court of Augustus III


The court of Augustus II was infamous for its debauchery and had one of the worst reputations in Europe. Court life was marked by orgies, decadent feasts, and outrageous displays such as the mass animal tossing competitions that led to the deaths of thousands of small animals. By deliberate contrast, the court of Augstus III was much more subdued and formal. Gatherings were smaller and simpler and there were no outrageous celebrations.

The family life of the royal family was also much more intimate, as Augustus III and Queen Louise Adelaide were very close with each other and their children. The king and queen deeply loved each other, unlike the famously fractious and pitiful relationship between Augustus II and his queen, despite their disagreements on theology (as Adelaide was a devout Catholic whom it was said could have been a nun in another life and Augustus was a cynic who thought the faith he converted to ludicrous, which was confirmed by the fiasco of the papal death coverup). Augustus found his father's behavior and infidelity very distasteful, while Adelaide was a very pious Catholic who abhorred the decadence and family intrigue of Versailles that she grew up in, and so the royal couple ran a very deliberately subdued and family-friendly court. The king's closeness with his family even became a liability to some degree, as he was loath to marry off his two eldest daughters, Louise Christiane Charlotte and Louise Françoise Élisabeth to their Prussian and Spanish matches he had arranged. But the two princesses were well-trained by their mother and faced their new lives bravely.

Augustus spent significant time grooming his eldest son, Prince Louis Frederick Augustus, for rule, just as his father had done for him, but with much more affection and care. Time would tell what man the prince would grow into, though he was known to be diligent and intelligent, though not bold. Augustus enlisted the aid of Maurice to help cure him of this defect and tutor the young prince in the arts of war and administration. The prince was also much more religious than his father due to the influence of his mother, and cared much more for his birthplace of Poland than Saxony. The king would begin to look for a bride for his son, and hoped his son's marriage would be as happy as his own was.



Prince Louis Frederick Augustus as a young man

Augustus was also very close friends with his bastard brothers, especially the indomitable Maurice, and his minister Aleksander Józef Sułkowski. The infamous Albina, the former Duchess of Courland, loved to be a thorn in her brother's side at the dinner table, but the two remained affectionate despite their public barbs.

Though he differed from his father, Augustus did continue his predecessor's efforts to make the courts centers of culture and art as he did share his father's tastes in those fields. He hosted concerts and operas, balls, Samartist celebrations, and scientific lectures, opened art galleries, showed off his famous porcelain collection, promoted the new "Enlightened" culture, and oversaw the building of new palaces. Particularly notable was the Winter Palace, which was adorned with an orangery and French garden as well as a representative festival area. Augustus had continued his father's work in transforming Dresden into a center of culture adorned with Baroque-style buildings and monuments, but the re-centering of the Wettin dynasty in Warsaw after the disasters in Saxony had forced a change in priorities. Augustus desired to increase Warsaw's cultural footprint as he had in Dresden, but on a grander scale. The Polish capital transformed from "a Vasa city of red brick to one of Wettin marble", as one historian described. The Rococo style predominated in the new Warsaw, which became model of an Enlightenment "New Town". Augustus was dissatisfied with the somewhat dilapidated palace in Warsaw, and so the new Winter Palace with its richly decorated pavilions and the galleries lined with balustrades, figures, and vases became the locus of this transformation of Warsaw. The Winter Palace soon became the envy of Europe and example of the magnificence of the Wettin court.

Politically, the court appeared harmonious, though factional discord around foreign policy did exist. The "French party", led by Queen Adelaide, Elizabeth Sieniawska, and Count Karl Heinrich von Hoym was once predominant due to the influence of the French alliance, but the French spurning during the war diminished the faction's clout dramatically despite the esteem the king held for his wife. Maurice de Saxe became the king's preeminent advisor, which likely played a significant role in ushering the détente between the Poles and Prussians/North Germans, as Maurice was an admirer of the "Soldier King" dating back to his service in the One Year War and maintained his admiration for Prussian fighting methods even as he led the war effort against them. Opposing him was a clique of displaced Saxons, led by the Count von Bruhl, who wanted to refocus the king's attention on Germany and revive ties with the "junior" Habsburgs to check the power of the North Germans and Austrian-Spanish. The "old-Saxon" clique was in turn bitterly opposed by Spanish-friendly nobles, who saw the receding Spanish giant as a safer partner than any of the Germans. The pro-Spanish clique was boosted by Don Carlos' mediation to secure a peace in the Northern War and helped facilitate the Habsburg-Wettin marriage. There was near-unanimity for maintaining close ties with Denmark and Russia (except for the remaining Cossack horde in Poland that had little influence at court in this period), Poland's old Baltic Pact allies, though a traditional mistrust of Sweden by many Polish nobles remained, and some felt that the Swedes were warmongers who would drag Poland into another war.

The court entered the year 1744 in good spirits following the recovery from war, newfound economic prosperity from trade, and prestige from the transformation of Warsaw. But events in the Balkans threatened to shatter this harmony...





Designs for the Winter Palace
 
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Carolus Magnus, Part I:
To The Hofburg!


The Don Carlos who landed in Italy in 1741 was not the same as the Carlos who had visited the peninsula so many times before. He was now forty years old. His reign had seen the conquest and loss of entire kingdoms; he had rescued his lineage from the precipice by fathering three healthy Archduke-Infantes and taken back the Imperial mantle when his cousin of Vienna went mad. He felt the double weight of legacy and destiny upon his shoulders, and an unhappy scowl more often than not replaced the easy smile of his early years.

The Imperial progress from Finalborgo to the Hofburg was slow and leisurely - Don Carlos had much to say and do in those intervening months. Twenty years ago, he had refused Philip of Anjou's offer to make him Emperor of Italy. Twenty years on, he readily manifested interest when the proposal came from Rome of a Holy Roman Empire of the Latin Nation. He had been flirting with the idea already, in truth, a fact not unknown in courtly circles. Formerly disparate interests began to converge and align: where the Pope and his Jesuits might want to preserve or promote Heinrich as the sole bastion of Imperial (and thus Roman Catholic) authority in Germany, Carlos had given up on trying to make sense of the madness Heinrich and the Prussians had wrought north of the Alps.

An amicable divorce seemed advisable, even desirable. The true Empire, he realized now, was his - even before he became Holy Roman Emperor and certainly before the Holy Father ever ratified the fact in public. Not for nothing had he been hailed as Most Serene Augustus (Serenissimus Augustus) when he, then a young man, was crowned King of Italy at Monza.

Europe was changing, everyone agreed. The air in Catholic Europe was heady with a new breeze of Counter-Reformation and Crusade. In a closed feedback loop, Shanqit expansion in North Africa and the Grand Turk's roving in the eastern Mediterrenean cross-pollinated revanchist sentiment among Carlos' vassals and peers. Moreover, glory and gold beckoned in the form of new lands - and markets - across the sea. Religion and mercantilism mixed freely and the Jesuits, especially, were only too happy to ride out the wave. With Heinrich presumably positioned as the Church's shield against the Protestant threat in northern Europe, perhaps Rome felt Carlos - or a southern Emperor, generically - was needed to face off against Mohammetan expansion in Africa and Asia and make the Mediterrenean a Mare Nostrum for Roman Catholics once again.


Negotiations with Rome delayed the Emperor's progress, somewhat. This had the fortunate side-effect of allowing the Emperor to detour south and venture as far as Modena: Florence, alas, remained temporarily out of reach. The detour allowed the Empress and their daughters to catch up with him, fresh from Spain. They came by way of the Presidi and Tuscany. In Modena Don Carlos and his family were able to make ample use of his lady wife's birthplace, enjoying the Estes and their hospitality for a good many days.

By way of Ferrara ("having been reunited with the Este, the Emperor wished to see what all the fuss was about") and the Gonzaga courts, the Emperor then headed north, to Verona, a city of the Venetians.

He rendezvoused there with Cosimo IV of Tuscany, whom he had rather wished to meet at Milan, but who had been busy making his own Tour and was lately traipsing about in Venice. His disappointment was compounded when he learnt the Tuscan heir was nowhere to be seen, but off fighting in Africa, in service to Dom João of Portugal.

Cosimo de' Medici was a continual source of discomfort and befuddlement to Don Carlos. Cosimo was seven years younger than him: in 1720, when Carlos married Enrichetta Maria d'Este and Philip of Anjou (already Duke of Parma and Piacenza) formed the Italian League, Cosimo was but twelve years old. Lately bereaved of his father, Cosimo received consistent promises of fatherly love throughout his adolescence, his elder kinsman and liege-lord continually reaffirming his paternal affection and care for him through missives and envoys. No doubt Carlos truly felt for his fellow fatherless orphan; no doubt Carlos also meant to check the undue influence of the boy's mother, a lackey of Vienna's, and her Bavariocrazia.

The monarchs had kept a lively correspondence since then, officially and extraofficially, with Don Carlos expressing great fondness for the one he cherished "above all others of the Italian princes". In adulthood, the bond became more fraternal (if ever Cosimo did see Carlos in a fatherly light) and fraught with politics. Cosimo was now directly responsible for Tuscan policy, not his mother, and Carlos did not always like how il piccolo bavarese ruled. There had been the most disheartening matter of a French marriage alliance. Carlos got his revenge years later by denying Cosimo an Infanta for his eldest son, preferring Parma... but regretted it when the younger Cosimo was promised to a Portuguese and shipped off to fight with her father in Africa.

By and by, however, relations improved, with the chief bones of contentions overcome or set aside. Don Carlos recognized his fratello di Firenze's royal title and Tuscany reciprocated by finally joining the Italian League. Medici princes stood as godfathers to Infantes and, curiously enough, proved more worthy allies in Imperial dealings than Italian ones. Trade flourished and diplomacy flowed with ease. Politically, Don Carlos had been only too happy to indulge Cosimo by making him Imperial Vicar in Italy, and standing by that choice even in the face of controversy and external censure.

As such, the marriage alliance of 1741 was a long time in coming. It was first and foremost a reward for Medici support during a recent would-be coup in Austria. More generally, it was an expression (or so Don Carlos loudly proclaimed) of a lifetime's love and affinity. There was no end to the similarities between the two monarchs: uninspiring fathers who died young, domineering Wittelsbach mothers, a sincere love for the Holy Mother Church, a perhaps greater love for the Rinascimento, all the gravitas of being the last son of an ancient line, charged with bringing back a glorious dynastic legacy from the edge. The same mixture of Hapsburg and Wittlesbach blood coursed through their veins. Carlos fancied he had completed the Reconquista, and now dared reform the Empire: certainly Cosimo had become a King and finished washing out the stain of his family's mercantile origins once and for all.

It was only fitting, therefore, that a son of Spain take a daughter of Tuscany to wife and bind the resurrected Houses of Austria and Medici anew.


D. Carlos in full Imperial regalia, c. 1742

The progress north was more spritely than in Italy: there was rather less politics to do when inside his own directly-held domains. From Verona, the Imperial retinue progressed to Trento, Innsbruck, Salzburg, made a quick pilgrimage to Mariazell and finally entered Vienna. The reception along the way was giddy enough, and Don Carlos did not find the Viennese as antagonistic as he had expected. In fact, as the days turned to weeks, and the weeks turned to months, relations only continued to improve.

While privately furious at Prince Eugene of Savoy-Carignano, now some eighty years old, and immensely suspicious of the interim Palatine of Hungary (Don Carlos de Kohary), Don Carlos opted to not take direct action against either. Neither Carlos or the Reichshosfrat (primary seat of Eugene's military junta) were presently in the mood to further pursue the war they had been waging at a distance. They had arrived at an entente, of sorts, and all were glad to reap the bounty of peace. They were, moreover, in the presence of outside spectators, before whom neither side was particularly eager to advertise their internal divisions.

At long last, Papal dealings, Shanqit expansion into Morocco, Ottoman advance into the Morea, whispers trickling north-east of colonial troubles, the Medici marriage alliance and an explicit Imperial announcement presenting his second son as heir in Austria-Hungary had FINALLY made evident to the military junta of the Aulic Council D. Carlos meant them no harm.

The 1742 Triple Wedding of Vienna would become known to history as the Golden Wedding. In full Imperial regalia, Don Carlos paraded himself and his "perfect" family before the gathered nobility of Europe. The Bruderskrieg and the rule of a military junta had allowed Vienna to fall behind in culture and splendour, at the risk of transforming it into a mere regional capital amongst so many others. No more. Don Carlos was intent on using ceremony, culture and cuisine to underscore the revival of the House of Austria and, by extension/association, Austria-Hungary under his rule.

While not particularly taken with either science or industry (bar perhaps his care for naval matters), D. Carlos felt keenly the risk of becoming - or being seen - as a backwater in comparison to more forward courts in Berlin, London and even Nuremberg, Lisboa and Florence. Entertainment and art in all its forms offered the quick aesthetic remedy he was looking for. He procured it himself and also mde sure to invite those who would do so for him, not least Cosimo de' Medici, Elisabetta Farnese, Augustus of Poland and many a prince of the Holy Mother Church.

Three princesses fast advanced on Vienna. All three were half-Bourbon and thus half-French. They brought with them their relatives, retinues and entertainment of their own. The Polish mazur would be danced, the varying kinds of opera and fencing trotted out and enjoyed, tertulas and casinos held in varying degrees of modesty and privacy. In perfect symbiosis, glory was reflected back and forth between the participants and the event they now participated in.

La Farnesina, c. 1742

The eldest Princess was La Farnesina, born Louise Marie de Bourbon-Anjou and otherwise known as Maria Luisa of Parma. Born in 1716, she was now twenty-six: long past the age of marriage for a woman her age. She had been promised to the Prince of Asturias at the age of eight, and sent to Spain at the age of ten. For sixteen whole years she had been the ward and foster daughter of the King and Queen of Spain. Her betrothal to the Prince of Asturias had assured her standing at the Spanish court, and in many ways she was Don Carlos' favourite daughter, even over his own biological daughters who were born in due time. She was thus more Spanish than Italian, and more Italian than French (Enrichetta d'Este having replaced Elisabetta Farnese as a mother and guide).

Her personal relationship with the Spanish monarch had seen her through those dark moments when it seemed the betrothal might be called off and unkind whispers abounded. There had been many of these episodes during her sixteen year wait. It was only in 1741 that the outstanding impediments to their marriage had at last been overcome. The prospect of consummation, motherhood and guaranteed royal status finally came into view.

Don Carlos ordered the Princess Marisa fetched from Spain, and afforded her a year-long reprieve from Spanish custody. At his instance, she visited her mother in Parma and Piacenza, toured the Stati Farnesiani (former Farnese estates) in Naples and enjoyed the Palazzo Farnese in Rome. Perhaps Don Carlos belatedly thought to allow his foster daughter to see something of the outside world; perhaps he wanted the palazzos Farnesiani spruced up and made ready for new residents.

In Milan, she became a close friend of the Duke and Duchess of San Gabrio, who hosted a flourishing literary salon in their Palazzo Serbelloni. In Venice, she enjoyed the carnival, became a devotée of the dramma giocoso, took violin lessons with Michielina della Pietà and gambled her spending money away at the casino of the celebrated salonnière Caterina Sagredo Barbarigo. It was famously remarked that she rather influenced her chaperons than they her, these being the Crown-Cardinals Giulio Alberoni and Troiano Acquaviva d'Aragona, princes of the Church and Spanish agents fresh from Rome with news for Don Carlos.

She was still with them (gambling, violining and some said drinking) when her brother and father came ashore. Philip, formerly d'Anjou, was newly-dubbed King of Candia (by the Venetians) and Grand Duke of Luxembourg (by Don Carlos). His son, Carlo Sebastiano, was celebrated as the hero of Chania. The arrival of her mother (the two had separated during La Farnesina's travels) heralded an unprecedent family reunion. There was much to celebrate, and effusive declarations of love, loyalty and service to be exchanged.

Variously called the Maison d'Anjou, Bourbon-Anjou, Bourbon-Parme, Bourbon-Luxembourg, and now de Bourbon-Candie, the intrepid Philip and Elisabetta had schemed and fought their way to ever-new heights. No doubt their daughter, raised apart from them for so long, was inspired by her parents, two political and military giants of the age. Even her brother, a blossoming general in his own right, would have impressed her with the freedom and agency which so contrasted with her own gilded cage back "home", as a court lady and ward back in Spain.

Either way, when La Farnesina came to Vienna it was not as a Hapsburg ward or dependent. She had had her first taste of freedom, and she liked it. As heralds ran along blaring trumpets and flying her father's arms proud and wide, she arrived at the Hofburg a foreign princess in her own right, a granddaughter of France, daughter of the so-called King of Candia, Grand Duke of Luxembourg and Captain-General of Venice, and his wife, the Duchess of Parma and Piacenza.




La Farnesina's reception in Venice, c. 1742

Lesser known quantities were her new colleagues. There was more than a decade's difference in age between them and La Farnesina. The youngest of the trio, Diana of the Medici, had been born Violante Francesca Diana Beatrix Vittoria Maria Maddalena de' Medici in 1728. She was fourteen at betrothal, five years younger than her betrothed husband, and the daughter of King Cosimo and his Orléans wife.

Both of her parents were first cousins of Philippe d'Anjou. Thus, she and Maria Luisa of Parma were second cousins, twice over. Maria Luisa boasted the superior Bourbon lineage as a granddaughter of the senior branch (petit-fille de France) and member of the French royal family (Famille de France). More importantly, she was marrying the elder brother, who would one day be Emperor.

The Tuscan Queen, Louise Elisabeth d'Orléans, ranked lower as a "mere" princesse du sang, the daughter of a cadet by a legitimé. Her mother had famously wanted to create the new rank of "great-grandchildren of France" for the Orléans brood, with no success.The Orléans girls had all made spectacular marriages, however: Russia, Poland-Lithuania-Saxony, Denmark-Norway, Tuscany and Portugal. Diana thus enjoyed wide-ranging dynastic connections - connections that rather eclipsed the limited glory of a Farnese womb - and even helped people forget that the legendary harlot Madame de Montespan loomed close by the bloodline.

Her royal rank was unequestionable, moreover. Tuscany had haggled and bartered its way upward, from Duchy to Grand Duchy to Kingdom, until finally its royal title was confirmed by Vienna, Rome and Madrid. By the 1740s, every royal court in Europe recognized and accepted the King of Tuscany (technically, the King of the Tuscans) as a crowned head equal to Prussia, Bohemia and perhaps Belgium, all four of them monarchs, all four of them fiefs of the Empire.

The Kingdom of Candia, on the other hand, was an obscure administrative designation of the Venetians, not an actual legitimate monarchy. Austro-Spanish court niceties made a point of receiving Maria Luisa as a royal princess, but only of France, not Crete or Venice. Her father was only ever referred to as the Grand Duke of Luxembourg and Captain-General of Venice, "called King of Candia" (nominatus rex Candiae). The wilely Philippe would have to negotiate for recognition, as the Medici had before him.

***​

The third bride, Luisa Franciszka Isabella of Saxe-Poland-Lithuania, was another King's daughter by an Orléans sister. Like Diana, she was thus also party to the continent-spanning, schism-overcoming, heresy-ignoring Orléans family network. Her father was the formidable Augustus III, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Lithuania, Prince-Elector of Saxony and Prince of Transylvania. She was fifteen at the time, two years younger than her betrothed husband, Monza, and of the three the only one not perfectly fluent in Spanish.

Isabella (as Don Carlos decided to call her) had been raised together with an older sister, Christine, who for twelve years was betrothed to Don Felipe Fernando (1724-1738). Isabella had been born in the third year of this betrothal and had thus grown in the shadow of talk of Spain, teaching of the Spanish language and Spanish court etiquette. She was eleven years old when the Spanish match fell through, however. Don Carlos mediated a peace settlement in northern Germany, arranging Christine of Saxe-Poland-Lithuania's marriage to a Prussian princeling and even paying for her dowry. A proposal for Isabella to replace Christine as Felipe Fernando's bride came to naught, attempts were made to marry the Infante in Bavaria or Belgium instead, and for a while it seemed no marriage alliance between Madrid and Warsaw would be possible.

Things change, as they were wont to do in Imperial politics of the period. After much dithering and delaying, Don Carlos finally resolved to see all three of his sons married, and in short order. Each bride had to be unmistakably Roman Catholic, royal by birth and of suitable age, health and disposition for marriage.

Don Felipe's betrothal to Diana de' Medici made itself obvious in the wake of Medici family assistance in Austro-German politics and increasing pressure for Don Carlos to relinquish Austria-Hungary, voluntarily or by force. So too the idea of a Polish match abruptly resurrected itself. Talks with Belgium and Henrican Bavaria petered out and Don Carlos renewed his search. Roman Catholic princesses of suitable age, rank and dowry did not grow on trees. The composite realm of King Augustus, who held Saxony in Germany, Transylvania in Hungary and Poland-Lithuania independently, was strategically placed to support Spanish interests in central and eastern Europe. In the recent peace talks, Augustus had shown himself a man to be reasoned with, better than the Prussians, better than Heinrich, better even than Karl Albrecht. His family were numerous and any daughter of his could be expected to give her husband many strong sons and daughters.

And thus the old project of a marriage alliance was revived, and agreed to, and set in motion.

***

Unsurprisingly, Diana and Isabella quickly became fast friends. They were first cousins, of similar age, birth and upbringing. Their Orléans mothers had nurtured them in the courtly graces of France and ensured they spoke French as natives. Their powerful royal fathers had guaranteed them a steadiness of rank and position from conception. They had been raised in the bosom of relatively loving families and thus had every reason to take to one another in substitution of the siblings they now left behind.

All this was in stark contrast with La Farnesina. Maria Luisa of Parma was not only much older, she was a survivor. She had spent the better part of the last two decades in limbo. Court graces and savvy thinking had been her only weapons as, esconced in the Spanish court or deep in the Spanish countryside, she awaited word of her far-away parents and the never-ending haggling between them and Carlos. During these years the memory of her parents faded away and was replaced by a mixture of projections, fantasy and illusion. The annual exchange of portraits and letters could only do so much for a young girl.

Her situation had often been precarious. Half the time it was thought she would soon be discarded for a more useful alliance. The other half it was supposed Carlos meant to marry her to his son and use it as a pretext by which to dispossess her father and mother. There was also the scandalous rumour that Don Carlos meant to get rid of his old Este and take her as his second wife, opposed only by the rumour that her father delayed her marriage in order to justify his own upcoming usurpation of the Spanish crown.

In terms of rank and standing, La Farnesina's position was not as steady as her sister-wives. Her father was a son of France, which assured his and his children's standing anywhere in the world. This became largely symbolic, however, given a life spent away from France and French court circles. Philip of Anjou was an adventurer, a second son known for frequently meddling and scheming to further his career. He had acquired Parma and Piacenza by marriage, Luxembourg by diplomacy (or something that passed for it) and "Candia" (a would-be kingdom of Crete) by violence and guile. Now he was working on making himself master of La Serenissima, to the consternation of Don Carlos and many others.

This upward trajectory did not immediately translate into honour and respect. The Spanish and many others thought him dangerous and not entirely trustworthy. His brother of France did not seem to see him in a much better light. It had often been said Philip of Anjou was himself rather lazy, and dependent on his formidable wife for the virile energy which propelled him ahead. His newfangled royal title was still answering for itself before the jury of public international opinion. Would the courts of Europe receive Philip of Anjou as King of Candia, and feign belief that Candia was a legitimate monarchy, though the Venetians still held it tight in grasp, as they ever had, and Candia was not a monarchy in fact? What would this mean for the royal aspirations of other ambitious dukes and princes eager to get ahead? During the 1720s and 1730s, a concerted stance from the crowned heads of Europe had often resisted the title inflation so characteristic of pre-Carlist Vienna and recent Papacies. Would this continue into the 1740s? And if so, what would it mean for his family?

Don Carlos did not wish for disputes over precedence to ruin his grand event, however. While it was immediately evident that the daughters of Poland-Lithuania and even of the relative parvenu Tuscany outranked that of Candia per se, Maria Luisa's rank as a grand-daughter of France overrode any other considerations. The Royal Council alerted the Emperor that foibles of precedent would re-emerge once he installed his second son as King of Hungary, whereafter he and his wife would outrank the Prince and Princess of Asturias, but that particular headache was deferred to a later moment. For now, Carlos just wanted to party.




Diana de Medici & Isabella of Poland, cousins by birth & sisters by marriage

Fluff on Carlos journey to Vienna c.1741/1742.
Meeting Cosimo de Medici in Verona, on the way there.
Introducing the three daughters-in-law and disputes over their respective rank and breeding.
Establishing something of their personalities and La Farnesina's gap year abroad.
 


THE COSMIC TOUR
Part II: La Serenissima


Cosimo IV de' Medici, King of the Tuscans, King of Africa, Perpetual Vicar of the Holy Roman Empire in Italy, disembarked in Venice to great splendor and fanfare on a surprisingly clear morning. The daybreak mist had swiftly dissipated, and the Sun and the blue sky had pushed away all clouds as if to herald the Most Serene King's arrival. The barge he had taken from the mainland port of Mestre across the Lagoon was coated in goldleaf and intricately gilded with sculptures and ornaments of cherubins and winged horses. It was one of the last works of the famed sculptor Giovanni Battista Foggini, commissioned by the Regency in 1724 for the Grand Wedding two years later. The magnificent river barge, exuberant in the style of the late Baroque, had helped reintroduce the reborn House of Medici to the modern world. Now, nearly two decades later, it bridged the gap that had grown between the Medici and La Serenissima in the recent past. Although designed for navigating the Arno as a pleasure barge, it had been transported aboard the frigate Etruria to the port of Mestre, and from thence Foggini's gilded masterpiece had gently slid across the calm waters of the Lagoon, carrying the Most Serene King, the Queen and the princes to the Doge's harbor in front of the Palazzo Ducale.

The occasion was one that demanded grand gestures, after all. The friendship between the Most Serene Republic and the House of Medici was nearly as old as the Florentine family itself. In the early days, back when the Medici were bankers and had yet to rise to the rule of Florence, Venice had been central for the family fortune. The floating city had not only hosted one of the main and most prosperous branches of the Medici Bank, but had also been a safe harbor for the Medici themselves when, in 1433, Cosimo the Elder and his family were exiled from Florence by the machinations of the Albizzi. The Medici patriarch had taken refuge in Venice, settling down in the island monastery of San Giorgio Maggiore, which he endowed with a great library in deep gratitude to the Venetian people when he triumphantly returned to Florence the year after. While relations had not always been peaceful in the years, decades and centuries that followed, Florence and Venice had never grown into detested rivals. Indeed, as late as the 1690's the Medici-led Order of Santo Stefano was providing military assistance to the Venetians in Crete and the Aegean Sea in their war against the Ottomans. It was said that the future Medici monarch Ferdinando III, then Grand Prince, used to spend more time in Venice than in Tuscany itself, a testament to the strong friendship that had evolved between La Bella Firenze and the Lion of St. Mark.

Alas, everything had spectacularly changed over the course of the reign of Cosimo IV de' Medici. A previously stellar relationship, even containing military implications, had given way to cool cordiality and, by 1740, outright and open hostility. Two main factors contributed to the regrettable collapse. The first was a diplomatic incident in 1726, the year of Cosimo IV's coming of age and memorable wedding, when the Venetian chancellery informed its Tuscan counterpart of an imminent Savoyard invasion of the newborn kingdom. The invasion, however, never materialized, which led to certain unofficial elements in the Tuscan court questioning the trustworthiness and intentions of the Most Serene Republic, which had been building up military infrastructure in the
Terraferma over the preceding years. It was a misunderstanding to which the Venetian authorities responded sternly, opting for distancing themselves from Tuscany and the perceived malice of the Florentine court.


CARLO RUZZINI
113th Doge of Venice and not a fan of Cosimo IV

The second and much graver incident had come only in 1739, in the aftermath of the outbreak of the War of the Algerias. The Algerian crisis pitted the republics of Venice and Genoa against each other in a bitter colonial conflict, chiefly for the possession of the port of Algiers and control of the Algerian hinterland in Kabylia. The mere existence of the conflict itself might have been enough to cause further disagreement and hostility between Florence and Venice, as the former was a close ally of the Genoese in Africa and headed the increasingly prestigious and powerful Order of Santo Stefano, a transnational military order that counted with significant Genoese participation in North Africa. Indeed, there was a general understanding that if the Order became involved in the conflict, the Venetian Doge would declare war on His Most Serene Majesty, who led the knights of Santo Stefano as their hereditary Grand Master. Fortunately (or unfortunately, depending on the point of view), further escalation into an outright war was avoided when the Order's gaze was turned towards Tunisia, following the rise of the New Hannibal, Abderrahmane El-Mokrani, in Kairouan. For a fleeting moment, Cosimo IV and his foreign minister, the Cardinal Neri Maria Corsini, hoped that the emergence of the Shanqit menace, which by then had sacked Bizerte and Sfax and were laying siege to Tunis, might convince the warring parties to establish an armistice. Cosimo IV personally offered himself as a mediator of the Kabylian War, but his offer was categorically rejected and shut down by Venice, which was determined to end the war on their own terms rather than trust in a shaky, if Medici-guaranteed, ceasefire.

The heightened tensions provided a fertile ground for further dissent and escalation, which, of course, eventually came to pass in that same year, following the Maddalenas Incident. In short, French vessels, which had been indirectly assisting the Genoese in the Kabylian War, briefly occupied a string of islands in the Maddalenas, an archipelago situated between the islands of Corsica and Sardinia, but which had been nevertheless traditionally considered a constituent part of the Spanish-held Kingdom of Sardinia. The unannounced French occupation of some of the Maddalena islands provoked the harshest of responses from the Doge's court, which denounced it as the first step of a French invasion of mainland Italy. Unfortunately for the Medici, timing was not on their side, as His Most Serene Majesty had just concluded a treaty of alliance with the Most Christian King in the context of the Tunisian War. As was common, Medicean diplomacy rapidly positioned itself to mediate the affair. The negotiations presided by the Cardinal Corsini in the Medicean Villa of Castello (where the then Daupin and Don Carlos had personally met in 1726 to determine areas of influence), involving the conflicting parties and Genoa, successfully concluded with the Second Treaty of Castello, which ended French occupation of the Maddalenas and definitively awarded the archipelago to the Crown of Sardinia, held by Carlos III, with the provision that Corsican shepherds retained grazing rights in the islands.

Woefully, the swift and decisive Medici mediation of the Maddalenas affair did not prevent a heated exchange from simultaneously occurring in sessions of the Consiglio Generale of the Italian League. There, in those august halls, the Venetian envoy, speaking in the Doge's name, went on an infamous tirade not only against the Tuscan court, but against His Most Serene Majesty the King himself. The annals of diplomacy have since immortalized the controversial statements made by the Venetian delegation; how they accused Cosimo IV Ferdinando of personally and willingly facilitating a French invasion of Italy; how they demanded him (a King!) to "bow his head" and issue a formal apology; and how they denounced the Most Serene King himself, for the lack of a more sophisticated expression, as a "crook". Those were unprecedented insults of the highest magnitude against a crowned and anointed head of Europe, and a severe blow to the kind of prestige diplomacy that Cardinal Corsini had been brilliantly employing to expand the writ of Tuscany over the continent since he had first become foreign minister in 1720, if left unanswered. Under normal circumstances, the attacks on the honor and the dignity of the Most Serene King would have certainly led to a declaration of war. Alas, Tunis was besieged by the Shanqit, and so calmer heads prevailed. Cosimo Ignazio Ridolfi, the Marquis of Montescudaio and Tuscan ambassador to Venice, was recalled to Florence in protest and awarded the rank of knight in the Order of Canossa. The Tuscan embassy in Venice was stripped of its rank and relegated to the status of a mere legation, while Cosimo IV withdrew his offer of mediation in Algeria. These were half-measures that encapsulated a lamentably weak response, though the Most Serene King would be avenged in due time, when the Venetians took matters into their own hands and overthrew Carlo Ruzzini and his radical group of reformists, shortly after Ruzzini himself had made a public apology for his earlier statements.


FRANCESCO LOREDAN
114th Doge of Venice

All in all, Cosimo IV de' Medici was understandably a sort of international celebrity when he disembarked in post-Ruzzinite Venice in 1742, second only to their Angevin Captain-General, who was on campaign abroad when the Most Serene King made his visit. The insults professed in the midst of the Consiglio Generale of the Italian League had catapulted the Medici monarch to the unenviable condition of a public and outspoken enemy of Carlo Ruzzini, whether he liked it or not. Of course, Ruzzini did not have a shortage of foreign enemies, chief of them his Genoese counterpart Gio Filippo Spinola, but Cosimo IV had the benefit of not being Genoese, and thus not being a natural rival of the Venetians. His controversial defamation in the halls of the Italian League had come to be regarded as one of the greatest blunders of Venetian diplomacy under the Ruzzini regime (though the Congress of Adrianople would later take the prize). Predictably, the popularity of the young Medici had inevitably risen in the political and intellectual circles that opposed former Doge, as the slanderous treatment he had received at the hands of Ruzzini had become a symbol of the latter's perceived inadequacy for the role he occupied as leader of the Venetian Republic. Francesco Loredan, the local nobleman and magnate who had been elected the 114th Doge of Venice to succeed the deposed and exiled Ruzzini, was only too well aware of that fact. The prompt visit of a crowned head could be invaluable in adding to the legitimacy of the new regime, which had, in the end, been installed by violent means. That the crowned head who would be visiting was Cosimo de' Medici, the public enemy number one of Carlo Ruzzini, was of the greatest convenience to the consolidation of the new regime in post-Ruzzini Venice. The previous Doge had infamously humiliated the well-liked King of Tuscany. The new Doge would honor him. Thus, both he and the marchese Ridolfi, recently returned from Florence, were there to greet the monarch as he disembarked from his golden barge before the columns of San Marco and San Todaro.

Of course, the Most Serene King had his own reasons for adding Venice to his tour of Italy. First of all, there was the obvious and rather self-indulgent satisfaction in seeing Carlo Ruzzini and his cabal of agitators and Turk-lovers undone. Cosimo was not a naturally vengeful man, but he would be lying if he claimed he did not resent the humiliation the former Doge had put him through in a moment of weakness. Secondly, the King was curious to see Venice for himself, for the very first time. The reputation of the city, though damaged by Ruzzini's extreme frugality and moralism, still preceded it. Venice still was a cultural center known for a vibrant civic life that Cosimo was eager to experience himself, though in more moderation when compared to others. Thirdly, though perhaps most importantly, the visit was intended to show the Venetians that they could find a friend in Cosimo de' Medici. The truth was that there had been great discomfort in the Tuscan court in the aftermath of Ruzzini's overthrow. Philip of Anjou had consistently been a destabilizing agent in Italy and Christian Europe at large, though he was not necessarily an enemy of the Medici, as his contributions to the War of Bavarian Succession proved. Still, his rapid and decisive advance over Venice had caught most of the courts of Europe off-guard, and his elevation to the station of Captain-General and royal rank was troubling. The balance of power in Italy had to be maintained. If the Duke of Parma sought to force himself as a tyrant on the Venetian people, Cosimo IV and his Cardinal Corsini wished them to know that they had a reliable friend to call upon in Florence to guarantee their freedom and independence. Such was never stated during or after the visit, though the implication was clear for the astute observer.

To his credit, politics was not in the mind of the Most Serene King during his visit. Cosimo found Venice to be very agreeable. The City of Canals was vibrant and teeming with life, after having endured many years under the disciplinarian moralism of the Ruzzinite reformists and, lately, the duress of war, which had directly impacted their government's capacity to continuously fund public life. "The marchese Capponi is reminded of the free spirit that overtook Florence when my late father ascended the throne," the Most Serene King wrote home, after a conversation with his aged Councilor of State, the Marquis of Magliano. Scipione Maria Capponi had been a young man when Ferdinando III de' Medici had succeeded his father as Grand Duke in 1708. The new monarch had been radically opposed to the extreme religious and disciplinarian moralism enforced top down by his late father, Cosimo III, and had done away with his inquisitors and his Office of Public Decency. Ferdinando III had ushered in L'Apertura ("the Opening"), the first and perhaps most important of the Fernandine reforms. L'Apertura was the zeitgeist of the new age, the movement which valued the sciences, the arts, pleasure, civic and court life, and above all the freedoms of mind, body and spirit, the fertile ground upon which the Tuscan Enlightenment would be built upon. Cosimo IV was one of the children of L'Apertura, though he had been far too young to witness it. He was thus exhilarated to be in Venice at that time, to experience a kind of Apertura that was not a second coming of the Fernandine Revolution (for none could accuse Carlo Ruzzini of having been a religious zealot, as Cosimo III), but which was close enough in spirit and in meaning to stoke the fires of his imagination.


The three weeks Cosimo IV Ferdinando and his large entourage spent in Venice were far from idle. At first, the Doge Francesco Loredan seemed eager to monopolize the King's time. Receptions and masquerade balls were offered in his honor in the Palazzo Ducale, during which Cosimo could not fail to notice the recent Rococo additions to the palace, their lavish extravagance contrasting starkly with the former regime's austerity. "It seems that this Francesco Loredan wishes to leave his personal mark on Venezia," he wrote to his friend and minister Pompeo Neri, "and that I seem to be a conduit through which he means to present his new regime." It was not a role that Cosimo was fundamentally opposed to, though he did find Loredan lacking in refinement in some instances. The burning of Carlo Ruzzini and his cronies in effigy in a grand festival held in the Piazza San Marco proved particularly distasteful to the humanist sensibilities of the Medici monarch, though he soldiered through it with a smile. By the end of the first week, Cosimo had become thoroughly unimpressed with the new Doge. "Signor Loredan lacks all interest in culture beyond frivolity; all interest in literature beyond superficiality; all interest in music beyond balls; all interest in government beyond his personal estate," he penned in a letter to his councilor and former teacher, the mathematician Luigi Guido Grandi. "He seems an empty shell, indecisive and uninspired in all matters of rule and patronage, whose sole notion of the public good relies on the common and shared hatred of Carlo Ruzzini among the Venetians." For a cultured and educated ruler as Cosimo de' Medici, Francesco Loredan, a philistine aristocrat, possessed only little appeal.

Luckily, Cosimo's official engagements with Loredan diminished once the novelty of his visit wore off. Unburdened thus, the King was able to move about Venice with more freedom, caught up in the carnivalesque culture of exuberance that dominated the local social circles in 1742. For a popular but introverted monarch, navigating Francesco Loredan's Venice could be a challenge. Indeed, that was especially the case when it was Cosimo's late father, Ferdinando III, who was perceived as the role model for the House of Medici among the inhabitants of the city. The Orpheus of Princes had been dead for over two decades, but his shadow haunted his only son with every step that he took in Venice. Ferdinando de' Medici had loved the city, and the Venetians had loved him back. He had been a frequent and assiduous guest in the Venetian carnivals of his time, and as Grand Prince he had come to regard Venice as more of a home to him than oppressive Tuscany. After he had succeeded his father, Ferdinando III had traded Venice for his decadent lifestyle in the Medicean villas of Poggio a Caiano and Pratolino, where opera and sex were equally queens and he was their prince and consort. Of course, the first Medici king still visited Venice, if less frequently than before, and even away, Venice was never far. Among his numerous mistresses and lovers, the Venetians were always favorites of his, chief of them the castrato Cecchino. Many of his Venetian favorites had returned to their home city rich and well endowed, perpetuating the legend of Ferdinando III's largess and decadence until well after his death.

The Venetians could therefore be forgiven for assuming that Ferdinando III's only son would live up to his father's reputation. Carlos III's very recent dalliances with Venetian singers could also not be ignored. However, they could not be further away from the truth. Cosimo IV had indeed inherited his father's taste for culture and music, but none of his brilliant skill with musical instruments, nor his uninhibited and lascivious personality. The Most Serene King had had mistresses before, such as Händel's muse the soprano Anna Maria Strada, whose grace and talent had enchanted Cosimo in his youth, but he had always handled his affairs with quiet discretion. Unfortunately for the King, discretion was not a word in the dictionary of Loredan's Venice. Taking into account the carnivalesque quintessence of the city, combined with the legendary Medici reputation for decadence, Cosimo would suffer several misadventures during his Venetian adventure. "The women here are some of the most promiscuous I have ever come across," he wrote, aghast, to his mentor Cardinal Bandini, whom he also maintained as his confessor. "They fling themselves at me, trying to lure me with their feminine wiles, leaving me always at a loss for words. I am not safe from corruption in the palaces any more than in the street, for it seems that every host, male or female, married or unmarried, is convinced that I seek the pleasures of the flesh rather than the pleasures of the mind. Pray for my soul, cardinal, so that I may resist these foul impulses."


VITTORIA TARQUINI
La Bombace in her prime

One of the most memorable of these episodes came in a reception offered by Vittoria Tarquini in her luxurious palazzo by the Rialto. In her youth, Tarquini had been a famous soprano singer known as La Bombace, considered one of the best, if not the greatest, tragic opera singers of her day. At age seventy-two, she was well past her physical prime, but her wealth remained unaltered, as did her patronage of the carnivalesque. After all, she had had quite a bombastic career in her time. It was her intimate personal history with the House of Medici and the opera school of Pratolino that made her invitation impossible to reject. She had first met Ferdinando de' Medici when she was eighteen, when the Grand Prince of Tuscany had come over to Venice to watch her performance as Giulia in the premiere of the opera Orazio in January 1688. The Medici heir was a frequent guest of Cardinal Vincenzo Grimani, who owned the theater where Tarquini performed. Already at that time, the music-loving prince became smitten by La Bombace, showering her with expensive gifts and even accompanying Tarquini himself at a private concert on harpsichord. The next year, however, Vittoria married Jean-Baptiste Farinelli, kapellmeister to Ernest Augustus of Hanover, and moved with him to the Elector's court. Her stay in Germany was short-lived, however, for she left her husband soon after becoming pregnant and returned to her homeland to give birth to a child. La Bombace continued singing, and she became reacquainted with the Grand Prince of Tuscany in the Carnivale of 1696. This time, Ferdinando did not let her slip from his fingers and took her with him back to Tuscany, much to his father's fury.

La Bombace had already been a prodigious singer in Venice and Hanover, but it was in the Medicean court that her career truly blossomed. She quickly became the muse of not only Prince Ferdinando, but also of his friend and court composer, Georg-Friedrich Händel. She sang in Händel's operas Rodrigo (Florence, 1707) and Agrippina (Venice, 1709), consolidating her position as the lead soprano and tragic singer in the Medici-sponsored School of Pratolino. Much to the consternation of his wife, Violante Beatrice of Bavaria, Ferdinando III kept La Bombace as his favorite mistress for many years, although later in life the King preferred the company of his castrati. Even so, with Violante away in Siena, preoccupied with the business of ruling, La Bombace became some sort of standard-setter in the Florentine court, shaping Fernandine fashion and even influencing literary circles. Among the Pratolini, La Bombace remained their leading muse, guaranteeing her place in the history of Italian opera despite her increasing age. It was said that she was very friendly with Cardinal Francesco Maria de' Medici (who would later become Pope Innocent XIII) in that time, and it is all but certain that her relationship with Händel developed beyond platonic affection and glorification into a more passionate and carnal, if brief, form of love, in spite of her station as Ferdinando III's chief mistress. By the time of Ferdinando's death, she was fifty years old and no longer sang. No longer thinking it convenient to remain in Tuscany in the imminence of Queen Violante's installation as regent, she made her goodbyes to Pratolino and retired to Venice, taking with her the immense wealth the late king had bestowed upon her in incomes, jewels and dresses.

Vittoria Tarquini had become a titan of the entertainment industry and a leading figure in the social circles of Venice by 1742. Despite Cosimo IV's personal disapproval of her relationship with his father, there was no refusing her invitation. La Bombace was a living embodiment of the Tuscan School of Pratolino, a retired singer like few others... and, Cosimo had to admit, he was curious to meet the legendary Bombace, as a music-loving prince himself. The evening started easily enough, with a customary reception followed by a masquerade ball. But as the evening went on, the festivities took a stranger turn. Amidst dishes of oysters and aspargus, exotic dancers from the East spinned and whirled to alluring tunes, masks were cast off and jugglers performed in the naked, and La Bombace raised a toast in honor of Ferdinando III de' Medici, King of Tuscany, the Orpheus of Princes. Nobody could quite tell when and how the reception devolved into an alcohol-fueled orgy, which their hostess spun as a homage to the late Ferdinando and a show of gratitude to his son's visit. "Words cannot define what I saw before me," Cosimo de' Medici wrote to Bandini, "and I could not decide whether la Bombace meant to mock me or honor me, though she seemed honest and genuine in this city succumbed to degeneracy, lunacy and sin. If this is what l'Apertura truly looked like, make sure to tell the censors to keep it off the books." The King, absolutely mortified and stunned to silence, immediately took his leave and never looked back.


After the incident in Madam Tarquini's villa, later extensively described as an eye witness account by Giacomo Casanova in his Histoire de ma vie, the Venetian high society seemed to take the cue that they were not dealing with an ordinary Medici, even though he was the son of Ferdinando III. Cosimo, for his part, decided to refrain from partaking in night-time receptions in the future, instead settling down in the splendid Rococo apartments the Doge Loredan had made available for his use in the Piazza San Marco. Cosimo would instead keep himself busy with frequent visits to the local opera houses and literary academies, which offered a more sophisticated and cultured type of entertainment that the Most Serene King plainly enjoyed more than the carnivalesque. Interestingly, it was there that Cosimo amassed his larger followings. The intellectual circles of Venice had seen many struggles and changes over the years, with the conflict between the radical reformist party of the Ruzzinist intellectual elite, on the one hand, and the fierce conservative opposition, on the other. The moderates, who were neither convinced by Ruzzini's ambitious platform, nor denied the necessity for change, had been left sidelined and neglected over the years. Ruzzini had been very careful with his expenditures, while Loredan had never been a great patron (or reformist) himself, both before and after he had become Doge. The visit of the enlightened monarch of Tuscany presented opportunities of employment for the Venetian moderates, and Cosimo was quick to harvest talent when he spotted it (as London would later find out). It was in this way that the King made the acquaintance of Gian Rinaldo Carli, a young and promising economist who was also an antiquarian like himself. It did not take long for Cosimo to take the young Istrian under his wing; Carli would join his entourage, see the world and complete his studies in Pisa, before receiving a commission in the Tuscan government.

Of course, King Cosimo's participation in intellectual circles did not take long to attract the attention of those who wished to make money at his expense. Ruzzinite Venice had enjoyed intimate relations with the Sublime Porte, which often used the gift of ancient artifacts to strengthen the bonds with the Ruzzinite elites. The Ruzzinites had been exiled with their leader, however, and the new Venetian regime had confiscated much of their property. Now, their ancient artifacts now often found themselves being auctioned off to the highest bidder. Whether legally or illegally, it did not matter to Cosimo; he was a passionate antiquarian, with a burning desire for Eastern artifacts, which had been kept out of his reach due to the hostility between the Porte and the Tuscan court. Whether in splendid auction halls by the Grand Canal or in the Venetian underworld, Medici representatives worked hard to gobble up as many genuine artifacts as they could, to add to their King's growing collection in Florence.

Naturally, charlatans also emerged from the shadows to try and make quick cash. At a reception offered by the Venetian senator Alvise Malipiero (where Cosimo, despite his known preferences, had to flee from the seduction attempts by the soprano Teresa Imer, who desired to become the new Bombace), the Most Serene King once again came across the senator's ward, the young Giacomo Casanova. Cosimo did not remember Casanova from La Bombace's party, but Casanova remembered him, and how the King of Tuscany had seemed befuddled and simple when the temperature in the room had risen. Knowing of Cosimo's interest in antiques, and trusting in his own skills as a salesman, Casanova was confident he could squeeze golden florins from the Tuscan King's pockets. Arms interlocked with the actress Teresa Imer, who purred seductively at the King while her partner in crime made his pitch, Casanova presented a beautiful and convincing winged horse from the Peloponnese, trusting in the King's known affinity for pegasuses and his discomfort at Imer's advances to make a quick and favorable deal. Alas, the pegasus was a forgery. A very convincing forgery, for Casanova was not an amateur, one that other crowned heads in Europe might have readily accepted. But Casanova had underestimated Cosimo de' Medici. Easily blocking out Teresa Imer's temptation when faced by an object of true desire, the expert antiquarian king swiftly ruled the pegasus to be a forgery. That could have been the end of Giacomo Casanova there and then. Being caught red-handed swindling the King of Tuscany could not be beneficial to anyone's career. Then again, Casanova was a charmer, and Cosimo was in a forgiving mood. He had, for all his life, been sheltered, spoiled and treated as a sublime entity in his court. Having a random foreigner trying to cheat him to his face was a nice change of pace, which earned Casanova a breathtaking laugh from the Most Serene King. Appreciating the sheer courage and confidence of the charlatan, Cosimo handed the pegasus back to him, and invited him and Teresa Imer to join his entourage to Vienna. Thus began the infamous adventures of Giacomo Casanova.

By the time he was ready to move on and continue his tour, Cosimo de' Medici still was not quite sure what to make of Venice. He had not taken to the city as he had imagined. The freedoms and the culture of exuberance he had experienced in Venice had been inspiring and liberating, but the carnivalesque debauchery that had followed him to every corner had been a frightening prospect. The Doge, Francesco Loredan, had failed to impress him whatsoever. "At least Ruzzini was a man of conviction, whereas Loredan lacks every conviction," he wrote to Pompeo Neri. But, all in all, the Most Serene King had enjoyed his time in Venice, and he would depart the city with good memories of Venetian opera, academies and their grand sights. Cosimo, of course, would leave parting gifts to the Most Serene Republic. For one, he made a generous donation to the monastery of San Giorgio Maggiore, which had been the home of Cosimo the Elder in the fifteenth century. Pater Patriae had endowed the monastery with a library, which had since burned down. Cosimo IV would donate to the monastery to establish a new library, and promised to also open an printshop of the Royal Press in the city. But his most generous gift was beyond a doubt the announcement that he would fund the construction of the Teatro Cosmico, an opera house under Medici patronage to partake in the vibrant cultural life of La Serenissima. With new followers as diverse as Gian Rinaldo Carli and Giacomo Casanova in tow, Cosimo IV left the city of Venice. He would first make his way to Padova, to worship at the Basilica of St. Anthony, before continuing to the ancient city of Verona, where Don Carlos awaited.

 

In this Seventh Year of Exaltati Geminos,

Let it be known unto the noble subjects dwelling within the illustrious Duchy of Bavaria, a cherished possession under the benevolent reign of Emperor Henry VIII, scion of imperial splendor and guardian of sovereign authority, that a proclamation of unparalleled benevolence and magnanimity, known henceforth as the "Decretum Aureum Bavariae," is hereby decreed.

In the resplendent spirit that characterizes our harmonious Empire, it is ordained that a General Tax Holiday shall be granted forthwith to the dutiful denizens of Bavaria. Henceforth, a period of fiscal respite is bestowed upon the populace, wherein the burdensome yoke of taxation is lifted, and the coffers of the realm open their benevolent embrace.

Furthermore, in an act of unprecedented munificence, a Tax Reduction of substantial measure is extended to the loyal subjects of Bavaria. The onerous levies that once beset the coffers of the diligent shall be alleviated, fostering prosperity and jubilation throughout the Duchy.
To augment this gesture of imperial generosity, it is further declared that the vexatious tolls and duties of customs shall witness a complete Removal Reduction within the borders of Bavaria. The barriers to trade and commerce are dismantled, paving the way for an era of economic flourishing and unbridled prosperity within the cherished lands of the Duchy.

By this Imperial Decree, let it resonate through the halls of Bavaria and beyond, that the sovereign grace of Emperor Henry VIII extends in benevolence, securing the prosperity and well-being of his devoted subjects in this Exalted Era of the Magnificent Twins. May this proclamation, the "Decretum Aureum Bavariae," be received with joyous hearts and celebrated as a testament to the magnanimity of our imperial sovereign.

@Cloud Strife
 
Carolus Magnus, Part II:
Father, Forgive Me/Papa Don't Preach


The King of Spain was, by ancient right and Papal bull, the Most Catholic of Kings (Rex Catholicissimus). The Holy Mother Church had rewarded generations of loyal service by granting the Most Catholic Kings privileges, at home and across the sea. Chief of these were the patronato real, royal patronage over the Church in Spain and the Spanish colonial empire, and the annexation to the Crown of the Orders of Santiago, Calatrava and Alcántara to the Crown, whereby the King became hereditary Grand Master of those ancient and most prestigious knightly orders.

Similar prerogatives were held - or at least claimed - in the easternmost of Don Carlos' European holdings. By conquest (though he'd never admit it!), Don Carlos had become King of Hungary (officialized in the Familienpakt of 1731). He felt justified in this move as the senior heir male of Anne of Bohemia and Hungary, and through her, of the Jagiellons (from whence also a claim to Poland and Lithuania). More immedately, Emperor Heinrich's attempted break with Hapsburg family pacts, preferring his daughter over the agnate heir (Carlos), had also forced him to make good his claims to the majorat (in Spanish: mayorzago, in Italian: diritto di maggiorasco).

Carlos' rationalizations and justifications aside, he had followed in this coup the example of his beloved foster-father, the Archduke Karl, who became King of Hungary back in 1723 by riding out the crest of the Hungarian Revolt. (Curiously enough, Karl had at that time recognized his brother the Emperor as his suzerain, with unspecified consequences for Hungary's HRE status). Karl had usurped his brother the Emperor Otto V, who had formerly ruled Hungary as King Joseph, even as Carlos displaced Otto's son Heinrich eight years later.



The Holy Crown of Hungary (Sacra Corona)

The King of Hungary was known as the Apostolic King or Majesty (Rex Apostolicus). This singular honour was based upon seven hundred years of combined fact and fiction. The legal justification went that King Saint Stephen of Hungary had founded the Kingdom and Church of Hungary. He had been hailed by Rome as a veritable Apostle, receiving the honour of having an Apostolic cross carried before him and all-encompassing (apostolic) authority to manage the church in his domains. The customary justification supplemented St. Stephen's exceptional privileges with the general practice and preference of his successors, who naturally tended to insist on such prerogatives. The Kings were supported in this by the Hungarian nobility and clergy, who benefited from the state-church system. By the time of the Hapsburgs, the situation was further complicated by the rapid spread of Protestantism in Hungary and Hungary's unique standing as the last bulwark of Christendom against the Turks. Thus, the Papacy varied between turning a blind eye or even supporting the status quo, the state-church system serving to strength the embattled monarchy and episcopate against both internal and external challenges not seen in other monarchies. When Leopold I took back Hungary and established supreme royal authority over ecclesiastical jurisdiction and administration, the title came into definitive use.

Catholic and Apostolic Majesty perhaps paled in comparison - or flanked very nicely - the sacral role of Christian leadership enjoyed by that Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor. Of course, Don Carlos' generation saw the Holy Roman Empire crumbling into absolute shambles. Carlos suffered the added angst of having to share the sanctum imperium with his less-than-holy cousin Heinrich - consoling himself, as always, with a happy precedent from the past (Don Carlos finding peace of mind in the fact his namesake Charlemagne had had to coexist alongside Irene, Nikephoros and Michael away in Constantinople).

Nevertheless, through many ups and downs, the Holy Roman Emperors had always purported to a role of secular and spiritual leadership in the Christian world. One God, one Church, one Faith, one Emperor. One title encapsulated this role best of all: Defensor Ecclesiae, Defender of the Church. In the 5th century, the Popes had created defensores who could advocate for churches in secular courts. The title had acquired an all new meaning under Charlemagne, however, and from then on the Emperor acquired a special mandate as the Holy See's advocate and champion ("advocatus ac specialis defensor Romanae ecclesiae") and the soldier of Christ (miles Christi). The exact meaning of this "honour" was often hostage to outside pressures. As champion, did the Emperor lead or obey? As championed, should the Pope be grateful (as Pope Leo, who bowed to Charlemagne) or imperious?

There was no clear answer and realpolitik generally dictated the de facto situation on the ground. Don Carlos, of course, fancied he knew the answers to such questions, and found it impossible to conceive of himself as anything but God's chosen champion, viceroy and agent in all he did. Even as he defended and promoted the interests of the Roman Catholic faith, so too Don Carlos considered it the duty of the Roman Catholic faith to defend and promte his interests (interchangeable, in his understanding, with the faith's own).


The Basilica at Mariazell

In 1742 the Imperial, Apostolic and Catholic Majesty and his large retinue descended like vultures upon the traditional Hapsburg pilgrimage destination at Mariazell. The object of veneration there was an image of the Virgin Mary, carved in lime-tree wood and said to work miracles. The image had been brought there in 1157 and over the centuries was enshrined in increasing luxury. The basilica Don Carlos found had been built in 1644, incorporating and expanding a smaller church built in 1363 after King Louis I of Hungary defeated the Turks. It was one of the most important shrines in central Europe and within the Erblande (Hereditary lands of the House of Austria).

There Don Carlos and his sons lead their court and retinue in open shows of penitence for their sins and generous sponsorship of the shrine and its clergy. Perhaps mindful of the potentially monumental changes afoot in his own and his sons' lives, Don Carlos wanted God on his side: if not God, at least his church. It was standard for the Hapsburgs to believe that meaningful political advantages would result so long as they dealt with God correctly and so coaxed His almighty hand to work in their favour.

The subsequent charity program conducted by Don Carlos during his Austro-Hungarian stay was at least in part derived from vows made at Mariazell. While Don Carlos had clearly come to Austria and Hungary already bent on making his mark on his ancestral homeland, he ultimately sought more than to etch his name and reputation into the hearts and minds of the common rabble. The distinctly religious nature of many of his endeavours during his stay seemingly betrayed a genuine interest in Roman Catholicism piety and the salvation of the wayward and lost, beyond considerations of purely aesthetic and propaganda in nature.

(Among Don Carlos' projects during this period were the establishment of institutions in Vienna and Buda to help prostitutes desirous of giving up their profession and to protect endangered girls, particularly orphans, from exploitation. Asylums for older prostitutes were established in the capitals and per court documents of the period it was clearly his intention that these serve as models for similar institutions in the lesser cities and towns of Austria-Hungary. These efforts largely mirrored efforts some decades previous by Leonor de Moura, during her brief tenure as Vicerreine of Sicily in 1677. Her nephew Francisco Pio de Saboya y Moura was one of Carlos' grandees and generals, and the most likely connection between Carlos and the precedent he clearly sought to imitate and improve upon).


Cardinal Sigismund von Kollonitz, Archbishop of Vienna
The Emperor's spiritual guide during his stay was none other than Sigismund von Kollonitz (also Kollonitsch, Kollonic, Kollonics, or Collonicz). Sixty-five years old, Kollonitz had been Bishop of Vienna for the last twenty-six (since 1716). His uncle had been one of the bastions of the Counter-Reformation in Hungary; the connection with the Hapsburgs and their political-religious agenda went way back. The Crown-Cardinals Giulio Alberoni (he who Don Carlos had controversially named Reichsvizekanzler in 1738) and Troiano Acquaviva d'Aragona feigned jealously of the man's sudden influence with D. Carlos, but were no doubt savvy enough to know it was most likely fleeting and at least partially performative. These men had come from Rome with the latest word from the Holy See, where they and other crown-cardinals stood protector of different Hapsburg realms and defended Hapsburg interests with the walls and corredors of Saint Peter's.

They brought with them two boons Carlos appreciated greatly: the promotion of Vienna from a diocese to an archdiocese in its own right, and Kollonitz's corresponding elevation to the Cardinalate. The Imperial, Catholic and Apostolic Majesty was grateful - and for a moment allowed himself to bask in the love of the Holy Father and Holy Mother Church, whose Defender and leal son he was. Carlos, as always, reacted warmly to positive reinforcement and tangible signs of affection and appreciation, and had perhaps been lead to believe the expressions of care and regard Rome traditionally showered upon their stalwart swords and shields, the House of Austria.

His ascension in infancy was perhaps another factor, as Popes frequently purported to a role of paternal care and guidance over Roman Catholic child monarchs and Carlos had no doubt grown up hearing how much the Pope loved and cared for him especially.

In 1742, Carlos was primarily looking to make nice with the Austro-Hungarian elites and not rock the boat. He was also intently portraying himself as a native son come home. He therefore offered the elites - the military junta and the nobility of the Erblande in general - the kind of love he liked to receive. Kollonitz was well versed in the Pietas Austriaca and had lived to see the rise and fall (in Vienna) of Heinrich's Orientalist-leaning Byzantinism. Carlos hoped to find in him a friendly embrace, a senior clergyman whose gravitas would bolster and reflect well on his own.

It certainly seems to have been at Kollonitz's instruction that Don Carlos took up the veneration previously shown by his family (particularly the Austrian branch) to a handful of Jesuit saints: St. Ignatius of Loyola, St. Francis Xavier, St. Aloysius Gonzaga, St. Stanislaus Kostka and Peter Canisius, a champion of the Counter-Reformation whose formal canonization had already been requested by the Hapsburgs back in 1625 but remained to be granted by Rome.

These figures were not entirely unknown to Carlos, obviously: Ignatius and Francis Xavier were Spaniards, and one of the Prince of Asturias' baptismal names was Inácio (Ignatius). His own forefathers, Felipe III and Felipe IV, had been instrumental in securing the canonization and spreading the veneration of such men. The joint effort of the Spanish Crown and Society of Jesus to make a Catholic Kingdom out of Morocco (c.1721-c.1741) meant there had been no lack of royal patronage for Jesuit saints in that land, with lasting evidence to be found all across the Rif and those coastal forts yet maintained by the Spanish. The deaths of Dowager Queen Mariana (1696) and Don Carlos II (1702) had broken the family line somewhat, however: there was perhaps a lingering hint of her Protestant upbringing in Dowager Queen Maria Luisa's relative timidty when it came to venerating the pantheon of saints long favoured by the House of Austria. Don Carlos had perhaps inherited, subconsciously and unbeknownst to him, some of his mother's reluctance in this regard, a quirk at odds with the traditionally intense levels of Hapsburg religious devotion.

Something would change in 1742, therefore: either thanks to a new political strategy, Kollonitz's influence or the ecstatic spiritual experience Carlos would thereafter claim to have experienced at Stanislaus-Kapelle (the chapel built around Stanislaus Kostka's old room), or some mixture of the three, Don Carlos would become far more intentional and explicit in his veneration of key saints and promotion/restoration of his family's passion for them.

Don Carlos took old Kollonitz as his spiritual director and confessor while in Vienna. At Kollonitz's urging, Carlos undertook a most solemn, procession-like tour of each church within that city, of which there were many; sent renewed petitions to Rome in favour of Canisius' immediate canonization; and even went so far as to remonstrate with the Jesuits to surround his wayward son Monza (il libertino, il moro, il flagello) with the most capable spiritual directors that august society had to offer.


Hofburgkapelle (Imperial Court Chapel)


Don Carlos wanted to pray and do good. He saw himself as the soldier of Christ, the defender of God's Church and the annointed King chosen by God to lead the present generation in matters both spiritual and secular. As Imperial, Catholic and Apostolic Majesty, he was the pastor; humanity everywhere his flock. He wanted to ensure God was, and remained, on side, and so too the Holy Mother Church, sword and shield of God that he was against heretics, schismatics and heathens all.

He had not become an entirely new person, however. Music and novel forms of entertainment remained one of the easiest ways to his heart. The Emperor was at times easily distracted and bored: courtiers were indirectly expected to fall over themselves ensuring the energetic monarch had enough avenues to expend his energy. Vienna was said to ease his scowl. There may have been some affectation herein - an observer-ready tailoring of Imperial moods to convey an ease and felicity at being "back home", as if to underscore further Carlos' ancestral ties to the Erblande. But whatever the reason, Vienna found Carlos in a good mood, and his family and court were only glad to follow his lead and have some fun.

One of the jewels of the Viennese court was the Wiener Hofmusikkapelle, a group of musicians who had served at the court chapel since the days of Emperor Maximilian. The Obersthofmeister arranged it so these talented musicians - their stock lately replenished with the best new recruits which could be found and honed in fairly short nice - performed frequently for the Emperor, in private and public. The many feast days traditionally observed at the Vienna court provided the Kappelmeister the perfect opportunity to enrapture the Emperor. Kollonitz had given Don Carlos more saints to promote and venerate. Rothenfels, the court steward, gave him a choir of living, breathing cherubins to laud and enjoy. The comparison was an unjust one, especially once the Hofmesiter had introduced the Emperor to the largely unknown work of one abbé Vivaldi: another quasi-ecstatic religious experience all its own.

Suggestions the group's repertoire be restricted to church music were rejected out of hand by Carlos, a welcome sign to his grandees and retainers he was not sinking into the fastidious, austere piety observed by some of his predecessors. As they would find out, these days of pilgrimage, penitence and easy entertainment were not the whole of D. Carlos' stay in Austria and Hungary - there yet remained many a matter of state to tend to, laws to be revised, a future to draw. For now, Don Carlos wanted to pray and listen to good music.


Introducing Kollonitz as a new Cardinal and first Archbishop of Vienna. Sign of Papal favour.
As Emperor, Most Catholic and Most Apostolic Majesty, D. Carlos considers himself the #1 Catholic prince of his generation, an apostle in his own right.
Post-Mariazell, Don Carlos adopts more features of 'Pietas Austriaca' for himself, esp. veneration of Jesuit saints.
Don Carlos discovers Vivaldi's music and likes it.
 
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Carolus Magnus, Part III:
The Innsbrucken Decree


By the Innsbruck Decree, Don Carlos formally renounced the crown of Germany in favour of his cousin, the Holy Roman Emperor Heinrich VII. This he did on his behalf and that of his heirs in favour of Heinrich and his heirs. The move signalled, blatantly and intentionally, a step away from German politics and any constitutional or official obligation to deal with the north German princes, their heresies, madnesses and other shenanigans. A vestigial personal interest naturally remained, Don Carlos still standing the steadfast ally of his beloved uncle Christian, duke of Zweibrucken (whom Carlos wished to see become the new Palatine Elector) and King Augustus, in his capacity as Prince-Elector of Saxony (whom Carlos wished to see usurp Prussian command of the North German Federation).

Neither of these points was, of course, noted in the document.

The decree did note the promotion of the Prince of Asturias as King of the Romans (Rex Romanorum) in his capacity as heir of the Holy Roman Empire of the Latin Nation (Sacrum Imperium Romanum Nationis Latinorum) and new nominal head of the Latin Aulic Council (Concilium Aulicium Latinorum), a new entity distinct from Heinrich's Reichshofrat in Nuremberg (as far as Carlos and his court documents were now concerned, the German Aulic Council) and the Aulic Council of/in Austria (Concilium Aulicium Austriae) headed by Carlos' second son and composed of Prince Eugene's military junta.

An interesting administrative innovation foreseen in the document was the provision for Imperial business in Italy to be conducted in both Latin and the Italian language, a move likely inspired by Don Carlos' long-time contact with intellectuals from the Florentine Academia della Crusca and their dictionary, the Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca (first published in 1612). Though largely intended for administrative expediency and ease of use, Don Carlos was not blind to the potentially wide-ranging results of such a move.

The Decree also foresaw that the aforementioned Imperial business would be conducted in Don Carlos' name alone, without mention of Heinrich and his heirs. No doubt Carlos readily foresaw Heinrich was not about to be conducting German business in his name too and simultaneously sought to affirm his exclusivity as King of Italy.

Care was taken to note no injury was meant to his brother-Emperor or the latter's Imperial dignity.

The decree ended affirming the love of the Emperor for his brother-Emperor, the Holy Mother Church and Papacy, and was signed Carolus Augustus.
 
Carolus Magnus, Part IV:
The Hofburg Military Academy


The Hofburg Military Academy was legally founded by an Imperial diploma in 1741 as the Academia Militaris Carolinum or Karlische Militärakademie. It was given the particular distinction of being based within the Hofburg palace complex in central Vienna. There recruits would be honed and shaped under the watchful gaze of the military junta and enjoy use of the Spanische Hofreitschule (Spanish Riding School) and a new specially built facility dubbed the Winterreitschule (Winter Riding School).

An auxiliary base was granted to them in the form of Burg Wiener Neustadt, some 50 km south of Vienna. There recruits could suffer those training exercises central Vienna did not readily accomodate, and the school's administration take up as much space as it need. The two day trek from the Hofburg to Wiener Neustadt was but one of the challenges recruits would face.


Burg Wiener Neustadt

The school was structured to receive 200 students yearly: 100 noble youths from among the Hochadel (upper nobility), Uradel (ancient nobility) and Briefadel (patent nobility) and 100 commoners, including the sons of knights and burghers. Having been received at the Hofburg, new recruits would be honed (read: hammered) into worthiness at Wiener Neustadt, away from the eyes of the court. They would then move up and return to the Hofburg in their second or third year, depending on performance. Most were expected to graduate and seamlessly transition into their first official roles in service of the Crown, chiefly as army men.

The curriculum, teachers and headmasters were chosen by Prince Eugene of Savoy-Carignano with input from the Emperor and Jesuits. Don Carlos was not untowardly interested in the minutia of it all, and was glad for Eugene to flex his haggard old muscles. Nevertheless, the Emperor naturally reserved discretionary powers of supervision and veto for himself as sovereign and founder.

He also made some additions of his own - and not just to the Hofburg's stables, who benefitted from an influx of fresh Andalusian stallions.

Among the dispositions carefully interwoven into the institution's daily life were the observation of the Burgundian court etiquette (Spanish court ceremonial) long used by the Hapsburgs and traditional Austrian religious observance (the famed pietas Austriaca). The lucky commoners ushered into such hallowed company were thus prepared for a lifetime's service in the higher ranks of the military and beyond it, in any variety of possible government careers, all of which required the social graces of court life - and the well-bred contacts they would now enjoy at such close proximity.

Don Carlos included in the curriculum the study of the Spanish and Hungarian languages, and subject to special exemption admitted the possibility of enrollment for young heretics from lands sworn to him. This was essentially a calibrated nod to the Hungarian Protestants and Transylvania, Protestantism being non-existent in the greater bulk of the Spanish Empire of the 1740s and the north Germans not being thought likely to enroll in any great number, if at all.

Naturally, no chaplain or religious infrascture would be provided for heretic recruits, it being the univeral hope some good Catholic company would see the young heretics realise the error of their parent's ways and gladly convert before graduation.


Equine portrait of D. Carlos III of Spain, otherwise Holy Roman Emperor Karl VII

Don Carlos arrogated to himself the singular distinction of being the Hofburg Military Academy's very first student and headmaster. The imperial diploma was read inaugurating the school and inducting as its very first student the firstborn son of Austria - Karl von Osterreich himself.

In a scripted ceremony of military pageantry, the Holy Roman Emperor carefully demonstrated his military prowess and skill as a shooter, fencer and horseman before the gathered court.

Atop a brilliant white stallion of the Lippizaner breed so closely associated with both Spain and the Hofburg, Don Carlos donned a hussar's attire and performed with precision every movement known to the haute école of classical dressage - a series of highly controlled, stylized jumps and other movements known as the "airs above the ground".

This done to satisfaction, the Holy Roman Empress Henrietta Maria of Modena (in Italian, Enrichetta; in Spanish, Enriqueta) presented her husband with a celebratory gold medal and a hearty round of applause. Her ladies and other courtiers accompanied her. Cardinal Giulio Alberoni proudly proclaimed there was nothing more that could be taught to his Imperial and Apolostic Majesty, bringing things to a close as he briefly extolled the virtues of he upon whose empire the sun never set, the soldier of Christ whose legions had so bravely won kingdoms for Christendom and who stood now Defensor Ecclesiae and stalwart shield against the Grand Turk.


Lieutenant-General Leopold Joseph Maria, Reichsgraf von und zu Daun,
2nd Commander of the Hofburg Military Academy

The pageantry and ceremony over, Don Carlos formally assumed his rightful place as the academy's first commander or headmaster and received the first class of recruits. First and foremost of which were his three sons Asturias, Segovia and Monza, and his alleged cousin, Karl von Koháry. They were joined by well-bred notables such as Prince Louis Frederick Augustus of Saxe-Poland-Lithuania, Prince Charles Sebastian of Bourbon-Parma, Reichsfurst Karl Johann Nepomuk von Liechtenstein and his cousins, the brothers Johann Josef and Ernst Guido von Harrach (these three of Austrian nobility), Don Michele de' Medici, Prince of Ottaiano (of the Neapolitan Medici), Don Pedro FitzStuart (younger son of Berwick Junior) and Don Gisberto Pio di Saboya y Spínola, Duke of Nocera (second-generation Spaniards, born to esteemed fathers), and even Charles Edward Stuart of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel (specially invited for the occassion on account of his Este blood and old family connection, "Bonnie Prince Charlie" would not stay long enough to graduate, his Deist beliefs causing upset with the Jesuits).

Once the name of all the recruits had been read out, Don Carlos announced Count Daun as his successor (effective immediately) as commander of the academy, ordering him: Mach er mir tüchtige Officier und rechtschaffene Männer daraus! ("Make me hard working officers and honest men!").


The Emperor's sons, enrolled at the Hofburg Military Academy, c. 1742

The Emperor wished to underscore the prestige of the Carolinum from the get-go. He did this chief of all by enrolling himself and his sons, highlighting the institution's particularly proximate relation to the Imperial dignity from the very start. While Don Carlos' one-day enrollment might be reported as a thing of humour or surge of characteristically royal pride, it did emphasise the Emperor's intention and understanding that the institution was not beneath his elevated rank.

Unlike him, his sons and royal in-laws from Poland and Parma were well and truly enrolled and signed up for rigorous training. Besides Spanish and Hungarian language, they were to learn both command and fighting itself: training including practice as dragoons (mounted infantry), hussars (light cavalry), cuirassiers (heavy cavalry), grenzer (light infantry) and in the regiments which had so universally replaced the tercios.

Expediency would sometimes see these Princes fast-tracked towards graduation: some, such as Don Felipe Fernando, Duke of Segovia, and Carlo Sebastiano of Parma, had even seen real warfare first hand; others, such as the Prince of Asturias Don Carlos Félix, had already studied elsewhere. Nevertheless, all of them were real students expected to study and obey their masters for the duration of their enrollment.

Uniform-wise, Don Carlos would prohibit the use of wigs so favoured in other courts throughout Europe and insist on simplicity and practicality. He wanted his officers efficient, not dying in the heat or unable to move properly. Simplicity, of course, was not code for poverty or untoward, and recruits were expected to be sharply dressed at all times. It was of course Don Carlos' intention that their attire itself should become an object of desire, a mark of status at court and abroad.

All official insignia had emblazoned upon it the House of Austria's ancestral motto A.E.I.O.U. In most cases, this emblem was displayed surrounded by a gold ribbon displaying the institution's new motto: Treu bis in den Tod ("Loyal until death"). Thus Imperial patronage was present in everything from the flag and standards down to uniform badges, instruments, officer rings, and medals given as reward for performance.



The Academy was not the first of its kind and thus was able to draw upon multiple precedents. The years 1700-1740 had seen the laws and art of warfare being taken more seriously than ever before in Europe. Royal and state investment had accordingly seen military and naval academies sprout up all over. Notable mention among these Kriegsschulen (schools of war) was certainly merited by the Royal Military and Mathematics Academy of the Netherlands at Brussels (1675, also called the Royal Military Academy of Flanders or Brussels), the Imperial War College of the Wettins (1703), the Spanish Military Academy (1710), the French Academy of Military Art (1721), the Jacob Bruce Military Academy in St. Petersburg (1724), the Spanish Naval Academy at El Ferrol (1725), the Florentine Military Academy (1727) and the Danube Military Academy in Belgrade (1740).

Austria had not boasted a single war academy on par with these and then the Carolinum. It had, however, boasted lesser institutions over the years. After some deliberation, Don Carlos was convinced to issue an Imperial diploma gathering up these kriegsschulen and re-founding the Kaiserliche und Königliche Technische Militärakademie (Imperial and Royal Technical Military Academy). This institution would supplement the officer-minded Carolinum, serving as a school for military engineers, architects, cartopgraphers and mathematicians without regard to birth, court protocol and religious observance.

This institution and two others - a home for military invalids and the rebranded Kriegsarchiv (War Archive, formerly the "Hofkriegskanzleiarchiv" or "Hofkriegsraethlichen Chancellery Archive"), tasked with collecting, indexing and organizing personnel records and the records of all Austrian military operations and institutions, including the two academies - were placed under Commander Daun's unified jurisdiction. Commander Daun in turn sat on and reported to the Aulic Council, but served at the pleasure of the Emperor or, in his absence, the Archduke-Viceroy. This structure was intended to pave the way for a consolidated, professional military apparatus covering everything from officer training, after-care for military invalids and historiographical research of past conflicts. For Don Carlos, it was both a gift to and official recognition of the military junta's importance to Austria-Hungary.



Hussar uniform with military pelisse over the shoulder

The Carolinum is modelled on the Theresian Military Academy founded by Maria Theresa.
Spanish Riding School and Winter Riding School are OTL.
The base at Burg Wiener Nieustadt is OTL, but considering the junta, I think a fixed presence in the Hofburg makes sense.
Let have Carlos have his Prussian/Russian military cosplay moment.
Polish, Parma and NGF cameos included by permission.
Engineering Academy and War Archive are OTL.
I know very little about war hence minimal detail on the actual training, but trust me, it's good!
 
Taming a Beast

Britain was growing, and not just overseas. It was clear by the ever-increasing population of the isles. The stagnation of political circles, the empowerment of the rural estates by the present regime that had refused electoral reforms. It had effectively, at least for the present, managed to prevent a changing of the seats of Parliament to shift over to the various cities that had sprung up across Britain in a manner that had never been seen before. The most prominent of which, as a given, was the city of London. Not that it was a new city, or one that had suddenly sprung up. It's expansion was rather an expected outcome of the general expansion of population which had occurred within the Isles.

Yet it was fueled by more than mere growth, it was fueled by having become the true capital of the growing empire. The expansions in India and the Americas, the centralization of wealth as the entry-port, not to mention financial center following the migration of many former Dutch bankers during the financial crisis had further cemented London. It had grown it beyond the reach of what had long been the limits of the city since the days of the great fire, since the days of William III. Wealth had attracted citizens, and those less fortunate who had hoped to find a way to provide for themselves and their families.

In times past it had been left to the army, and the military household of His Majesty to intercede whenever public disorder would rise. While local watchmen had been in the various boroughs, looking out for one another and the families there within, there had never been a proper functioning force, save for the occasional nightmen, who would take care of the protection of the day-to-day citizens. While wealth had greatly risen in Britain, a city like London would always attract the less fortunate, those crippled at work or orphans whose parents had passed away. It gave away to crime, danger and an unsafe environment for the citizens of the otherwise greatest city in Europe.

Far more importantly than the matter of safety, was the constant danger of theft that was ever present in the city. Especially the theft of goods such as the harbours, shops and other people on the streets who risked their personal belongings. The great expansion of the London Harbour and it's position as a leading port of the world, which brought in goods from the globe to Europe, had made the possibility of theft and the potential profits far greater. No longer could the military household of His Majesty deal with petty matters of such a scale, or for that matter, simply intervene in every day assistance. As such, choices would have to be made between the expansion of His Majesty's guard, or an alternative to see to the needs of the ever-growing beast of the Thames.

While the expansion of the military household had it's attraction. The ever-growing presence of the monarchy as a force of order, of his Majesty's soldiers protecting the people, being a good selling point, it could not overwrite the negatives. The British people, ever since the civil war, had viewed the soldiers with more disdain than approval when they intervened in everyday affairs. Ever since the attempted usurpation of the powers of Parliament by the Stuarts, the soldiers had paid the price. The desire to impose said soldiers once more, carried not just a potential boon, but also a great cost. To speak nothing of the funding which Parliament would be less likely to grant if it was to expand soldiers under the control of the king.


Henry Fielding, a magistrate of London who was placed in charge of the new establishment.

As such, the alternative was sought and the manner it would be answered would be through the establishment of a new force that was to safeguard the city. The establishment that would rise, would be one that was given leeway over the whole of the expanded city of London, save for the royal palaces, to keep the peace as well as order in the streets of His Majesty's most majestic city. A new order of the day that would be split into three distinct sections for the very purpose of keeping the law and order, against the agents of chaos that the lowlife of London would so indulge themselves in at every opportunity.

It was the previously mentioned dislike for the army ever since the civil war, that would give occasion to the uniform that this new force would use. Foregoing the red coats as the colours of the army, the uniform selected would instead be one of a blue colour. It was to associate them with the navy, the force under his Majesty which gave safety to the trade that was the lifeblood of the islands. The ones that protected the prosperity of the isles and gave rise to the one of the greatest employments to young Brits as it was in ever need of additional sailors. As weapons to maintain order, they were given smaller clubs, to be used against rowdy Londoners who would defy their orders in the name of the king. Thus, it would also limit the use of the red coats and their garb, to the occasions in which his Majesty remained present within the vicinity as they were his guard, and not merely a standard sight.

Out of this new establishment, three different departments would be established to the serve under His Majesty. The largest and by far the most important of these departments would be the one in charge with protecting the harbour, its inventory and other equipment and items that would be within the vicinity. The precedence of this department would little doubt as to the priority of this new force. It would be the prevention of theft and the protection of property rather than drunken brawls that would be the first and foremost task of this new force. While the prevention of drunkenly disorder was important, it was a secondary priority to the powers that be. It would be this force with the largest funding and personnel.

The other two, lesser departments, would in order be the one in charge with the protection of the inner city and the general order, while the last was that of the outer city limits. Its purpose similar to the harbours, yet with a greater emphasis on the matter of the public good. A natural consequence especially in the inner city, also known as Old London, of the matter the denser population which lived within it's perimeter. The man who was placed in charge of this task, to oversee the new establishment was Henry Fielding, a Magistrate of the city of London.
 
1743 Carolus Magnus, Part V:
The Need For A New Pragmatic Sanction


D. Carlos III as a young man

The Pragmatic Sanction (Sanctio Pragmatica) was originally the name of a series of legislative and political measures undertaken by the Holy Roman Emperor Heinrich VII circa 1731 in order to secure the succession of his daughter, the Archduchess Maria Kunigunde, to the crowns of Austria, Hungary and Bohemia. Lacking sons at the time, the Emperor sought to promote his daughter as his heir, in detriment of more distantly related male agnates of the House of Austria. The Estates were generally receptive, but international reaction was tepid at best. Attempts at drumming up foreign support ultimately faltered: the United Kingdom explicitly refused to recognise any such sanction and set the tone on the international stage for the subsequent Bruderskrieg (Brother's War) between the Emperor and his cousin, Don Carlos III, King of Spain.

Don Carlos maintained from the get-go that the Pragmatic Sanction was injurious to his and his sons' succession rights. Only the prospect of marrying one of these sons to Maria Kunigunde (and thus peacefully resolving the matter) had stayed Don Carlos from open rupture with Vienna initially.

Genealogically-speaking, Don Carlos was the head of the senior line of the Haus Hapsburg. He was also the heir-general of the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian II, and through him, of the junior line and Anne of Bohemia and Hungary. Heinrich descended from the junior branch of the junior branch, founded by the Emperor Ferdinand II (nephew of Maximilian II).

In Carlos, the superior male-line and female-line claims of Haus Hapsburg came together in a single person.

The Spanish government had maintained, at the time, that King Philip III had handed over part of his lawful inheritance when Ferdinand II became King of Bohemia and Hungary. The Hapsburgs (of all branches) had always maintained that those two crowns were their's by hereditary descent and not election, an ongoing controversy with the Estates of those kingdoms, who generally defended the elective principle. Part of the requested compensation for this renunciation was the confirmation that Philip's male line heirs would enjoy precedence over Ferdinand's female line heirs, a point conceded by Austria in the Oñate Treaty of 1617. This disposition recognized the Spanish branch's genealogical superiority and observed the principles of ancient German law on the inheritability of real estate, in particular noble patrimony, where the male line enjoyed precedence over female heirs and female(-line) heirs enjoyed only subsidiary rights in the case of the male line's extinction.

Yet in the 1730s the House of Hapsburg was not extinct in the male line, rather far from it. Besides Heinrich, who was still young enough to father sons, and the then-unknown Don Carlos de Koháry (a bastard splinter promoted as morganatic by Eugene of Savoy-Carignano), Don Carlos was a legitimate archduke of Austria in his own right and had fathered three others of unquestionable legitimacy.

In Don Carlos' eyes, Heinrich's Pragmatic Sanction violated the terms of King Philip III's renunciation two generations back and legally defaulted Philip III's rights to the renounced crowns - Austria, Hungary and Bohemia - back to Philip's line. Which is to say, right back to himself, Don Carlos.


D. Carlos receives the Hereditary Homage of the Austrian Estates, 1731



The historical standard of noble sucession in Germany had been partition. This went back to ancient, tribal times, when the clan had supremacy. When a chieftain or nobleman died, his sons divided up his lands and goods among them. In the absence of sons, agnates of the same proximity (brothers, nephews, uncles) divided the allod between themselves. Thus families high and low had to strive hard to maintain any sort of territorial integrity, with power being gathered up and redivided every generation. The many junior branches of famous names such as the Wettins, the Wittelsbach, the Welf and the Hohenzollerns testified to the prevalence of the ancient practice well into the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries. It was not unheard of for primogeniture to be established in law but disregarded in fact, with younger sons and cousins receiving some portion of the family estate (hence the many subdivisions of the Palatine, Brunswick, Saxony and so on).

This had happened with the Hapsburgs at first, for example, with primogeniture being legislated but unobserved more than once.

To introduce primogeniture required the acquiescence of both the Holy Roman Emperor and other agnates. Imperial approval could generally be bought; getting younger sons to sign away what they saw as rightfully their's was a challenging feat at the best of times. Even when primogeniture was successfully established in house law (each princely house having its own uses and customs, in addition to the customary princely law of the Empire at large, which was binding upon its members), each legitimate male-line member of the dynasty continued boasting every single one of the family's titles in their own right. Thus, every Wittlesbach was a Duke of Bavaria and Count Palatine of the Rhine, no matter how far down in the line of succession he actually was, just as every legitimate male-line Hapsburg was an archduke of Austria, duke of Carinthia, count of Tyrol, etc. etc. etc.

As primogeniture was phased in and established, the eldest son inherited the seniorat (or majorat) from his father. This seniority or majorality was the legal substance of the patriarchal authority, whereby the house head served as the executive head of his clan and enjoyed paternal authority over his kin. In return, he was expected to provide materially for them (their education, housing, marriage, etc.) and take action to preserve the honor, order and welfare of the family. The final responsibility was his. While his exact powers varied according to specific house law and the material circumstances of each case, the head of house would generally supervise - and decide - matters of marriage, education, residence, travel, majority, law and noble standing for his kin. The agnates for their part were not entirely without rights, which they could pursue in the Imperial courts if the head of house proved unjust or intractable, but ultimately matters such as the recognition of morganatic marriages as dynastic and the alienation of family property required the house head's assent.

Don Carlos thus protested the Pragmatic Sanction of 1731 as a violation of German princely law in general and Hapsburg House Law in particular. Heinrich had broken with both dynasty and dynasts. He had sought to essentially disinherit his agnatic heirs, injuring their property rights to the family patrimony and moreover passing the family estate out of the family. By attempting to secure the succession for his daughter and consistently refusing to marry the daughter to one of the available agnatic heirs, Heinrich opened himself to charges of dynastic betrayal and dereliction of duty by Carlos.

While the Holy Roman Empire was in a constitutional shambles by the 1730s and recourse to the Imperial courts was not a possibility (not least because of Austria's special standing jurisdicion-wise, which prevented appeal to Imperial courts), nothing had been done to decisively undermine or rewrite princely law on such matters.

And thus Don Carlos had marched to secure his dynastic rights.


Don Carlos as Kaiser Karl VII, Imperator Romanorum

Once victory was won had come the difficult part of ruling. Don Carlos had been happy to work out terms with Heinrich. The pair divided the Imperial splendour between them as fellow Emperors. In the Familienpakt they hammered out, Carlos kept Austria and Hungary for himself, while Heinrich was allowed to keep Bavaria (which he had seized) and unite it with Bohemia (which Carlos now surrendered). There was even renewed talk of friendship and intermarriage (which ultimately went nowhere). In this way, the axis of power of both branches shifted northward: for Heinrich, Nuremberg-Prague, for Carlos, Madrid-Milan-Wien. The subsequent loss of most of Spanish Morocco would underscore this shift.

Two centuries prior, the Spanish and Austrian domains had been partitioned between the son and brother of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V. Even that most capable of men knew it was impossible to effectively govern so vast a territory in any meaningfully personal, direct way. Charles V had used his brother, son and various female relatives as regents, viceroys and lieutenants. Don Carlos was an only child.

He initially resolved the issue by entrusting the greater part of his power to Eugene of Savoy-Carignano and with him the military junta which had helped oust Heinrich and crown Carlos. The relationship soured when Carlos attempted to use his mother as a personal representative in Austria (in the old Hapsburg fashion) and Eugene not only forced out the woman, but increased demands for custody of one of Carlos' sons, even producing the pretender Koháry.

The ensuing Hofburg Crisis had clearly demonstrated the need for a new Pragmatic Sanction. Don Carlos would not live forever. He could also not be in two (or three, or fifteen) places at once. It was necessary to work out the political, constitutional and internal house effects of Don Carlos' victory in the Bruderskrieg and to put in place a firm footing for the happy coexistence and operation of three Hapsburg branches, who might very well subdivide into more in the next generation. As of the early 1740s, the House of Austria boasted three blooming "senior" strains: Don Carlos' senior, Spanish line, expected to continue through his eldest son, the Prince of Asturias; a new junior in Austria-Hungary, expected to continue through his second son, then Duke of Segovia; and finally the wayward Nurembergers or Osterreich-Bayern, beginning with Heinrich and the twin sons he had fatefully produced once the Bruderskrieg was over.

It was additionally possible that Don Carlos' third son, the Infante-Archduke of Monza, and Don Carlos of Koháry, would reproduce and found junior lines of their own.

Why a Pragmatic Sanction, then? The Privilegium Maius (a forgery of 1358 later passed into actual law) had created the novel rank of Archduke Palatine and Archduchy, endowing Austria with rights similar to those of the Prince-Electors. These included most notably the inseparability of territory and the automatic inheritance of the first-born son. Yet by Carlos' informal agreement with other powers in 1731 and public declaration of 1741, political expediency had seen him comit himself to breaking the Privilegium Maius by passing Austria-Hungary not to his first-born, but his second son instead.

Having fought for the law, Don Carlos found himself in the unhappy situation of having to break it.

In keeping with the basic tenets of Carlist Traditionalism, he had intended to impose upon Heinrich House Laws (Hausordnung) of the strictest and most traditional bent. Intermarriage with Protestants, secret and morganatic marriages would be carefully regulated and clear rules for male, female and inter-branch succession established. Once crowned, however, Don Carlos found himself increasingly impelled to innovate. The new facts on the ground required new rules. To rule well, he would have to delegate and devolve some of his crowns: amongst other losses (the Spanish Netherlands, Luxembourg, Florida, Trindad, and Morocco) he would now have to give up his Austrian-Hungarian conquests to his own son, and furthermore define the line of succession for the independent, but interrelated, dignities of the Holy Roman Empire of the Latin Nation, the Iron Crown of Italy, and the Apostolic Crown of Hungary.


Don Felipe Fernando Maximiliano, El Caballero Alemán, Duke of Segovia,
depicted in the late 1730s.

Part 1 of 2 - overly long prologue of a post about new constitutional framework whereby Austria-Hungary becomes/is regularized as a de facto autonomous vassal state headed by Don Carlos' son.
I wanted to give the historical and legal context of it all.
 

In the annals of North German Federation history, the year 1740 marks a pivotal epoch, a symphony of transformative reforms that echoes the enlightened spirit resonating from the heart of Berlin. In this bastion of reason, a melodious revolution unfolds, orchestrated by a forward-thinking Nobles Republic that beckons a new era of military efficiency and unity.

As I, Voltaire, reside amidst the intellectual fervor of Berlin, my quill eagerly captures the essence of these enlightened changes. The establishment of Satellite Army Officer Colleges, a departure from the rigid norms of traditional military education, mirrors the intellectual flexibility flourishing in this cultural crucible. Here, in Hanover, Thuringia, The Triple Duchies, and the Lausitz Republic, a cadre of leaders is nurtured with a shared understanding of tactics, strategy, and a revolutionary sense of unity—harbingers of a military enlightenment.

Simultaneously, a revolution in military equipment production unfolds, reminiscent of the intellectual ferment of the French salons. In Hamburg, Erfurt, Dortmund, and Potsdam, chartered gunmaker's companies are forged, temples of innovation and reason. A centralized approach ensures the reliability of weaponry, echoing the principles of reason and order. This harmonious symphony of arms production embodies the essence of enlightened military progress.

The impact of these reforms on the quality of the NGF's military forces is profound. Standardized training begets a common lexicon of skill, strategy, and unified command—a testament to the progressive spirit of the Nobles Republic. In the chartered gunmaker's companies, a chorus of precision rings, contributing not only to the safety of soldiers but also to the harmonization of the NGF's military prowess.

This transformative era paints a tableau of a unified military force, responsive and cohesive, a shining example of enlightened governance. Once a mosaic of regional militias, the NGF emerges as a cohesive entity, presenting a united front in defense of its territories. In this intellectual crucible, the standardized training and equipment foster a camaraderie among soldiers akin to the enlightened salons, where shared experiences and standardized protocols facilitate better coordination and communication.

As a denizen of Berlin, I find myself inspired by the enlightenment emanating from the Nobles Republic. Here, reason and progress are not merely lofty ideals but tangible forces shaping the very fabric of society. The NGF, with its military reforms, stands as a testament to the power of enlightened governance, affirming that reason, when wielded with precision, can forge a formidable force on the European stage.
 


The German Metric System: A Catalyst for Economic Unity in the North German Federation (1740-1755)


The dawn of the 18th century witnessed a transformative period in the North German Federation (NGF), marked not only by political consolidations but also by a visionary endeavor that resonated in workshops, marketplaces, and across the vast expanse of trade routes—the introduction of the German Metric System. In the aftermath of its agreement in 1740, this standardized system of measurement became a linchpin, fostering economic cohesion, streamlining production, and fortifying the nascent 'German' identity.

Advantages in Production and Resource Management:

The adoption of the German Metric System in the NGF revolutionized the production landscape. Its uniformity in measurement streamlined manufacturing processes, allowing for precision and consistency across various industries. From textiles to machinery, the standardized units facilitated efficient production, minimizing errors and enhancing overall productivity.

Furthermore, in the realm of resource management, the metric system became an invaluable tool. The seamless measurement and transfer of raw materials, be it lumber, iron, or agricultural produce, became a hallmark of the NGF's economic prowess. This not only reduced waste but also optimized resource utilization, contributing to the overall sustainability of industries within the federation.

Streamlining Intra-Federation Trade:

The metric system emerged as the great equalizer in the labyrinthine network of intra-federation trade. With a standardized set of measurements, merchants and traders across different regions no longer grappled with the complexities of varied systems. The metric system became a lingua franca, facilitating transparent transactions and fostering a sense of unity in economic dealings.

This harmonization of measurements had a profound impact on regional economies, as it dismantled traditional barriers that hindered smooth trade. The ease with which goods could be exchanged and measured led to a surge in intra-federation commerce, creating a robust economic interdependence among member states.

Standardizing External Trade:

Beyond the federation's borders, the metric system acted as a beacon of standardization in international trade. As the NGF engaged with external markets, the use of a common system of measurement simplified negotiations and transactions. The metric system served as a diplomatic tool, showcasing the NGF's commitment to progressive economic practices and facilitating smoother trade relations with neighboring states and beyond.

The Metric System as a Unifying Force:

In the tapestry of 'German' identity, the introduction of the metric system added another thread, weaving a sense of commonality among the diverse regions of the NGF. This shared system of measurement became emblematic of a collective pursuit—a commitment to progress, efficiency, and unity. As 'Germans,' they not only shared a language, history, and political affiliation but now also a standardized metric system that transcended regional differences.

The metric system, therefore, acted as an agent of cohesion, forging a common ground in the economic landscape. It became a symbol of the NGF's dedication to modernization, reflecting a shared vision for the future. This unifying aspect resonated not only within the federation but also in how the NGF presented itself on the global stage.

In the years following its adoption, the German Metric System proved to be more than a mere system of measurement—it was a catalyst for economic unity, a key to efficient trade, and a unifying force shaping the 'German' identity. As the NGF entered a new era of prosperity, the metric system stood as a testament to the power of standardized practices in fostering economic growth and consolidating a shared sense of purpose among its diverse constituents.
 

Deism and the Enlightenment Unfold: Intellectual Dynamics in the North German Federation (1740-1765)


In the tapestry of the North German Federation's (NGF) intellectual evolution from 1740 onwards, the mid-18th century emerges as a crucible of transformative thought. This era witnesses a profound shift in religious philosophy, with Deism gaining remarkable traction among the affluent classes, primarily fueled by the escalating tensions with the Papacy and orchestrated political maneuvers.

The political landscape, intricately shaped by figures like Heinrich, set the stage for the proliferation of Deist theories among the elite. Heinrich's maneuvering, including the alignment against the Papacy, acts as a catalytic force, propelling Deism into the intellectual salons and aristocratic circles of the NGF. The wealthy elite, imbued with Enlightenment ideals, sought refuge in the tenets of Deism—a philosophical position that champions reason, natural theology, and skepticism towards organized religion. Deism, with its emphasis on a distant, non-interventionist deity, provided an intellectual haven for those seeking a rational approach to spirituality while rejecting the constraints of traditional religious dogmas.

The intelligentsia of the NGF, inspired by Enlightenment thinkers, readily embraced Deism as a beacon of intellectual freedom. The rejection of papal authority, a symbol of entrenched dogmatism and external interference, fueled the appeal of a more rational and personalized form of spirituality among the elite. Deism, with its rational framework, offered an avenue for critical inquiry into the nature of divinity without necessitating a complete abandonment of the belief in a higher power.

Within the intellectual circles of the NGF, a nuanced landscape unfolded. Philosophers, known for their commitment to reason and individual liberty, engaged in lively debates about the essence of divinity and the role of organized religion. Figures like Immanuel Kant, deeply rooted in the NGF's intellectual tradition, became pivotal contributors to the discourse. Kant's exploration challenged and refined Deist principles, adding complexity to the evolving philosophical panorama.

Beyond the elite echelons, a distinct narrative unfolded among the common people. Despite the political maneuvering and the Pope's alignment against the NGF, the concept of 'Anschluss' with the Harmonious Union persisted as a persistent aspiration among the masses. While Deism permeated aristocratic circles, philosophical discussions in coffeehouses and taverns echoed with sentiments of national unity and shared destiny among the common folk.

The belief that the southern territories, ostensibly under the influence of Madrid, would eventually cast off their vassaldom gained traction among the populace. The common person in the NGF, guided by pragmatism and a sense of historical inevitability, envisioned a future where the ties binding the southern regions to Madrid would unravel. This vision of a more harmonious and united Germanic federation continued to captivate hearts, persisting despite the political challenges and Papal alignments.

In summary, the period from 1740 onwards in the NGF was marked by a confluence of political, religious, and philosophical dynamics. The spread of Deism among the rich served as a response to the intricate interplay of these factors, offering an alternative spiritual paradigm rooted in reason. As philosophical debates continued, the common people clung to dreams of a unified Germanic entity, anticipating a future where the south would emerge from its vassaldom, guided by the ideals of the Harmonious Union. The intellectual evolution of the NGF during this period exemplifies the dynamic nature of Enlightenment thought and the enduring quest for national unity and intellectual freedom.
 
1743 Carolus Magnus, Part VI:
The New Pragmatic Sanction


Don Carlos as Kaiser Karl VII, Imperator Romanorum

In 1743 Don Carlos finally got to work on laying the legal groundwork for the "conscious decoupling" of the Spanish Empire and Austria-Hungary. Collectively known as the Sanctio Pragmatica (Pragmatic Sanction), this groundwork was actually composed of several coordinated legal-dynastic measures intended to resurrect the time-honoured alliance of Madrid and Vienna. The disappointments and upsets of the past would be forgotten, and Vienna pass now to a new junior line of the House of Austria.
THE CAROLINE HOUSE LAWS

The first document to be promulgated were the Caroline House Laws (Karlinische Hausordnung). This decree systematized and built upon the customary house law, testamentary dispositions and class standard practice which had governed intra- and inter-Hapsburg affairs for centuries. The document formalized the rights and duties of the members of the Most High Imperial Family and the Most High Imperial Family Head.

House members had the right to be treated as archdukes and archduchesses of Austria publicly and privately, with all attendant honours, privileges and rights, including the right to be materially provided for, with a suitable stipend or means of subsistence and household of their own. There was also provision for orphans, minors, widows, separation between dynastic and private assets, and special jurisdiction for the judgement of civil and criminal lawsuits between or involving dynasts.

The Head of the Family enjoyed "sovereignty and jurisdiction over all family members, but also the right of special supervision, which extends in particular to guardianships, curates and marriages, but in general to all actions and relationships of the highest members of the family, which can have an influence on the honor, dignity, peace, order and welfare of the most illustrious archetype". Archdukes endowed with sovereign authority would exercise this same patriarchal power over their respective branch. The Head of the Family reserved, however, the right to be informed of major decisions and the reasoning behind them, to intervene and keep the peace between different family branches, to approve adoptions (which could only occur between family members), to suspend completely or partially the house membership of miscreants, and to step in in situations of urgency or where no provision has been made for abandoned, underage, or mentally incapable family members.

Family members who resided within the domains of a sovereign family head would naturally fall under that monarch's jurisdiction, even if born into a different branch.

Valid marriages could only be contracted with the approval of a sovereign house head. Marriages were to be made equally, in the old German tradition, to families of sufficient rank and right religion. Rules put in place to prevent intermarriage with Protestants, lesser nobility or worse, and to establish the rights (or lack thereof) of morganatic and non-dynastic brides and their issue.

THE RENUNTIO: AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN LINE OF SUCCESSION

This act signed and ratified, Don Carlos presided over the Renuntio. In a semi-private ceremony, Don Carlos the Younger renounced his succession rights as firstborn in Austria and Hungary in favour of his brother, Don Felipe Fernando Maximiliano, Duke of Segovia. Failing the latter and his heirs male, the succession to Austria and Hungary would pass to the next brother along, Don Juan Pedro Bautista, Count of Monza, and his heirs male.

Thus Don Carlos the Younger effectively became tertiogenitus as far as the Erblande and Apostolic Kingdom were concerned.

This renunciation allowed Don Carlos to not officially break the Privilegium Maius and transgress against tradition, hiding behind the legal fiction that, as far as Austria and Hungary were concerned, Don Felipe Fernando was his firstborn and would naturally or automatically succeed him as such.

In a second, private ceremony Carlos Father and Son renounced their succession rights to the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation and remaining rights in and to Germany, Poland and Bohemia in favour of Segovia. In the occassion that Heinrich should die sonless, or his male line falter, it was not to be suffered for the Imperial diadem to pass out of the family: Austria-Hungary would take the Nuremberger's place and head the Counter-Reformation against the heretic winds of the northern marches.

THE CONVOCO: AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN AUTONOMY 2.0

This accomplished, Don Felipe Fernando Maximiliano, otherwise Archduke Maximilian von Osterreich (Don Carlos thought it meet to highlight his superior genealogical descent from the Emperors Maximilian I and Maximilian II, which Heinrich did not enjoy), was confirmed by his father and the Estates as Heir, Archduke Palatine and Governor-General of the Hereditary Lands (Pfalzerzherzog, Statthalter and Landespräsident of the Erblande).

At the same time he was named Generalissimo, "general of generals", giving him complete military command of the armed forces of the Austrian and Hungarian states. The promotion marked the end of his studies at the Hofburg Military Academy, he now outranking all of his would-be teachers and masters.

By the same act he replaced the old, decrepit Prince Eugene of Savoy as President of the Austrian Aulic Council (Consilium Aulicum Austriae or Erzhofrat - the rebranded former Reichshofrat) and his brother Carlos' nominal tenure as Palatine of Hungary.

In addition to being associated as his father's deputy and co-ruler in the Fatherlands and Hungary, Maximilian received the new title of Duke of Syrmium, with wide-ranging powers, lands and incomes in the Hapsburg Balkans. Special letters patent provided for the descent of his Spanish appanage, Segovia, to a second son, or else its reversion back to the Spanish crown upon his death.

The document was noteworthy for referring to the composite reality of the Apostolic Kingdom of Hungary and the Triune Kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia with their adjacent military districts as the Arch-Kingdom of Hungary and otherwise, the Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen.

The grants which made up the Convoco and the two Renuntiae were made conditional, however, Don Carlos preparing for the worst case scenario of his son falling completely prey to the junta's whims and wiles and forgetting a lifetime's worth of fatherly love overnight. The conditions were:

  1. Don Carlos would not abdicate, but continue to enjoy his royal dignities and prerogatives until the day he died. He and Maximilian would rule jointly, his son's name being associated as co-ruler and deputy alongside his own in all Austro-Hungarian government business. While Austria-Hungary would enjoy equal or perhaps even greater autonomy than it had under Prince Eugene, Don Carlos would remain sovereign and retain a vested interest in the greater affairs of state, i.e. declarations of war, foreign alliances, and so on;

  2. Austria-Hungary would leave the jurisdiction of the Holy Roman Empire of the Latin Nation only in the occassion of Maximilian, or one of his heirs, inheriting the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. Union with the Harmonious Union (HU) or - God forbid - North German Federation (NGF) was permissible only as senior partner, i.e. reunification of Germany under Hapsbur, and not Hohenzollern, command. The senior branch was to receive the Austrian Littoral (Istria, Gorizia and Gradisca) as compensation should Anschluss ever take place;

  3. The Archduke Palatine was expected to swear on behalf of himself and his heirs (lest he predecease his father), promising due filial obedience and feudal service unto Don Carlos, as his father and sovereign, and to honour the terms and conditions of the Pragmatic Sanction, so long as they both might live.
This third disposition was immediately put to the test when Don Carlos announced his desire to retain the Tyrol and the Vorarlberg. These counties formed the westernmost tip of Austria and were generally treated as part of Upper Austria (Oberösterreich). The rise of Philip of Parma in Venice and the Adriatic and the attendant risk of a new, Francophile monarchy in Veneto - especially if the intolerable (union with Parma-Piacenza) should be attempted - made these territories of particular strategic interest to Carlos.

Additionally, Heinrich's newfound meddling in Italy (besides his Byzanticisms and other eccentricities, cousin Henry was apparently secretly supplying the Pope with an army, only God knowing how or what for) meant an open doorway into Bavaria seemed a pragmatic necessity.

The Austrians were resolute. The Electoral status of Austria was trotted out as reasoning, Electorates being famously indivisible in territory. The Vorarlberg and Tyrol were separate fiefs held in personal union with Austria, but not the Electorate itself, Carlos countered. in fact, who said his son was getting the Electorate at all, whether now or in future?

A stalemate ensued - the Austrians fancying Carlos needed their approval (which they would not give), Carlos judging he wasn't asking his vassals anything, but telling.

Family sentiment and political expediency carried the day. Exhausted of this nonsense, eager to return south and desperate never to see Eugene of Savoy's wretched old face again (Don Carlos having wisely abandoned a previous plot to have the Inquisition root Eugene out as an impenitent sodomite and consign him to the flames), the matter was quietly laid aside and superseded by other concerns.


The eventful Austro-Hungarian expedition of the early 1740s was bookended by the coronation of the Archduke Palatine in St Martin's Cathedral, in Pressburg (Bratislava), in Upper Hungary (Slovakia). In keeping with old Hungarian practice - and realpolitik demands of today - Don Carlos had his son crowned Junior King of Hungary (Rex Iunior Hungariae).

The ancient custom served to provide dynastic stability and safeguard the succession, which had been especially important back when the Kingship was elective. The Hungarian crown had become hereditary de facto long ago, and legally more recently, but D. Carlos was still eager to make nice with the junta and saw in his son's coronation a crystal clear communication of his intentions regarding Austria-Hungary and the succession.

In keeping with tradition, the Palatine and Primate of Hungary enjoyed pride of place in the ceremony and were the only ones allowed to touch the Holy Crown (Sacra Corona), also known as the Crown of St. Stephen. Don Carlos the Younger ended his largely ceremonial tenure as Palatine of Hungary (nádorispán) by removing the Sacra Corona from his father's brow and placing it upon the pillow, from which the Archbishop of Esztergom subsequently placed it upon Archduke Philipp Ferdinand Maximilian's brow.

His lady wife, Diana de' Medici, was crowned and anointed alongside her new husband in the same ceremony. The Empress Enrichetta Maria d'Este followed her husband's lead in allowing her crown to be removed from her brow and, most symbolically, placed upon her co-ruler and successor.

The usual form and protocol was followed, Hungarian liberties reaffirmed and the new King sworn to protect the Church, the Faith and the Crown. The Archduke Palatine thus became King Philipp Ferdinand Maximilian of Hungary. His father expected him to become Maximilian III of Hungary, but there remained the risk of him maintaining his birth name or using Ferdinand (in which case, he would become Ferdinand V of Hungary and Maximilian III of Hungary, though Don Carlos feared he might later insist on adopting Philipp (as King Philipp I) or Ferdinand as regnal names instead (in which case he would become Ferdinand V of Austria and Hungary).

The coronation marked the effective transferral of power into the Archduke Palatine's capable hands - the Infante had shown himself a military talent in Morocco, and was known to be a worthy son of his father - and the end of Carlos' focus on Austro-Hungarian affairs.

Legal reform had been an integral part of the Caroline Reforms which marked Don Carlos' prolonged visit to his northernmost domains. At his command, the various local laws and customs of the Hereditary Lands (Erblande) were compiled and codified into a single, unified civil code for Austria - the Codex Carolinianus. It was not dissimilar to the codifications the Archduke-Regent Karl had supervised in Spain, during his minority: now Carlos got to repay the favour. A parallel codification of the criminal justice system (the Constitutio Criminalis Carolinianus) meanwhile encompassed criminal and criminal procedural law, and the Caroline Civil Service Academy (Karlische Akademie) was founded at the Neue Favorita Palace in Vienna in order to make sure the Archduke-Palatine had more than just military men to help him interpret and apply his lawmaker father's handiwork.

Thus ended an era and began another. Italy, Spain and the New World beckoned, and like a lover kept apart far too long, Carlos hastened to their side.

Bust, c. 1744, wearing the Iron Crown of Italy

Final resolution of the Hofburg Crisis.
Don Carlos makes his son Felipe Fernando Maximiliano his co-ruler in Austria-Hungary and gives him every title and honour possible.
Drama over Tyrol forcibly laid aside due to GM veto.
The Infante-Archduke of Segovia is now known as "Archduke Palatine" and "(Junior) King of Hungary".
Note he only becomes "Apostolic King" once Carlos dies.
His wife becomes Queen Diana @ByzantineCaesar .
Poles and Kurucs expected/invited to coronation and festivities @Andre Massena .
Archduke Palatine has an heir in his brother, Monza, in a show of good faith re: Carlos not pursuing Austro-Spanish union.
Austria gets any/all remaining Carlist claims to HU/NGF.
Austria under Latin jurisdiction (until Anschluss).

House Laws copied from OTL.
Renuntio copied largely from OTL renunciation of Joseph I's rights in Spain over to his brother Charles (III), our Karl.
Reforms and institutions copied largely frm OTL Maria Theresa.
End of Caroline Reforms to Austro-Hungarian state bureaucracy.
Carlos returns home with wife, sons Carlos and Juan, daughters-in-law, and alleged cousin Koháry.



 
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