The Chains Were Broken: An Interwar Nation-Game

Location
USA

"Yes, the chains which had held the world were broken. Links of imperative need, links of discipline, links of brute force, links of self-sacrifice, links of terror, links of honour which held our nation, nay, the greater part of mankind, to grinding toil, to a compulsive cause— everyone had snapped upon a few strokes of the clock. Safety, freedom, peace, home, the dear one back at the fireside—all after fifty-two months of gaunt distortion. After fifty-two months of making burdens grievous to be borne and binding them on men's backs, at last, all at once, suddenly and everywhere the burdens were cast down…"

WINSTON CHURCHILL


11:00 a.m. on the Eleventh Day of the Eleventh Month, 1918, an Armistice went into force, ending one of the most calamitous wars in human history. The Great War, the War to End All Wars, was waged over three continents, took place over four years, and ended with the deaths of untold tens-of-millions, military and civilian lives alike. It debuted a truly modern, industrial warfare conducted on the ground, at sea, and in the air. And its conclusion unraveled the foundations of empires and indeed the very structures which had defined a now-bygone era; the chains which had held the world were broken.

Now following Peace is a time of uncertainty. In Germany, recovery is overshadowed by a volatile foundation; on the streets of Italy, blood is spilled by radicals; out east, the Polish, Ukrainians, and Russians wage war under banners proclaiming a new order. A great tension exists for the war-weary and war-hungry of the world, and in the words of General Ferdinand Foch, the Treaty of Versailles was merely a twenty-year armistice, a reprieve while grudges old and new prepare to mobilize the masses.

Hello and welcome to The Chains Were Broken, a nation game starting on January 1st, 1920.



DISCORD LINK



MILITARY INFORMATION

ARMY
Infantry — the backbone of any army. Infantry are soldiers, usually on the bipedal express, whose job is to secure enemy (or defend friendly) territory and do most of the fighting. 12,000 men each.
Mountain — light infantry divisions that usually lack the heavy equipment of normal divisions, but have the training and constitution that allows them to fight in mountainous terrain with discipline and skill. 12,000 men each.
Cavalry — troopers mounted on horseback allowing them quickness both in maneuver and combat. Though their days are numbered in modern warfare, they can still serve an important purpose. To achieve great speed, they often lack the heavier equipment of normal divisions. 12,000 men each.
Marines — elite infantry who are trained to specialize in amphibious operations and extended overseas deployments. In peacetime they can serve as elite garrisons and counter-insurgency forces in colonial regions. 12,000 men.
Armored brigade — the first tank units capable of independent operation. These new landships may be unwieldy and complicated, but they are gradually growing in importance in modern militaries worldwide. 2,000 men, 50 tanks.

NAVY
Light carrier — a small aircraft carrier, usually between 10 and 15,000 tons' displacement, capable of deploying aircraft for naval or offshore support operations. 1,000 sailors and airmen.
Battleship — the undisputed queens of the sea and the largest and most powerful warships afloat. Battleships are heavily-armed and armored, can travel long distances, and form the core of any great power's fleet – that's the thinking, anyway. 1,200 sailors.
Battlecruiser — similar in size and armament to traditional battleships, but with a higher top speed. This allows them to chase down enemy cruisers, raid maritime trade, and escort faster ships. However, this comes at the cost of armor protection. 1,200 sailors.
Pre-dreadnought — the last of the battleships built before the introduction of HMS Dreadnought. These ships are weaker and slower than modern battleships, but can still serve a purpose as reserve vessels or on colonial stations with their formidable secondary batteries. 800 sailors.
Heavy cruiser — the spiritual successor to the armored cruiser. Heavy cruisers have the speed and maneuverability of light cruisers plus the added toughness to deal with stronger naval vessels. 900 sailors.
Armored cruiser — now outdated, the armored cruiser was designed to patrol colonial waters and sink enemy cruisers. They were fast enough to escape enemy battleships and strong enough to defeat most other types of warship. They have been supplanted by the battlecruiser and, now, the heavy cruiser. 800 sailors.
Light cruiser — smaller and more lightly-armed and -armored than their larger brothers. Light cruisers screen for larger fleets and can serve as both raiders and destroyer leaders. Their high speed lets them outrun most warships. 500 sailors.
Destroyer — the smallest mass-produced warships. Destroyers can threaten enemy capital ships and merchant vessels with their powerful torpedoes and can help both screen larger vessels and scout for fleets. 300 sailors.
Submarine — not well-armed traditionally speaking, but their torpedoes and ability to submerge are a unique and potentially very deadly threat. They can threaten both enemy shipping and warships alike. 50 sailors.

AIR FORCE
Fighter — aircraft designed for one thing only: establishing air supremacy. They are typically only armed with one or two machine guns, but that is enough to get the job done. 100 planes, 100 pilots.
Bomber — exceedingly slow and heavy, bombers carry a payload to be dropped on enemy formations and supplies. 25 planes, 100 pilot and gunners.
 

Arab Kingdom of Syria
Political organization
Government: Unrecognized monarchy
Leader(s): King Faisal I
Ideology: Arab nationalism
Military
Army: 1 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades [1 infantry mobilized]
Army quality: (4/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Played by: Korona

Republic of the United States of Brazil
Government
Government type: Federal presidential republic
Leader(s): President Epitácio Pessoa
Ideology: Republicanism
Economy
Population: 27.404 m. (1.45%)
GDP: $24,024 m.
Growth: 0.09%
Military
Army: 7 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 1 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (8/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 2 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 2 armored cruisers, 5 light cruisers, 10 destroyers, 3 submarines
Navy quality: (7/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 190,288
Played by: Thalmann

Kingdom of Bulgaria
Government
Government type: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): Tsar Boris III / Prime Minister Aleksandar Stamboliyski
Ideology: Agrarian nationalism
Economy
Population: 5.072 m. (0.46% growth)
GDP: $4,539 m.
Growth: 0.11%
Military
Army: 1 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 1 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (11/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 32,481
Played by: Baboush

Chinese Kuomintang
Political organization
Government: Nationalist society
Leader(s): Premier Sun Yat-sen
Ideology: Revolutionary nationalism / Tridemism
Military
Army: 0 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (3/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Played by: RobespierreLives

Czechoslovak Republic
Government
Government type: Unitary presidential republic
Leader(s): President Tomas Garrigue Masaryk / Prime Minister Vlastimil Tusar
Ideology: Conservative republicanism / Social democracy
Economy
Population: 12.979 m. (0.56%)
GDP: $25.091 m.
Growth: 1.94%
Military
Army: 5 infantry divisions, 1 mountain divisions, 1 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (13/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 117,991
Played by: Ranger

Fengtian Clique
Political organization
Government: Warlord faction
Leader(s): General Zhang Zuolin
Ideology: Warlordism
Military
Army: 3 infantry divisions, 2 mountain divisions, 3 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (7/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 187,604
Played by: Haruhi is Waifu

Irish Republic
Political organization
Government: Revolutionary republic
Leader(s): President Eamon de Valera
Ideology: Social democracy, republicanism
Military
Army: 1 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 0 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades [1 infantry mobilized]
Army quality: (8/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Played by: LMelivora

Republic of Finland
Government
Government type: Unitary semi-presidential republic
Leader(s): President Kaarlo Juho Ståhlberg / Prime Minister Juho Vennola
Ideology: National liberalism
Economy
Population: 3.133 m. (0.51% growth)
GDP: $5,782 m.
Growth: 11.90%
Military
Army: 3 infantry divisions, 2 mountain divisions, 0 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (10/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 5 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (5/20)
Air Force: 1 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 31,330
Played by: KnightDisciple

French Republic
Government
Government type: Unitary presidential republic
Leader(s): President Paul Deschanel / Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau
Ideology: National liberalism
Economy
Population: 39.012 m. (0.65%)
GDP: $125,850 m. [general mobilization]
Growth: -0.67%
Military
Army: 99 infantry divisions, 9 mountain divisions, 13 cavalry divisions, 2 marine divisions, 6 armored brigades [62 infantry, 1 mountain, 2 cavalry mobilized]
Army quality: (18/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 7 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 15 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 18 armored cruisers, 9 light cruisers, 83 destroyers, 45 submarines [+2 battleships in 3 turns, +3 battleships in 4 turns, +2 destroyers in 2 turns, +2 submarines in 1 turn, +3 submarines in 2 turns, +2 submarines in 3 turns]
Navy quality: (15/20)
Air Force: 13 fighter wings, 4 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (4/5)
Manpower: 780,260
Played by: Dadarian

German Reich
Government
Government type: Federal presidential republic
Leader(s): President Friedrich Ebert / Chancellor Gustav Bauer
Ideology: Social democracy
Economy
Population: 60.894 m. (0.57% growth)
GDP: $170,235 m.
Growth: 8.71%
Military
Army: 6 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (13/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 9 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 2 armored cruisers, 13 light cruisers, 11 destroyers, 0 submarines [1 light cruiser laid up incomplete, +2 turns]
Navy quality: (7/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 194,525
Played by: Fingon

Kingdom of Greece
Government
Government type: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): King Alexander / Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos
Ideology: National liberalism
Economy
Population: 5.705 m. (0.80% growth)
GDP: $10,859 m. [general mobilization]
Growth: 2.40%
Military
Army: 10 infantry divisions, 3 mountain divisions, 1 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades [5 infantry mobilized]
Army quality: (12/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 2 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 1 armored cruisers, 1 light cruisers, 12 destroyers, 2 submarines
Navy quality: (8/20)
Air Force: 1 fighter wings, 1 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (2/5)
Manpower: 188,732
Played by: Hoffman

Hungarian Republic
Government
Government type: Unitary parliamentary republic
Leader(s): Head of State & Prime Minister Karoly Huszar de Sarvar
Ideology: National conservatism
Economy
Population: 8.029 m. (0.72% growth)
GDP: $13,585 m.
Growth: -0.38%
Military
Army: 2 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 1 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (12/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 69,070
Played by: Skrevski

Kingdom of Italy
Government
Government type: Unitary parliamentary monarchy
Leader(s): King Vittorio Emanuele III / Prime Minister Francesco Saverio Nitti
Ideology: Social liberalism
Economy
Population: 37.398 m. (0.40% growth)
GDP: $96,757 m. [general mobilization]
Growth: -8.70%
Military
Army: 59 infantry divisions, 10 mountain divisions, 10 cavalry divisions, 1 marine divisions, 2 armored brigades [23 infantry, 4 mountain, 1 cavalry mobilized]
Army quality: (15/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 5 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 9 pre-dreadnoughts, 1 ironclads, 0 heavy cruisers, 8 armored cruisers, 11 light cruisers, 52 destroyers, 41 submarines [+1 battleship in 2 turns, 3 battleships laid up incomplete, +4 turns, +1 destroyer in 1 turn, +2 destroyers in 2 turns, +1 destroyer in 3 turns, +1 destroyer in 4 turns, +1 submarine in 1 turn, ]
Navy quality: (15/20)
Air Force: 6 fighter wings, 1 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (3/5)
Manpower: 899,321
Played by: Vald

Greater Japanese Empire
Government
Government type: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): Taisho Emperor / Prime Minister Hara Takashi
Ideology: Classical liberalism
Economy
Population: 55.818 m. (1.02% growth)
GDP: $94,654 m.
Growth: 0.25%
Military
Army: 12 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 4 cavalry divisions, 2 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (13/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 8 battleships, 4 battlecruisers, 3 semi-battlecruisers, 4 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 10 armored cruisers, 13 light cruisers, 87 destroyers, 11 submarines [+1 light cruiser in 1 turn, +4 light cruisers in 2 turns, +12 destroyers in 1 turn, +6 destroyers in 2 turns, +4 destroyers in 3 turns, +1 destroyer in 4 turns]
Navy quality: (17/20)
Air Force: 4 fighter wings, 2 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (2/5)
Manpower: 442,952
Played by: Julius

Kingdom of the Netherlands
Government
Government type: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): Queen Wilhelmina / Prime Minister Charles Ruijs de Beerenbrouck
Ideology: Christian democracy
Economy
Population: 6.848 m. (0.68% growth)
GDP: $28,898 m.
Growth: 1.18%
Military
Army: 6 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 1 cavalry divisions, 1 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (11/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 7 armored cruisers, 3 light cruisers, 8 destroyers, 10 submarines [+1 light cruiser in 6 turns, +1 light cruiser in 7 turns, +2 submarines in 1 turn, +2 submarines in 2 turns, +3 submarines in 3 turns, +2 submarines in 3 turns]
Navy quality: (10/20)
Air Force: 1 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (2/5)
Manpower: 75,114
Played by: Vinsky

Ottoman Empire
Government
Government type: Absolute monarchy
Leader(s): Sultan Mehmed VI / Grand Vizier Ali Riza Pasha
Ideology: National conservatism
Economy
Population: 13.877 m. (0.68% growth)
GDP: $9,882 m. [partial mobilization]
Growth: -0.27%
Military
Army: 8 infantry divisions, 1 mountain divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades [2 infantry, 1 cavalry mobilized]
Army quality: (10/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 1 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 3 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (5/20)
Air Force: 1 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 219,772
Played by: Hyvelic

Republic of Poland
Government
Government type: Unitary parliamentary republic
Leader(s): Chief of State Jozef Pilsudski / Prime Minister Leopold Skulski
Ideology: National conservatism
Economy
Population: 23.968 m. (0.79% growth)
GDP: $46,210 m. [general mobilization]
Growth: 2.41%
Military
Army: 36 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 8 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades [14 infantry, 1 cavalry mobilized]
Army quality: (13/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 3 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (2/5)
Manpower: 819,017
Played by: Theaxofwar

Kingdom of Romania
Government
Government type: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): King Ferdinand / Prime Minister Alexandru Vaida-Voevod
Ideology: National conservatism
Economy
Population: 12.340 m. (0.81% growth)
GDP: $11,451 m.
Growth: -0.46%
Military
Army: 8 infantry divisions, 3 mountain divisions, 3 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (12/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 1 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 136,300
Played by: Mcclay

Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
Government
Government type: Communist dictatorship
Leader(s): Chairman Vladimir Lenin
Ideology: Marxism-Leninism
Economy
Population: 154.607 m. (-0.18% growth)
GDP: $88,924 m. [general mobilization]
Growth: -2.58%
Military
Army: 127 infantry divisions, 3 mountain divisions, 28 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 2 armored brigades [78 infantry, 5 cavalry mobilized]
Army quality: (11/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 3 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 3 armored cruisers, 2 light cruisers, 27 destroyers, 19 submarines [2 light cruisers laid up unfinished (3 turns)]
Navy quality: (6/20)
Air Force: 5 fighter wings, 2 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (2/5)
Manpower: 1,388,576
Played by: Sealy

Russian State
Political organization
Government: Confederated military dictatorship
Leader(s): Supreme Ruler Alexander Kolchak
Ideology: Authoritarian conservatism
Military
Army: 22 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 4 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (12/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Played by: FatLeek

Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes
Government
Government type: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): King Peter I / Prime Minister Ljubomir Davidovic
Ideology: National liberalism
Economy
Population: 21.422 m. (1.27% growth)
GDP: $12,810 m.
Growth: 0.50%
Military
Army: 9 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (10/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 170,665
Played by: Silver Gambit

Kingdom of Spain
Government
Government type: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): King Alfonso XIII / Prime Minister Manuel Allendesalazar y Munoz de Salazar
Ideology: Conservatism
Economy
Population: 21.232 m. (0.67% growth)
GDP: $46,226 m.
Growth: 7.22%
Military
Army: 9 infantry divisions, 1 mountain divisions, 2 cavalry divisions, 1 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (8/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 2 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 11 destroyers, 4 submarines
Navy quality: (7/20)
Air Force: 2 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 135,813
Played by: Mino

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
Government
Government type: Unitary constitutional monarchy
Leader(s): King George V / Prime Minister David Lloyd George
Ideology: National liberalism
Economy
Population: 46.821 m. (0.62% growth)
GDP: $212,938 m. [general mobilization]
Growth: -6.05%
Military
Army: 67 infantry divisions, 0 mountain divisions, 19 cavalry divisions, 4 marine divisions, 8 armored brigades [45 infantry, 10 cavalry mobilized]
Army quality: (19/20)
Navy: 1 light carriers, 34 battleships, 12 battlecruisers, 7 pre-dreadnoughts, 1 heavy cruiser, 20 armored cruisers, 61 light cruisers, 330 destroyers, 167 submarines [+2 light carriers in 5 turns, +1 battlecruiser in 1 turn, +2 battlecruisers in 2 turns, +1 battlecruiser in 3 turns, +1 heavy cruiser in 2 turns, +2 heavy cruisers in 3 turns, +1 light cruiser in 2 turns, +5 light cruisers in 3 turns, +3 destroyers in 1 turn, +4 destroyers in 2 turns, +2 destroyer in 3 turns, +8 submarines in 1 turn, +6 submarines in 2 turns, +2 submarines in 3 turns]
Navy quality: (20/20)
Air Force: 14 fighter wings, 9 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (5/5)
Manpower: 934,699
Played by: Sejanus

United States of America
Government
Government type: Federal presidential republic
Leader(s): President Woodrow Wilson
Ideology: Social liberalism
Economy
Population: 106.881 m. (1.34% growth)
GDP: $593,438 m. [partial mobilization]
Growth: -0.95%
Military
Army: 48 infantry divisions, 2 mountain divisions, 7 cavalry divisions, 5 marine divisions, 2 armored brigades [33 infantry, 1 mountain, 4 cavalry, 3 marine mobilized]
Army quality: (15/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 17 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 23 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 12 armored cruisers, 13 light cruisers, 184 destroyers, 71 submarines [+1 battleship in 1 turn, +2 battleships in 2 turns, +3 battleships in 3 turns, +104 destroyers in 1 turn, +81 destroyers in 2 turns, +16 submarines in 1 turn] [26 destroyers laid up]
Navy quality: (18/20)
Air Force: 10 fighter wings, 3 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (3/5)
Manpower: 1,264,330
Played by: DanBaque

Zhili Clique
Political organization
Government: Warlord faction
Leader(s): General Cao Kun
Ideology: Warlordism
Military
Army: 10 infantry divisions, 2 mountain divisions, 3 cavalry divisions, 0 marine divisions, 0 armored brigades
Army quality: (7/20)
Navy: 0 light carriers, 0 battleships, 0 battlecruisers, 0 pre-dreadnoughts, 0 heavy cruisers, 0 armored cruisers, 0 light cruisers, 0 destroyers, 0 submarines
Navy quality: (1/20)
Air Force: 0 fighter wings, 0 bomber wings
Air Force quality: (1/5)
Manpower: 219,005
Played by: Nachtingale
 

Mutilated Nation



In Rome, Prime Minister Nitti leans back in his chair, the latest strike report crumpled in his hand. The workers' demands grow louder with every passing day—higher wages, better conditions, dignity—but so do the telegrams from industrialists, demanding swift action to restore order. The coalition government creaks, and Nitti feels the strain like a vice on his temple. Outside his office window, the bells of the city toll as if marking the fragile moments left before everything shatters.

In Idyllic Pallanza, an old General stares out of the window at the mountains in silence, the echo of the Isonzo still lingering in his ears. He can almost hear the voices of his peers, critical and questioning. But it had been the army that had failed him, not he the army. Tradition and iron dicipline would always be its backbone, but his soldiers had been found to have none. While others now squandered the sacrifices he had made, his own conscience was clear.

In Bologna, a factory worker puts down his tools and joins his comrades in the street. The air is heavy with smoke, chants, and tension. His hands are calloused from years of labor, but today they hold a union banner aloft. He knows the risks - arrests, blackshirts, even bullets - but the hunger in his childrens eyes is a sharper pain than fear.

In Florence, a war veteran dons the uniform of the Carabineri, his medals long tucked away in a dusty drawer. As he marches to disperse the protestors, their chants echo in his mind. He recognises some of their faces, comrades during the war. This was not the Italy they had fought for, but orders were orders, and doubts had no place against duty.

In a dusty Calabrian village, a peasant woman carries water from the well, her back bent under the weight of both the pail and her family's plight. She has heard talk of land reforms, whispered promises from politicians far away. She dares to hope, but the soil under her feet remains as barren as the hope in her husbands eyes.

In Naples, a clerk hesitates over the newspaper headlines, torn between sympathy for the workers and fear of revolution. His modest savings and dreams of stability feel increasingly fragile.

In Turin, a socialist agitator climbs onto a crate in the factory yard, his silhouette framed by the towering smokestacks. His voice carries over the hum of machinery and the murmur of restless workers, growing stronger with each word. As he speaks of broken chains, the crowd gathers closer, fists raised, their faces a mix of hope and defiance. He gestures sharply, his conviction undeniable, though a knot of unease tightens in his stomach. The fight for the workers' cause was righteous, but he could already sense the shadow of violence waiting to fall with the setting sun.

In Milan, a group of blackshirts sit in an office, the air thick with cigar smoke and ambition. They look to their leader, whose typewriter clicks furiously as he drafts tomorrow's editorial for Il Popolo d'Italia. Each word is a rallying cry, each sentence designed to stoke the anger and pride of those who feel Italy's sacrifices in the war were in vain.

In quiet Umbria, a parish priest lights a candle for peace. The wax dripping like tears onto the altar. His congregation is divided, some drawn to socialist ideals, others to the promises of the blackshirts. He prays for unity.

Italy is a tinderbox, and the fire burning in her people's hearts is ready to set it ablaze.
 
Last edited:

Greek soldiers welcomed to Smyrna, 15 May 1919

For Greece, this time is an opportunity to pursue the Great Idea, uniting Greek people under one nation. It is my task to show the Allied powers that Greece's claims are fair and essential for the region's future.

Greece's ambitions align with the principle of self-determination championed by President Wilson. In areas such as Smyrna, Thrace, and Constantinople, large Greek populations have lived for centuries, preserving their culture despite Ottoman rule. Greece is the inheritor of the ancient civilization that shaped many values the modern world holds. Before falling to the Ottomans, there regions were centers of Greek culture and commerce. Restoring these areas is not conquest but justice. Christians in these lands have long suffered under Ottoman control. Greece is their natural protector.

Furthermore, under my leadership we have implemented reforms that strengthen our ability to manage properly administrate these new lands. We will protect the rights of all minorities in line with international expectations and the spirit of the new age.

I urge the Allied powers to support Greece in this effort, not as a favor, but as a step toward justice and lasting peace.

~ Eleftherios Venizelos
 


Yalla! Min Dimashq ila al-Quds
The Arab people had long been denied their homeland. For the Arabs of al-Shams (the Levant), the memory of the Turkic hordes conquering al-Quds and Baghdad was still vivid. In their conquests, the proud, honorable Arab people had been reduced to petty Sheikhs and Amirs, their influence waning. Worse yet, the House of Osman sought to strip them of their identity. Yet, the Arab people would not lie bleeding. Under the green-red-black-white banner of the Arab Revolt, the old order was overthrown and a new dawn entered in al-Sham. It is in this new dawn that His Highness, Faisal bin Hussein bin Ali al-Hashemi entered into the ancient city of Damascus. There, in the Umayyad Mosque, the Hashemite scion prayed. He prayed for a free Arabia. A united people, not by faith, but by ethnicity. Months after Faisal's arrival in Damascus, the Syrian National Congress was established by the free people of Syria.

The Syrian National Congress was largely comprised of members of al-Fatat (the Youth), a secretive Syrian nationalist group that had similar origins to the Young Turks, both being youth-led, nationalism organizations with many internal factions. The SNC, convened in Damascus on July 18th, 1919 immediately got to work setting the agenda for the new Syria. All factions within the SNC agreed on the following criterion

  • Recognition of the independence of Syria including Palestine as a sovereign state with the Amir Faisal as King
  • Repudiation of the Balfour Declaration and a rejection of any attempt to establish a Jewish State in Palestine
  • Rejection of the proposed mandatory systems, instead seeking to establish a system of foreign assistance and development that does not unduly harm national independence
The Damascus Declaration, as it became known internally, was passed unanimously among the Syrian National Congress. Nationalism, and anti-foreign sentiment was at a fever pitch. Faisal for his part, with his family's ties to the United Kingdom, was more critical of the broad, anti-foreign stance the SNC took. Rather, he sought cooperation with the British to establish his kingdom. But Faisal recognized the fierce anti-Hijazi sentiment among many Syrian nationalists, who feared that if left unchecked, Faisal would unite Syria with the Hejaz and Hussein bin Ali, rather than Faisal bin Hussein would become the ruler of Syria. While these fears were largely unfounded - Faisal had no desire to serve as his father's subordinate - it was still a dynamic that the Amir was cognizant of.

It is in this context of factionalism and nationalism that a new Arab movement was emerging. It was incumbent on Faisal, as the now de facto leader of the Syrian National Congress to negotiate the existence of the Arab people with the European powers, who sought to impose what Arabs interpreted as a new form of colonialism. Unwilling to exchange their Turkish masters for European ones, Faisal left Damscus in early 1920 with one goal in mind - freedom for the Arabs.



The Major Political Leaders of Syria as of January 1st, 1920
Hashim al-Atassi
Speaker of the Syrian National Congress
Amir Faisal al-Hashemi
King of Syria
Yusuf al-Amza
Minister of War
Zaid bin Hussein
Military Governor of Syria
Saleh al-Ali
Alawite Sheikh
 
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From the Plough to the Stars:
Independence War and Class War in Éire.


(Members of the Limerick Soviet)

In Éire - many would say - the year 1919 marked the beginning of the Irish War for Independence, the so-long-desired final struggle to expel the English oppressors from fair and beautiful homeland. This statement is, of course, true, but - contrary to the common narrative - it only highlights one of the many aspects of what can be considered, without any hesitation, the Irish Revolution. Beyond the superficial "Independence war" - a term that seeks to deny the depth and complexity of the struggle - a wholesale societal conflicted began to be waged; one that not only pitted Irish against English, Protestant against Catholic, Nationalist against Unionist, but also workers, peasants and farmers against the ruling bourgeois and landowning classes. It is important to understand though that, even if class struggle intensified during the first year of the 'Independence War', class conflict had already been escalating in the years previous to 1914, and it had only slowed to a painful halt due to the beginning of the Great Imperialist War.

First, let's set the scene: By 1918, Éire was in turmoil, and it was clear to everyone that something had to break soon. Not only had the Easter Rising both revived and exacerbated - in part thanks to the English cruelty - the desire for total independence, but it also fostered the awakening of a consciousness beyond the merely national one, as the words and actions of the likes of James Connolly, James Larkin, Constance Markievicz - and their comrades in the The Socialist Party (SPI), the Irish Transport and General Worker's Union (ITGWU), the Irish Citizens Army (ICA), and the Cumann na mBan (C na Mb) - had shown to plenty a workers, peasants and impoverished farmers that the struggle couldn't be only for national liberation, but liberation for the toilers and oppressed classes.

Of course, this consciousness wasn't prevalent amongst the people of Éire, and with the catastrophic effects of the Rising on the Proletarian Movement - Connolly and most communist dead, or exiled like Larkin - only the most radical and stubborn ramained as 'merely' communist. Most true revolutionaries, realizing the direction the wind was blowing, joined the most 'revolutionary' option, the party of national liberation, Sinn Fein (This for example, was the route Markievicz and many of her supporters followed), hoping to at least advance the cause of liberation and, in the process, radicalize the mostly - yet markedly bourgeois - catch-all party.

This, however, didn't mean the end of the workers movement, yet it signalled its degeneration towards reformist trade-unionism. Under the new leadership of William O'Brian (Former revolutionary, once comrade of Connolly and Larkin) the ITGWU had more than tripled in size from 1914 to 1918, with a membership of more than 90.000 (40% of which were rural laborers). The Syndicalist movement as a whole had reached more than 200.000 under the Irish Trade Union Congress (ITUC) - the federation of unions which the ITGWU led - and the Labour Party (The political branch of the labour movement) was rising in popularity. Yet for all the success, it was clear that the Labour leaders were becoming ever more subservient to Sinn Fein, with the once mighty ICA falling to less than a thousand while the Irish Volunteers (Predecessors of the Irish Republican Army) soared to the tens of thousands - something not helped by a ruling made by the ICA leadership, which prohibited their soldiers to also join IV, which alienated many.

By the time of the 1918 elections, agreements had been made between reformist labour, the bourgeoisie-nationalists and left-wing revolutionaries: Sinn Fein would be the only party to run, and independence would be the first and main objective. Of course, concessions had to be made: The Democratic Programme to be approved by the First Dáil had pretty socialistic - yet abstract, as formulated by the Labour Party - aspirations, and the Rebel Countess Markievicz was to be appointed Minister of Labour. On the 14th of December Sinn Fein won by a landslide, and on the 21st of the following month - January 1919 - the Dáil Éirann (Formed by all MPs who refused to sit on Westminster) reaffirmed the 1916 Declaration of Independence, and the first shots of the Revolution were fired.

From January to September, the struggle against Britain was relatively tame. Under the leadership of Michael Collins - a mastermind in guerrilla warfare and intelligence operations - the Irish Volunteers (Renamed the Irish Republican Army after the Oath of Fealty to the Republic was established in August) conducted ambushes and prison raids all along the Emerald Isle. The war, of course, escalated quickly, and soon assassinations (Conducted infamously by the recently created Squad, the IRA's counter-intelligence unit) and reprisals against civilians (Particularly by the English) became common. By December, the English had realized the severity of the situation, and a bill was rushed to Parliament to both partition Éire between North and South, and grant Home Rule to both these divisions.

There was one other reason, though, why the English had decided to quell the insurrection by any means, a reason that concerned many even within Sinn Fein: Social Revolution. The threat of General Strike hung over the head of both organizations like the Sword of Damocles - For London, as a threat not only to their interests on the island, but they also feared the spread of revolution to their own shores; for the Éirann, particularly their bourgeois leadership (Incarnated primarily in Arthur Griffith), they were concerned of having 'their' Ireland stole from their grasp' - and local strikes started to spread, going beyond religious and ethnic lines. Only the treasonous timidity and subservience of the ITUC, ITGWU and Labour to Sinn Fein kept class struggle to a minimum. And even under these adversarial circumstances, the Irish proletariat showed their teeth and mettle, and on April 15th the Limerick Soviet was born, not by Party decree or Army imposition, but by the organic development of class consciousness and working class might.

Supported by a radical IRA officer, the Soviet ruled the city for two weeks, with the workers hoping to be but the first of many. Requests were made to the ITUC to settle on the city, for a general strike to be called, for more soviets to be raised. Yet the Union refused, and the IRA officer was ordered to no longer offer support. A horrible betrayal, yet one to be expected; still, the workers were demoralized, but not broken, and they managed to conquer numerous concessions from the local bourgeoisie before dissolving the Soviet.

The experience of the Limerick Soviet was fundamental for a radical shift in how communist and leftist revolutionaries understood the struggle. Figures like Roddy Connolly (Son of James Connolly) and O'Shannon began a struggle to wrest control of the Socialist Party from O'Brian, realizing the need for a vanguard to unify and lead the Irish workers, peasants and farmers. Amongst Sinn Fein and the IRA, the true red revolutionaries started to seek one another, coalescing around the Rebel Countess. Within the Trade Unions (Especially within the ITGWU), the radicals started to become emboldened, turning against the rotten bureaucracy, with a similar process developing within the ICA. And in the country, agricultural labourers and peasants were joining forces with the impoverished farmers (Those that had 'benefited' from the English-approved Land Acts) to seize the lands of the remaining landlords, the landowning bourgeoisie, and the petty-bourgeois wealthy farmers.

Thus, as 1920 dawned, a general consensus had been developed - albeit independently and with differences for each group - that this struggle wasn't merely a war for independence, but a revolution. Yet revolutions can fail, and for those that had paid attention to the developments in Europe, it was more than obvious: Germany, Hungary, Finland, revolution had been like a fire that threatened to consume all, yet only Russia and the Bolsheviks remained. The reasons for the failures had begun to become apparent, and for those committed to the cause of the international proletariat, something became painfully clear: Unless they organized themselves and their class, unless they became a true vanguard, they would suffer the same fate as Luxembourg and Liebknecht.

And so, while the flying columns of the IRA roamed the countryside, enacting righteous punishment on the colonizers; as President Eamon de Valera toured the USA gathering funds, oblivious to the machinations and tactics of Collins and Griffith; as revolutionary Dáil Courts flourished on the countryside, a countryside where red flags and land seizures happened with ever more alarming frequency; all over Éire, letters and messages were being exchanged, and invitations were being delivered, two phrases and a motto present on them all:

"The Party is needed,
For it is Revolution.
Éire, from the Plough to the Stars."
 

Alfonso XIII in Morocco



Alfonso XIII inspecting the Spanish Army stationed in Morocco

It has been exactly 22 years since the Spanish-American War, a conflict that shattered the Kingdom of Spain's status as a global power with colonies spread across the Americas, Africa, Asia, and the Pacific. After the war, Spain lost nearly all its colonies, retaining only Spanish Guinea. In response to the losses in the Americas and Asia, a powerful Africanist faction emerged, led by King Alfonso XIII, who envisioned a new empire in Africa. Supported by the politically influential Catholic Church, this faction championed the idea of a new crusade to continue the legacy of the Reconquista by conquering Morocco, adding their voices to the growing Africanist movement. Driven by these ambitions, Spain began its push into the Rif region in 1909.

Currently, King Alfonso XIII of Spain suddenly announced his plans to personally inspect the Spanish Army stationed in Morocco. The inspection, supported by Dámaso Berenguer, the High Commissioner of Spain in Morocco, could have been considered a success if not for the glaring issues it revealed. Alfonso was informed of numerous problems, including faulty and poorly maintained military equipment. The revelations sparked a massive scandal within the military, reaching all the way to Madrid. Among the officers implicated, General Manuel Fernández Silvestre bore the brunt of the blame. As a result, his close friendship with Alfonso XIII fractured under the strain, and the king began favoring Berenguer to manage the fallout.
 
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Taking a thumbnail of snuff powder before dabbing his nose and eyes with a pocket neckerchief, Alexandre Millerand was not a man many thought would be Prime Minister. A Catholic convert and labour lawyer from Alsace, Mitterand made a name for himself through survivability in spite of notoriety. He survived the fame gained during the defense of E. Roche and D.-Quercy for instigating a strike in 1883. He survived being an open freemason (until 1905), a Radical Socialist, and someone untouched from the devastating Panama corruption scandals. His change of direction in 1899 by joining P. Waldeck-Rousseau's cabinet (who was infamous for crushing the Paris Commune) allowed him to introduce a wide set of reforms for all public workers. He even survived his rightward shift during the Great War, serving twice as Minister of War before being appointed Prime Minister in February 1920.

Thus stood a titan of French politics. A man whose tireless work improved the place of the worker in spite of the twin destructions of France, externally through the death of the flower of a generation in the Great War and internally through typical viciously petty French politicking. Now, at Castle Devachan in San Remo the man would seek to continue to cement his legacy. One which is more fair to the French worker both at home and abroad. Watery eyes and threatening letters from socialist politicians in Paris aside, the weight of his action would likely have an immense and continuing impact of France. A nation ruined by war and ravaged by insecurity. God might have a special place in his heart for fools, drunkards, and children, but Bismarck's ghost was wrong. God will also have a special place in his heart for the French Republic.
 


The German Reich
What is the new Germany?

In November of 1918 the struggling colossus of industry, dynamism, and patriotic might that was the Kaiserreich finally, under the greatest pressure yet exerted upon any state in world history, came undone and shattered. The German armies were in desperate flight across the Western Front and the officers of the High Seas Fleet, compelled to sit in harbor while the Royal Navy starved the German nation, felt their honor slighted. Within them arose a bitter and romantic feeling. They did not want to see their nation cast down, having played no significant part in her defense. And so they called upon a warrior spirit, out of a Wagnerian past of German martial glory, and decided upon a death ride. To break the Royal Navy or to die in the attempt.

But nearly four and a half years of the most brutal catastrophe, far worse than had ever entered into the frightened imaginations of the people of the 19th century, had made it so that the great mass of Germans did not want to die in some pointless effort, some perverse reenactment of a Teutonic legend. Instead the sailors of the High Seas Fleet mutinied. And Germany itself mutinied. And the Kaiser was stripped of his place and the government fell into the hands of the one group of people that remained, the Reichstag peace majority. It would be unfair to criticize too strongly the leaders of Germany in November, who rescued Germany at the last moment by an appeal to a Wilsonian peace, but it was ultimately true that the power that would now govern Germany was an accidental power.

And who were the men that made up this Reichstag peace majority? They were nearly universally men of the middle class, with many also who had risen from the craft unions into political power. They consisted, nearly entirely, of three strains of political thought within three political parties. The moderate socialists and trade unionists of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, SPD) made up the great mass of its membership, the Catholics of the Centre Party (Zentrum) who provided the middle class and wealthy backing of the new government, and the liberals of the German Democratic Party (Deutsche Demokratische Partei, DDP) were the guiding intellectual lights.

In January of 1919 the Germans elected deputies to meet in a National Assembly and draft a new constitution. They also wanted to give democratic backing to the new government that had been formed in November. The SPD were in the driving seat, with Friedrich Ebert as President and Philip Scheidemann as Chancellor. The government faced a desperate crisis in January as the popular leaders of the left wing of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxembourg formed the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) and launched the Spartacist Uprising in Berlin. Ebert and the Majority SPD (MSPD) had secured the loyalty of the army through an agreement with the former Quartermaster of the General Staff, General Wilhelm Groener, to maintain the authority of the officers and put down any leftist uprising. In addition to the army, unofficial veterans organizations called Freikorps put down the socialist revolution on the streets of Berlin. Freikorps soldiers executed Liebknecht and Luxembourg.

As Berlin was thrown into turmoil the new National Assembly needed a place to meet, several cities were discussed but Friedrich Ebert decided on the city of Weimar, to remind the allies of the great German literary tradition of Goethe and Schiller. In the elections themselves the so-called "Weimar Coalition" would emerge with an incredible mandate. Together, the three parties of November, the SPD, Zentrum, and the DDP, emerged with over 70% of the votes and seats. The largest opposition to the centrist, republican coalition, the German National People's Party (Deutschnationale Volkspartei, DNVP) came in fourth with only 10% of the vote and 44 seats. The other opposition parties, the USPD and the German People's Party (Deutsche Volkspartei, DVP) performed even worse. The National Assembly met in Weimar and drafted a new constitution for Germany.

The constitution was a great compromise among the coalition of Red-Black-Gold, the colors of the three parties of the Weimar Coalition which appealed to the German tricolor of 1848. They produced a semi-presidential constitution where the president would be elected directly by the people (except the first president, who was elected by the National Assembly) and who would appoint the government. The government would be responsible to the directly elected Reichstag and the Reichstag and government would together make law, with the Reichsrat (representatives appointed by the state governments) exercising a limited veto. The very name of the state came under controversy. The left preferred the term Deutsche Republik (German Republic) while the Catholics of the Centre Party favored the term Deutscher Volksstaat (German People's State). To not alienate anyone the name Reich was retained, for this most difficult word to translate carried with it a powerful tradition which stretched far beyond the imperial structures of Bismarckian or Wilhelmine Germany into the mists of the past. One Realm which inherited the scepter and the orb from the Emperors of ancient Rome and Ottonian legend and which, as its anthem declared, was the realm of all German speakers from the Meuse to the Memel.

But Germany needed a constitution and a government not just to bring order to the nation, to clarify the November Revolution, and to build democracy, but also for one great task. To negotiate with the Allied Powers and sign a peace that would see dignity in defeat for Germany. The Germans hoped for a Wilsonian peace, a peace without victory, but the truth of the matter was that the Allies had won a victory. Despite the mythologizing of the German Right, there had been no stab in the back. The German armies were routed, were on the way to total defeat, and the German nation was collapsing. Without the miraculous interjection of the Reichstag peace majority in achieving a Wilsonian Armistice, Germany would have fallen to foreign occupation, civil war, communist rebellion, starvation, and a thousand other natural and man-made disasters.

But the victory of "better than it could have been" was cold comfort. The Allies did not negotiate with Germany. They foisted the Treaty of Versailles upon the nation, which declared its war guilt, sliced apart its territory, and imposed difficult reparations on the German economy. The Treaty terms were so offensive that Chancellor Scheidemann declared it "intolerable" and "unfulfillable." The DDP threatened to resign from the government if the Treaty were signed. Still the German government hoped to secure changes to the most controversial sections of the Treaty. On the 3rd and 4th of June, 1919, the Scheidemann cabinet discussed the possibility that the Allies would refuse to negotiate the terms of the Treaty. Only Matthias Erzberger (former head of the Reichstag Peace Majority and Centre Party grandee), Eduard David (SPD Minister without Portfolio), Rudolf Wissel (SPD Minister of Economic Affairs), and Gustav Noske (SPD Reichswehr Minister) clearly favored signing in that case. The rest were opposed. There were discussions in the cabinet planning to surrender Germany to Allied occupation and Rudolf Wissel openly spoke of a new government being needed to sign the Treaty.

On the 16th of June the Allies delivered an ultimatum: sign the Treaty within five days (later extended to seven) or face a resumption of war. On the 18th of June the cabinet was deadlocked, Matthias Erzberger recalled that the vote to sign was 7 to 7. On the 19th of June the Prussian Minister of War Reinhardt and a majority of the Reichswehr commanders openly threatened a revolt should the government sign the Treaty. Wilhelm Groener, the de facto commander of OHL, informed the cabinet that attempted resistance against the Allies was hopeless. General Paul von Hindenburg deferred to Groener.

At midnight as the 19th of June ended and the 20th of June began Chancellor Philip Scheidemann, resolutely opposed to signing the Treaty, delivered his resignation to President Friedrich Ebert. On 21st of June after the DDP left the government, former Minister of Labor Gustav Bauer was named Chancellor. On the 22nd of June Bauer spoke to the National Assembly:

"We are not standing here out of the interest of our parties, and even less – believe me – out of ambition. We are standing here out of a feeling of responsibility, in the awareness that it is our damned duty to save what can be saved...

Let us sign, that is the proposal I have to make to you on behalf of the entire cabinet. The reasons that compel us to make the proposal are the same as yesterday, only now we are separated by a period of barely four hours before the resumption of hostilities. We could not justify a new war even if we had weapons. We are defenseless, but without defense does not mean without honor. Certainly, our enemies want to take away our honor, there is no doubt about that, but that this attempt at stripping away our honor will one day fall back on the originators, that it is not our honor that will perish in this world tragedy, that is my belief until my last breath."

Unto the final hour and after there were rumors of a military coup but General Wilhelm Groener put a final stop to it and Germany held and signed the Treaty of Shame. And thus the Red-Black-Gold of the Weimar Coalition was tainted in the eyes of the nationalists, as those who had capitulated to Germany's enemies. But while the great majority of Germany despised the terms of the Versailles Treaty, the great majority of Germans did want peace. And the true test of the Bauer cabinet would come not in the fateful hours of its birth in June of 1919, but in 1920 as it began to negotiate the terms and conditions of Germany's payment of the prescribed reparations.
 


The Golden Eagle
Greater Romania
Out of all the nations who fought in the Great War, Romania perhaps gained the most. While the campaigns waged by the Romanian Army could not be considered successful, with the nation dropping out of the war during the dark years of 1917 and 18, it gained vast swathes of territory when the Allies defeated the Central Powers. Bessarabia, Transylvania, Bukovina, Dobruja and most of Banat fell to Romania through various treaties and pacts when the war was concluded. For the first time since Michael the Brave had united the three Romanian Princiaplities, all of the children of Dacia were united under one banner. The feeling of victory was palpable all across the nation, and much of the nationalistic leadership of the monolithic National Liberal Party was sure this was the start of a new golden age for Romania.

However victory never comes without its flaws, and the combination of the devasation that had been done to Romanian during the war along side the sudden incorporation of many new territories would not come without its complications. Tens of thousands of non Romanians; Serbs, Hungarians, Jews, Russians, Bulgarians and others now lived within the nation. These groups were cut out of political life by laws requiring that politicans and civil servants spoke Romanian. Even among the new Romanian population there was tension, as the many ethnic Romanians living within Translyvania were not a part of the massive NLP electoral machine. This led to the center of political gravity to start to shift away from the Party and the Monarchy, which in term led to wartime repressive measures to be put into place. Rising socialist activity among the work force, espeically around the issues of unrecognized factory committes and poor labor legistlation combined with rising anger against censorship, militrization and the state of siege.

While the anger of the common worker and farmer bubbled underneath the surface, the National Liberal Party fought to divide up the spoils of victory and lock down the new electorate. Within the royal palace itself there began to be worry that the Party was so inwards focused on its own greed and securing its domiance that it was turning a blind eye to sources of instability within the nation. Ferdinand I, who had led the nation through the Great War, was starting to lose faith winthin the NLP. If any major crises erupted under their watch, espeically if it could be linked back to their greed and poor planning, the King might feel forced to step in.
 

The expected letter arrived precisely on time. Another day, another bout of pleading desperation. A man, whose ambitions were foiled and whose actions in the previous year were openly mocked in his home region. Alas, history would not find the letter in the hands of the desired recipient; for he was away to the South, speaking with others of importance about consequential decisions affecting life and limb throughout the world. No who picked up the letter was a man whose voice increasingly echoed his empty office. Where once men flocked to see him, demanding attention, favours, and gifts, now there were none but the fanatical and sycophantic. He would not go sweetly into the darkness of French politics, abandoned by doves and their wives. He decided to use his power one last time, wield influence none thought a lame duck would use. But he was not a duck, he was a hawk, a proud French eagle.

One who would make the enemy pay as they always deserved. In a way they eternally deserved.
 
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~



The Bauer Government
As of January 1st, 1920
Chancellor: Gustav Bauer, SPD
Vice-Chancellor: Eugen Schiffer, DDP
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Herman Müller, SPD
Minister of the Interior: Erich Koch-Weser, DDP
Minister of Justice: Eugen Schiffer, DDP
Minister of Labor: Alexander Schlicke, SPD
Reichswehr Minister: Gustav Noske, SPD
Minister of Economic Affairs: Robert Schmidt, SPD
Minister of Finance: Matthias Erzberger, Centre
Minister of the Treasury: Wilhelm Mayer, Centre
Minister of Transport: Johannes Bell, Centre
Minister of Postal Affairs: Johannes Giesberts, Centre
Minister of Reconstruction: Otto Gessler, DDP
Minister Without Portfolio: Eduard David, SPD
Chief of the German Army: Walther Reinhardt, Independent
Chief of the Admiralty Office: Adolf von Trotha, Independent


A coalition of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) (Social-Democratic), German Democratic Party (DDP) (Liberal), and Catholic Centre Party (Centre).
 
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The Nitti Government
As of January 1st, 1920
Prime Minister: Francesco Saverio Nitti (PRI)
Minister of the Interior: Francesco Saverio Nitti (PRI)
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Vittorio Scialoja (UL)
Minister of Grace and Justice: Lodovico Mortara (Independent)
Minister of Finance: Francesco Tedesco (UL)
Minister of War: Alberico Albricci (Military)
Minister of the Navy: Giovanni Sechi (Military)
Minister of Industry, Commerce, and Labour: Dante Ferraris (UL)
Minister of Public Works: Edoardo Pantano (PRI)
Minister of Maritime and Rails Transport: Roberto De Vito (PRI)
Minister of Agriculture: Achille Visocchi (PLDI)
Minister of Public Education: Alfredo Bacceli (PLDI)
Minister of Post and Telegraphs: Pietro Chimenti (UL)
Minister of the Colonies: Luigi Rosso (PRI)
Minister for the Lands freed from the Enemy: Cesare Nava (PPI)
 


The German Political Spectrum, 1920

"Our Republic is not yet an object of mass consciousness but a constitutional document and a government administration. When the people want to see the Republic, they are shown Wilhelmstrasse. And then one wonders why they return home, somewhat shamed. Nothing is there to make the heart beat faster. Around this state, lacking any ideas and with an eternally guilty conscience, there are grouped a couple of so-called constitutional parties, likewise lacking an idea, which are not led but administered by a bureaucratic caste."
Carl von Ossietzky, September 1924

Germany in 1920 is a nation at deep war with itself. It is a republic that is governed by a coalition, seemingly an insurmountable one, of three strong and vibrant traditions which are directed by political parties which either posses in their own rights or are successors to a long tradition of democratic mobilization. The German nation is one of the most literate in the world, one of the most highly educated, one of the most cultured, and historically one of the richest. And yet, alone of all the Great Powers in the world, save the perpetually dysfunctional Italy, it is a new nation. Long divided into dozens, or hundreds, of petty states loosely aligned under the institutions of the Holy Roman Empire or the German Confederation, domineered by the mighty Austrian and Prussian monarchies, Germany was but a geographical and cultural expression. It was a vague notion, with ill-defined borders, such that the great nationalist August Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben could sit upon the forlorn rock of Heligoland and imagine a Germany from the Meuse to the Memel, from the Adige to the Belt.

But in the 19th century nationalism slowly, by fits and starts, and with a sea of blood became the defining force of human relations. And German nationalism, that most scientific and culturally powerful form of nationalism, could not be long denied. The stillbirth of a liberal Germany died in the fires of 1848-49, but in the 1860s by the iron will of Bismarck and Prussian militarism, a Germany would come into being. A Germany, though it loved Goethe and Strauss, was born on Königgrätz and Sedan, in blood and iron. And four decades of this Germany, though it had a parliament of liberals, Catholics, and social democrats, was an empire of blood and iron. And when that empire came crashing down in November of 1918 it was not replaced with one vision but several. A Germany of the Black-Red-Golds, rather than the old Hohenzollern tricolor of Black-White-Red.

In 1920 there are now six major parties in Germany, with several minor parties as well. Among these are the three of the Weimar Coalition, who built the constitution themselves and are dedicated to the current political order. The other three major parties come from vastly different parts of the political spectrum but are all opposition parties to the current order, for a variety of reasons. We will go from the political left to the right.



The Communist Party of Germany (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands, KPD) Minor Party

The Communist Party of Germany was founded in 1919 by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, the leaders of the left wing of the USPD who had broken to form the radical Spartacist League. This became the core of the KPD. This party is inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917 in Russia and is favorable to the Soviet Union. The party is weak in 1920 due to the crushing of the January 1919 Spartacist Uprising and continuous repression by the state and their allied Freikorps units of the Communists in particular and the far-left in general. Since the murder of their famous leaders Liebknecht and Luxemburg in 1919 the party has been led by Paul Levi. Levi has abandoned the party's initial policy of forcing an immediate revolutionary situation, but he has so far failed to bring his party to major relevance. Still, the party is powerful among the most organized and radical sections of the working class and the labor movement. The party is particularly popular in the industrial cities of northern Germany, notably Hamburg and Bremen.


The Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (Unabhängige Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, USPD) Major Party

This party was formed from a split in the Social Democratic Party of Germany that developed in 1915. In 1914 the Reichstag had unanimously voted war credits to the Imperial government with only token opposition from the fringes of the SPD, such as Karl Liebknecht. However, in 1915 Hugo Haase led a major faction within the SPD to vote against the war, leading to this faction being officially expelled from the SPD in 1916. After this there would be two parties of the left, the Majority SPD (MSPD) and the Independent SPD (USPD). In January of 1918 the USPD helped to organize the Januarstreik, a large-scale strike across Germany against the war and hunger imposed by blockade and rationing. This led to the USPD quickly ballooning to about 120,000 members. While initially supportive of the SPD government following the November Revolution, Haase and the USPD left the government in protest over the SPD's use of military force against the sailors' uprising in Berlin. While the USPD did not participate in the violent revolutionary attempts of the Spartacists, the USPD's strong pacifism and support for a workers' council republic over parliamentary democracy has kept them relevant and a major opponent of the Weimar system from the left. Hugo Haase's death in November 1919 has left a vacuum for leadership at the head of the party which is currently being controlled collectively by the party's central committee. The four key individuals in the central committee are Ernst Däumig, Arthur Crispien, Walter Stoecker, and Wilhelm Dittmann.


The Social Democratic Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, SPD) Major Party

The Social Democratic Party of Germany was founded in 1875 as a merger of several smaller socialist parties. After the repeal of the Anti-Socialist Laws in 1890, which repressed any groups advocating for socialist ideas, the party quickly expanded. The party's program and theory were staunchly Marxist but the party was moderate in practice, focused on labor organizing and building up the party infrastructure. From 1890 onward it was the largest Marxist party in the world and the most popular party in Germany, though due to the electoral system was outclassed in terms of seats won by other parties. The SPD integrated into all aspect of German working-class life, integrating with the unions, social halls, clubs, etc. In 1912 the SPD won over 34% of the vote and became the largest party in the Reichstag with 110 deputies. From 1912 through the end of the German Empire the SPD would be the largest party but would never enter government.
The decisive break of the SPD with orthodox Marxism came during in 1914 when the Great War broke out. The stance of the Second International was a total opposition to imperialist wars of aggression and pacifism among the working classes of the world against nation-states. However, the SPD backed the war, voted war credits to the Wilhelmine government, and expelled the pacifists in 1916 who formed the USPD and Spartacist League. The SPD joined the Catholic Centre Party and the Liberals to form the Reichstag peace majority in 1917 and 1918, seeking to pressure the Wilhelmine government to seek peace terms and to concede true representative democracy after the war. In November 1918, however, the SPD took into its hands the leadership of the state. It was necessary for the SPD to seize control to prevent chaos and total defeat, which they performed admirably in seeing off Bolshevik revolution and securing a Wilsonian Armistice. But now the chickens have come home to roost, for the SPD is most held responsible by the nation for the situation Germany has found herself in. The SPD is the largest party in Germany and the core of the Weimar Coalition. It is led by Otto Wels but the President, Friedrich Ebert, and the Chancellor, Gustav Bauer, are both members of the SPD.



The German Democratic Party (Deutsche Demokratische Partei, DDP) Major Party

The German Democratic Party was founded in November 1918 by a union of the Progressive People's Party and the left-wing of the National Liberal Party. It, together with the German People's Party, represented political liberalism in the new Germany. The DDP was founded by a number of eminent liberals such as Erich Koch-Weser, Friedrich von Payer, Max Weber, and Hjalmar Schacht. It participated in the Scheidemann cabinet and was one of the most influential of the parties in the drafting of the Weimar Constitution. The DDP was deeply opposed to the signing of the Treaty of Versailles and left the Bauer government over the signing of it, however they returned to the Red-Black-Gold coalition in October. The DDP is committed to liberalism, republicanism, progressivism, and a liberal interpretation of German nationalism.


The German-Hanoverian Party (Deutsch-Hannoversche Partei, DHP) Minor Party

The German-Hanoverian Party, also called the Guelph Party (Welfenpartei) for their loyalty of the House of Welf, is a regional party that exists only in Hanover. The party opposes Hanover remaining part of Prussia, which conquered Hanover in the 1860s, however they do not oppose Germany. Rather they want Hanover to became an equal state within Germany. During the Hohenzollern period they supported the restoration of the House of Welf but are now divided over monarchism. In 1920 they are essentially the Protestant wing of the Catholic Centre Party, being completely allied to Zentrum. Historian Evan B. Bukey said, "the DHP behaved as if it were an integral part of the Zentrum" and "had most Guelphs not been Protestants the DHP might have disappeared altogether." The DHP also cooperated with the SPD to repeal the anti-socialist laws in 1890 and opposed the government's repressive efforts.



The Centre Party (Zentrum) Major Party

Founded during the Kaiserreich, the Centre Party, often called the Catholic Centre Party, became the leading political voice of Catholicism. They successfully fended off Bismarck's kulturkampf and other efforts against Catholicism and became one of the largest parties in Germany. Zentrum's leader Ludwig Windthorst was Bismarck's greatest opponent and he built up the power of the Reichstag as a potential check on the power of the Wilhelmine government. Windthorst recognized that in Germany Catholics were one-third of the population. Alone they could not prevent themselves from being oppressed by the Protestant majority, but if they could make strategic alliances and establish a party that stood in the name of the rights of all minorities and the rule of law, Catholics could be protected by an alliance of all potential minorities in Germany. Therefore, Zentrum became a fundamentally liberal party, a party of the centre-right. Zentrum supported the war effort in WWI but led the Reichstag peace majority through its charismatic leader of Matthias Erzberger in 1917 and 1918. Following the November Revolution Zentrum threw itself into backing the SPD in establishing a democratic German Republic, opposed to the extremes of Bolshevism and Nationalist Monarchism. Because Zentrum is fundamentally a party of German Catholics it is flexible towards the left or to the right. Within the party each Catholic politician may be inclined in one direction strongly such as Matthias Erzberger to the left or Franz von Papen to the right, but others such Wilhelm Marx are imminently flexible.


The German People's Party (Deutsche Volkspartei, DVP) Major Party

The German People's Party was the direct successor of the great National Liberal Party, which had rallied to Bismarck's side during German unification. In 1918 the National Liberals shattered into a left-liberal faction and a conservative-liberal faction, the latter becoming the German People's Party. Together with their rivals the German Democratic Party, these two parties represented political liberalism in Germany in 1920. Efforts in 1918 to prevent a permanent split were spoiled by the singular person of Gustav Stresemann, the leader of the DVP. Stresemann hoped to become a major figure within a unified middle-class liberal party, but the DDP refused to grant him a major position because Stresemann had become known during the war as an "annexationist." Stresemann instead took most of the National Liberal politicians with him to found the conservative-liberal DVP. The DVP opposed the signing of the Treaty of Versailles and opposed the Weimar Constitution. Stresemann and most of the leadership of the DVP were at heart monarchists, but they understood that an attempt to restore the monarchy would lead to civil war. Stresemann said in 1919, "We must not proceed from one bloodbath to another. ... The path to domestic peace can only be on the basis of a republican form of government. That is why we are working for it." The DVP's opposition to the Republic's constitution was not total, or destructive. They offered proposals for reform that stayed within the democratic system. However, the party is Stresemann's creature and their opposition to Versailles and the eastern frontiers are total.


The Bavarian People's Party (Bayerische Volkspartei, BVP) Minor Party

The Bavarian People's Party was founded in November 1918 as a splinter of the Centre Party. The BVP split due to Zentrum's alliance with the SPD and left-wing turn to the republic. The BVP preferred to establish a more conservative and Bavarian particularist policy. The BVP supported a far more federal constitution for Germany at the national level and supported conservative policies in Bavaria itself. The party is very strong in Bavaria but has no presence outside that state.




The German National People's Party (Deutschnationale Volkspartei, DNVP) Major Party

The foremost party of the political right, the German National People's Party is a national-conservative and monarchist party. The DNVP was founded in response to the November Revolution as an alliance of conservative, nationalist, monarchist, völkisch, and antisemitic forces, backed by the Pan-German League. The DNVP is highly Lutheran and deeply antisemitic, explicitly barring membership in the party to Jews. The DNVP is totally opposed to the republican institutions of the Weimar Constitution and to the terms of the Versailles Treaty. The DNVP argues that a coalition of socialists, Jews, Catholics, and liberals united in secret to stab Germany in the back in 1918 while it was fighting for its life. Therefore, they claim, that it was not the German armies who had been defeated in battle, but were betrayed by sinister forces hidden within the German government and German elite, particularly among the financial and cultural elites.


The National Socialist German Workers' Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, NSDAP) Minor Party

The National Socialist German Workers' Party is a small political party based in Munich which is based in the völkisch movement. This populist movement advocated a return to German traditional life and a conception of the state as an ethnic communal body, that is a theory of "blood and soil" and a semi-mystical will of the folk over liberal (Jewish) notions of democracy and the rule of law. This party and other völkisch formations are extremely small but are growing in influence due to the popularity of the völkisch movement. The NSDAP in particular is led by Anton Drexler, Adolf Hitler, and Ernst Röhm. The party is vehemently opposed to the republican system of government and to the Treaty of Versailles.
 
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Cultural Rule

The Empire of Japan, although a victor in the Great War had undergone a major shift in its trajectory both in terms of foreign and internal policies entering 1920, as the Siberian Intervention continued without an end in sight against the Bolsheviks. But within the Empire's borders, great instability had festered to a breaking point which required the immediate attention of the government. Chōsen (Korea) was a powder keg waiting to explode as the March First Movement, started in 1919 had shook the very foundations and confidence Japan had cultivated and espoused to the world of its civilization mission to what they described as the backwards Korean people. The March First Movement were a series of protests that began in Seoul against Japanese rule, advocating for independence from Tokyo through peaceful means and spread to Korean diaspora who also protested from their respective nations. The three primary reasons that were frequently repeated for this protest were tied to American President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points (the right to self-determination being inspiration for independence), the suspected assassination of Emperor Gojong on January 21st, 1919 by the Japanese for being a political threat to their rule during the Paris Peace Conference, and the economic and social hardships inflicted upon Koreans during and after the Rice Riots of 1918.

The well-known methods of using extremely violent crackdowns by Japanese police and Imperial Japanese Army units exasperated the situation even further, as the Jeamni Massacre on April 15th, 1919, had exposed the draconian and inhumane methods the military was willing to use to return law and order to the colony. Alongside many other notable mass murder events were rumors and reports of prisons keeping any captured protestors in extremely poor conditions, with extrajudicial killings a frequent occurrence. Such actions by the Japanese led to not only protests in Korea but the formation of the Korean Provisional Government, located in China which claimed to be the official representation of the independence movement for Korea and its government-in-exile, stating Japan's control over Korea as illegal and illegitimate. Although the March First Movement protests had lessened in scope and intensity, they continued to linger into 1920 and became the primary concern of both the Prime Minister and the Governor-General of Chōsen's office as a new vision was decided, seeing the old ways of management no longer feasible and international eyes and pressure mounting.

With the blessings and encouragement of Prime Minister Hara Takashi who also desired change, Governor-General of Chōsen Saitō Makoto released statements of major policy changes for Korea, as the harsh and unforgiving status quo would finally end. The Government-General of Chōsen announced that throughout 1920 a large majority of government offices and positions, currently held by members of the Imperial Japanese Armed Forces would be removed, replaced with civilian administrators and bureaucrats. Unlike their military counterparts, who used violence and intimidation to keep Koreans in line, it was hoped and expected their removal and replacement with veteran political administrators from the Home Islands would ease fears from locals and gain trust in the government. Korean newspaper outlets, entirely prohibited within Korea by the Government-General of Chōsen were given permission to be created, as The Dong-A Ilbo and The Chosun Ilbo soon after formed and began to be distributed for local consumption. The suppression of Korean culture and language was also proclaimed to be at an end, as institutions such as the Chōsen Art Exhibition and the Government-General of Chōsen Library were created to both preserve and expand Korean history, highlighting the acceptance of the Japanese that Korea did indeed have a unique and distinct culture separate from Japan.



Governor-General of Chōsen Saitō Makoto, hoping to transform the colony through major reforms

In economic areas Governor-General of Chōsen Makoto promised a massive increase in investment for Korea, stating that growth both to ensure the Home Islands' needs were met but equally the needs of Koreans would be as well, distancing the government's extraction-focused economy based on the British India model towards one of both self-sustainment and exports. Another aim was to, although controversial by the Imperial Diet in light of large expenditures in the budget, the Siberian Intervention still eating large amounts of credit and the Imperial Japanese Navy's planned expansion for the decade to begin lowering the highly punishing taxes imposed on Koreans, to both encourage economic mobility and lessen resentment and anger towards the government, perhaps in the long-term accepting Japanese rule. These proposals and others were seen as a drastic alteration of how the Japanese government saw its most valuable colony and the people which resided within it, although rumors spoke of the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy believing these changes and loss of power over government functions were unacceptable, most particular within the army which quietly protested these moves stating both Korean nationalists and Bolshevik-sponsored revolutionaries would bring major instability to the colony in light of these concessions. There were legitimate fears that in the future the military and civilian bodies of government would clash over their vision for the Empire and Imperial possessions, even leading to open violence to resolve their disputes.
 

Father Victory signed his name with a flourish. With a stroke of a pen, he made fact what many had long acknowledged, Clemenceau was seeking the French Presidency. A man who led France ultimately to a pyrrhic victory over the great enemy, he lost some of his gravitas during the negotiations at Versailles. More! Cried Poincaire, lusting for German blood. More! Cried the industrialists, greedy of German steel and coin. More! Cried the impoverished, who desired coal for the winter in rebuilt homes. But while Father Victory doted upon the impoverished, foisting upon the German Republic stern requirements of coal and steel, he had little use for the bourgeoises.

A modern demonstration of an ancien concept, these men had grown, will grow, and are currently growing fat off the teat of the common man. It was the Poilu who died in the trenches, choking on gas, lead, and steel. This was his constituency, the one he fought so hard for over decades, who suffered. Clemenceau would not back down from this fight. His august persona would not be enough to carry the misdirected members of the Bloc National. He would secure the Presidency and find for France what he always found for them.

Victory.
 





The Treaty of Rapallo
Having entered into bilateral negotiations following the failure of the Paris Peace Conference to establish a binding solution to territorial disputes in the Adriatic between the Kingdom of Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. The undersigned parties, recognizing the necessity of establishing stable and equitable boundaries between them, agree to the following terms regarding territorial disputes in the Adriatic region:

I – Territorial Allocations

§1. The Kingdom of Italy shall gain full sovereignty over the following:

a) The city and port of Fiume and its immediate surroundings.

b) The Dalmatian islands of Lagosta (Lastovo), Curzola (Korčula), Lissa (Vis), Pelagosa (Palagruža), and others stipulated in the Treaty of London.

c) A stretch of the Dalmatian coast as specified in the Treaty of London, including Zara (Zadar) and Sebenico (Šibenik).

§2. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes shall gain full sovereignty over the mainland city of Split (Spalato) and its immediate hinterlands.

II – Freedom of Movement and Property Rights

§1. For a period of twelve (12) calendar months following the ratification of this treaty, all citizens of the affected territories shall have the right to freely relocate to the nation of their choice without impediment.


III – Governance and Guarantees for the Italian Minority
§1. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes guarantees the following rights and protections to Italians residing within its territory:

a) Full recognition and protection of property rights, ensuring that no Italian citizen or entity shall be deprived of property without due legal process and fair compensation.
b) Freedom of religion, safeguarding the ability of Italians to practice and maintain their religious traditions without interference.
c) Recognition of existing economic authorizations granted to Italian individuals or entities by the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes or its predecessor states. Including those given by the Habsburg Monarchy.
d) Equal treatment under the law, with explicit protections against discrimination based on ethnicity, language, or nationality.
e) Preservation of cultural and linguistic practices, including support for Italian-language schools, publications, and cultural organizations.
f) Recognition of professional and academic qualifications obtained under Italian governance, treating them as equivalent to those issued within the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes.

§2. Italians residing within the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes may, within one (1) year of the ratification of this treaty, choose to opt for Italian citizenship. Those opting for Italian citizenship shall retain the right to remain residents of the Kingdom, with all associated rights and privileges, including property rights and freedom of religion, fully respected.

§3. A joint arbitration council, with equal representation from both nations, shall oversee disputes concerning the rights of Italian citizens within the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes to ensure compliance with these guarantees.


IV – Agricultural Development Cooperation

§1. The Kingdom of Italy agrees to establish a joint Agricultural Development Commission with the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. This commission, composed of Italian agricultural advisors, will collaborate with local authorities to modernize farming practices and infrastructure. Italy will provide technical guidance, training, and surplus modern equipment to improve agricultural productivity and sustainability. The commission will oversee pilot projects and educational initiatives to ensure long-term development.

IV – Finality of Claims

§1. The parties agree that this treaty constitutes the final settlement of all territorial disputes between Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes concerning the Adriatic region.

§2. Both parties pledge to respect these borders and refrain from further territorial claims.


V – Implementation and Oversight

§1. A joint commission, with equal representation from both nations, shall oversee the implementation of this treaty over a twelve-month period, ensuring adherence to the agreed terms.

§2. In the event of any discrepancies or disputes regarding the interpretation of the text, the Italian version shall be considered the definitive and binding version.

§3. Any disputes arising from this treaty shall be referred to an international arbitration body, whose decision shall be binding.



SIGNATORIES

For the Kingdom of Italy
[X] Francesco Nitti, Prime Minister of Italy

For the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes
[X] Nikola Pašić, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes
 
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The Eight-Eight Fleet

The Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) was always in a heated rivalry with the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) over the allocation of the national budget towards their respective branches, coming to odds more times than not over who deserves more to advance their own militaristic agendas. Unfortunately for the navy, the army had won the argument in 1918 with the beginning of the Siberian Intervention, knowing that the conflict against the Bolsheviks would be decided by the soldiers of the IJA in Siberia. This was a serious blow to the pride and ego of those within the Admiralty, it was known even with the victory over the German Empire during the Great War and dominance of the northern Pacific there was not going to be another Battle of Tsushima anytime soon to find great glory and prestige in. The Japanese allies of the Royal Navy and United States Navy would not initiate hostilities against Japan, and the Russian Navy, regardless of what faction would be victorious in the Russian Civil War had never recovered from the Russo-Japanese War, removing any doubt the IJN would for decades at minimum dominate the region.

But the IJN had a new potential threat and saving grace due to the announcement in the United States by President Woodrow Wilson in 1919 of a massive expansion of the US Navy. The Americans called for the creation of upwards of sixteen new capital ships, on top of the sixteen already authorized in 1916, giving the United States a massive quantitative and qualitive advantage in both the Atlantic and Pacific theatres. This was deemed entirely unacceptable to have the Americans at such an empowering position, which could be easily used to intimidate and dictate policy against the Empire of Japan in any future crises or negotiations. The Eight-Eight Fleet Program, initially started in 1910 with the aim to have a powerful navy of eight modern battleships and eight armored cruisers had been deemed obsolete in light of rapid technological advancements and firepower since the conclusion of the Great War, giving naval planners avenues to develop and design new classes of ships while the Imperial Diet groaned and reluctantly accepted the requests of the Admiralty to construct at minimum six new battleships and four new battlecruisers.

The latest ships expected to come online in 1920, the IJN Nagato and IJN Mutsu were accepted and designated as No.1 and No.2 within the confines of the new plan with previous capital ships classified as obsolete even if completed in the past decade. Authorization of four Amagi-class battlecruisers and two Tosa-class battleships in previous budget plans now after years of development were prepared to be laid down throughout 1920. The IJN Tosa and IJN Kaga were expected to be laid down in early and mid 1920, with the IJN Amagi and IJN Akagi expected to begin being laid down in late 1920. The latter two of the Amagi-class, the IJN Atago and IJN Takao were ordered to be laid down a year later in late 1921, meaning all six capital ships were expected to be completed between 1924 and 1925. To round out this new wave of battleships and battlecruisers were the Kii-class, with four being authorized for construction, the IJN Kii and IJN Owari expected to be laid down in late 1921 and the latter two IJN Sanuki and IJN Iyo either in late 1921 or early 1922. This would give Japan a fleet of eight "modern" battleships and four battlecruisers, with some calling on the four older Kongō-class battlecruisers to take the remaining four slots to round out the Eight-Eight Fleet Program in a cost saving measure.

The vast amount of capital ship production in such a short timespan was a massive strain upon the budget, estimated to be almost thirty percent of Japan's yearly spending was allocated towards the IJN as a result. This alongside the ongoing Siberian Intervention was leading to what many expected within the Imperial Diet of a major economic and budgetary disaster sooner than later, with the status quo no longer feasible as something had to give in either situation or else the nation would face total ruin. But it appeared the IJN and its many backers within the government would not budge on their demands for an expanded fleet of capital ships, pressing their leverage and the belief that it was necessary in a potential future war, the price and pains paid now would be worth the cost when the guns are no longer silent.
 
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