Enter the Dragon (TRO Dongbei Quest)

StarMaker764 · Dec 17, 2024

The Second World War was an event that would forever alter the course of human history, proving to be the final death knell of the old world of Europe's dominion as the inferno of fascism burnt through its foundations only to be extinguished in turn, leaving millions dead, millions more starving, homeless and broken while ushering in a new era unseen in human history as man finally cracked the atom and unlocked a power beyond the wildest dreams of his ancestors and nightmares that they could never conceive of.

The German, Japanese, and Italian Empires were no more, all three throwing their futures onto the pyre of ultranationalism for the chance to burn brightly as the sun for one glorious moment as their peoples were cooked alive in the inferno. Mussolini's ambition, Tojo's recklessness and Hitler's megalomania all combined into a tornado that tore down the foundations of the old world and reduced them to scattered debris even as their own nations were reduced to ruins.

As nations sought to pick up the pieces and rebuild amid the corpses of old empires, not one new order but three rose from the ashes of the old one to proclaim themselves the heralds and custodians of this new bold age.

The Entente Commonwealth Organization (ECO) stands as the last great guardian of the old world. It seems to champion sensible democracy, logical economics, and ancient heritage in a world that is increasingly questioning the very foundations of civilization and sanity.

In reality, ECO is little more than the unholy incestuous fusion of the French and British empires, holding the largest share of land in the Cold War and untold millions in bondage through a network of colonies, vassals, protectorates, and "allies" that are only aligned together by the military and economic might of the London and Paris diarchy, a might that will soon be put to the test as the proud old empires face the challenge of adapting to a bold new age.

Facing them is the more modernized but less experienced Intercontinental Accords(ICA); a fledgling loose alliance of republics and dictatorships united by their alignment to the United States of America, anti-communism and having an interest in standing against the ancient regimes of Europe. Unfocused and unbalanced at the moment, the Accords nonetheless possess immense potential should they manage to steer their ship correctly and promise to fulfill the great dreams of republicanism and liberalism finally, the heralds of a new golden age or a dark one depending on where one's allegiances lie.

Facing against the two capitalist alliances stands the Eurasian red colossus called the Weimar Pact, an organization whose aegis stretches from the tundras of Suomi to the deserts of Iran and whose influence can be felt from the banks of the Mekong to the streets of Copenhagen, uniting those nations where the red flag flies high and the worker reigns supreme, with the USSR at its center as the birthplace of the world revolution that will set the human race free from the many tyrannies that hounded it for all its history.

At least that's the theory of it, for though the pact has made tremendous strides in recovering from World War 2, its members are almost all haunted by their histories' baggage, their uncertain presents and beckoning futures, all while the socialist dream remains a work in progress in some places and an elusive thing in others, and rivalries threaten to shatter the fragile unity of the revolutionary cause, a cause that may be greater one day but for now remains the most confined among the three alliances.

But the story of the big three's struggle to claim mankind's destiny is but one large tale in the tapestry of history, and many more stories play out in its shadow; whether it be the monarchs and revolutionaries of the Middle East battling for control over civilization's cradle or South America's many bloody rivalries blossoming under the eye of their jealous North American hegemon. .

One of these stories takes place in the patch of dirt that humans call East Asia, where a country once united is now divided into two halves, each claiming to be to be the rightful heir of a long-dead doctor's legacy and the only one worthy to direct and reshape it as they see fit.

One is the sprawling Republic of China, ruled by the Kuomintang and the one recognized by most of the world as the true heir to the old republic, ruling an area that stretches from the mountains of Tibet and the plains of Xinjiang to the shores of Taiwan and the fields of Fujian, bold and confident from its victory in the world and civil wars but still bleeding from a dozen wounds that have yet to heal as its industry lags, its agriculture wanes, its population chafes and its politics remain divided and inconsistent as partisans haunt the countryside.

(Flag of the Chinese Soviet Republic by @Raiho-kun )

And in the northeast corner of the former Middle Kingdom, in the land where the Manchus once hailed from, is the Chinese Soviet Republic as it is known officially or the Dongbei Soviet Republic as it is more commonly known internationally. The DSR was born as the result of the Chinese Bolsheviks' loss in the civil war and their failure to defeat the NRA in any region outside of their Soviet-backed Manchurian stronghold.

The Chinese breakaway state is a seeming shining bastion of socialist prosperity on the surface that all developing nations look to with awe or envy, with a modernised heavy industry sector fueled by an abundance of natural resources, prosperous coastal cities, and a highly educated population that suffer little from the problems that plague their southern neighbors.

But beneath the glittering surface, the communist state hides many skeletons in its closet.

The army continues to play an outsized role in the government with the DSR being a military dictatorship in practice as measures for a war against the ROC remain in place and the civilian government finds itself having to dance around and placate the generals and commanders of the red army, while the CPC's strategic alliances with reactionaries and Japanese collaborators continue to haunt it within a thousand festering tendrils buried in varying levels in the administration. All the while the CSR continues to struggle with the more social aspects of the communist cause, as Han chauvinism, sexism and other rancid ideals of a bygone age continue to thrive even among the very cadres of the party, and the lack of promised worker democracy continues to fuel the growth of internal opposition to the party, one that cannot be easily swept aside.

As with all nations on the pale blue dot called earth, the Chinese Soviet Republic will have to decide its place in the world and this is where you come in comrades as you attempt to guide and shape the future of Dongbei Soviet in the coming turbulent times, kickstart its transition to true socialism and begin clearing away the rot that eats at its foundation even as it struggles to rise, and perhaps one day you will lead it to reunite the land of ZhÅngguÃ³ and become a red sun shining all over Asia? Or will you lead the Asian Soviets to ruin and become nothing more than a footnote in someone else's grand narrative?

Hello everyone, this is @StarMaker764 and I welcome you to my latest quest based on the HOI4 mod The Red Order: First Days of Eurasia where you will play as the Dongbei Soviet Republic or the Chinese Soviet Republic as it calls itself and guide it through the chaos of a three-way Cold War.

For those of you who are familiar with my earlier work in the Long March, this quest is a different formula from what you are used to since you are playing as just one member of a relatively conservative socialist alliance rather than being at the helm of a radical internationalist bloc borne out of necessity, the mechanics and what you are allowed to do are gonna be different and I just wanted to make that clear from the ground up.

I also wanna say in advance that while this quest is based on TRO lore it will diverge by necessity since there isn't a lot of official lore on the DSR and many of the nations featured here as of the time of writing and I will alter details from the mod to make the narrative more fruitful for an in-text quest. I also apologize in advance if I make errors or mistakes about Chinese history, figure,s or politics since I am limited by the RL time and language constraints in terms of research and I know there are SVers who are far better knowledgeable than me on the topics, if anyone has constructive criticism feel free. Finally, Big thanks to all the people who helped me write this.

And with that out of the way I will let you guys get to it

As the CSR enters the year 1962, it is clear that the best years of Chairman Zhang Wentian are behind him and the man himself is not averse to following the precedent set by his Soviet counterpart and retiring while the going is good rather than staying on the stage for too long.

As with any such situation, the biggest question is who will succeed the venerable Bolshevik as the helmsman of the ship of the state. Factions within the Supreme Soviet would spend weeks and months engaging in the usual games of politicking that socialist states were supposed to be above until the aging chairman found his choice narrowed down to three candidates.

Choose 1

[ ] Hua Guofeng (vote weight 0.75): while the CSR's achievements in Industry are impressive no doubt, its economic machinery is in desperate need of some oiling and its civilian administration aches to reel the military in line, and Hua is the man many believe can achieve both. Despite his past as a partisan, Hua has risen through the ranks of the CPC thanks to his skills as an economic administrator and bureaucrat, a career path that has left him with many connections across the country and an encyclopedic familiarity with the ins and outs of its legal code and its economic structure.

Hua promises to diversify the economy, restart some badly neglected infrastructure programs, and end the Red Army's influence on the supreme Soviet, policies that have earned him much support among civilian circles, certain cadres, and party bureaucrats but at the same time it is likely he will face severe pushback from the military should he ascend to the chairmanship, and more ambitious reformers are rather unenthused by his non-committal stance towards many of the social issues that plague the country.

(Industry, agriculture, and civilian actions/rolls are more likely to succeed, military subordination actions must be taken).

[ ] Qin Bangxian (vote weight 1): commonly known as Bu Gu, Qin is a veteran of the CPC in both senses of the term; a member of the original 28 Bolsheviks and a commander of the Chinese Red Army in its darkest hours, a history that has made him immensely popular amongst the red army soldiery and his star only rises with his adoption of a firebrand internationalist rhetoric, believing that the CSR ought to become an armory of revolution, not just for the liberation of the rest of China but the entirety of Asia and possibly the world from the grip of reaction, a sentiment that has endeared him to the more militant cadres and members of the party.

However, not all are thrilled with Qin's viewpoints especially those who would rather see the red army's role in government reduced, something that Bu Gu not only opposes but believes in an increased role of the red army in government, seeing the military as simply the most efficient tool of disseminating revolutionary ideals and discipline into the general populace. Needless to say this (and his rather unorthodox approach to fixing social problems) will put him on the warpath (figuratively and literally) with many within the CPC and is liable to drag the CSR into many conflicts it may not be able to afford.

(Military and foreign policy actions/rolls are more likely to succeed. Increased chances of ?? and global revolution actions must be taken)

[ ] Shen Zemin (vote weight 0.5) : Shen is another member of the original 28 Bolsheviks and is no less militant than his colleague, albeit in a very different direction. Zemin has instead taken it upon himself to champion the cause of those left behind in the CSR's march towards socialism; women, national minorities, and workers in less "prioritized" industries among others who don't fit the idealized worker of the CPC's party line. Shen is a maverick who has gotten into trouble with the Central Committee more than a few times but has always managed to evade real censure thanks to credentials, connections, and genuine popularity, especially once he began championing a transition from the current model of Central planning into a more participatory approach and begin steps to the long-promised worker democracy long promised by the revolution.

However, Shen's radicalism and desire for rapid change will doubtlessly make him a target for many who benefit from the current system, especially the party apparatchiks, red army commanders, and many former collaborators who stand to lose from his proposed reforms, to say nothing of the fact that he is likely to disrupt the tentative social peace of the CSR in a time where its gargantuan southern neighbor is ready to pounce on any sign of weakness, to say nothing of what Moscow might have to say on this.

(Social reform/socialist transition actions/rolls are more likely to succeed. Chance of ?? and cultural revolution actions must be taken)

A/N: 72 hours to vote, feel free to ask any questions

StarMaker764 · Jan 2, 2025

Chinese Soviet Republic

Political stats

Current Chairman: Hua Guofeng

Majority CPC faction: Bukharinists

Party Line: Orthodox Bukharinism

Rival factions:

Reformists (restive)
Militarists (appeased)
Maoists (irrelevant)
Collaborators (entrenched)

Populace mood: appeased

Legitimacy points: +5 per year (Current total: 10)

The CSR political situation is seemingly stable for the time being but as the Asian Soviet sets its roots and looks to reform itself, it is uncertain if the status quo will prove sustainable.

Economic Data

Industry: Highly developed heavy industry sector with neglected light industry and agricultural sectors.

Economic system: NEP

Energy situation: in need of development

Planning efficiency: adequate

The CSR economy mimics the principles of the Bukharinist New Economic Plan followed by the USSR, with some minor tweaks to account for Dongbei's conditions. Though this has paid dividends in allowing the economy to skyrocket in terms of heavy industrial output, certain other sectors have not enjoyed the same success due to either a lack of attention or compromises.

Social markers

Women's rights: questionable
Minority rights: questionable
Worker democracy: managed
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Relations within the Weimar Pact

Overall status: Valued but minor member.

Relations with Moscow: Friendly

Closest ally: Mongolia

Rivals/Hostiles: none

Despite the relative stability and economic strength of the CSR, it is a relatively isolated member of the Weimar Pact, owing to its distance away from its Eastern European heartland and the CSR's internal focus for the first decade of its life. This will have to change if Harbin wants to make its mark on the socialist world.

International relations

Overall status: Lacking in official recognition

Closest ally: Korea

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????: ???

The CSR suffers internationally from the fact that the majority of the world recognizes the ROC as the rightful government of the entirety of China while Dongbei, meaning the southern Chinese state enjoys all the benefits of diplomatic ties and a presence in the UN while the CSR is seen merely as an illegitimate Soviet appendage save for a few exceptions.

Spartakrod · Jan 4, 2025

Terra Allias said:
I see

The Long March drastically raised the bar, so I expect France to glass West Africa or something

The ECO creates a permanent fissure with the ICA by Eden just flat out having Nasser murdered in a Suez crisis delayed to 1962 and authorising a direct invasion of the Suez and Cyrenaica as well as an Israeli absorption of the whole of the Sinai. JFK tries to get the ECO to back down by threatening sanctions and Eden not only ignores the American president but pulls ECO out of Bretton-Woods and institutes trade barriers on the US as a hostile actor while officially having the military start deploying to areas deemed to be under ICA threat along with having America's mainland now directly targeted by French and British nuclear weapons moved to Canada and the Caribbean, causing a transatlantic freeze as severe if not more so than the OTL Sino-American relationship downspiral of 2017.

Other close ICA partners like the ROC and Turkiye are also subject to economic warfare by the ECO which backs regional enemies of these partners such as the (Anglophilic Liberal) Republic of India and the Kingdom of Greece, with Turkiye in particular basically undergoing complete economic meltdown when hit with trade restrictions by British dominated Western Europe. All in all, Western Europe shifts heavily towards seeing America and its "pacific sphere" as an unruly child that needs to be humbled for gainsaying the birthplace of western civilisation and attempting to meddle in its rightful sphere of influence out of misguided idealism that fails to reckon with the realities of the old world.

This is more palatable than it would be OTL because America contributed less to Europe due to Japanese victory at Midway and the rest of 1942 leading to the US taking a "balanced front" approach and President Wheeler hurriedly disentangling the US from European affairs after WW2 to avoid potentially drawing America into another war and to also focus on Asia and Latin America which the US saw as its more proper sphere of influence. Thus America so brazenly acting against the ECO over the Suez and the Middle East as a whole is seen as a stab in the back and the US is now seen not as a co-belligerent against Communism, but merely a snake in the grass trying to revise the world order to build its own Empire like Germany and Japan before it.

Thus the largest army in the western front of a somewhat extended European theater of WW2 is actually from France which re-arms, rebuilds, and re-forms its military after its liberation during a pause in operations before the final push into Northern Italy and Germany in 1945. Restoring the honour of the French army and also meaning France is more or less fully in control of the fate of West Germany (though East Germany reaches Hamburg and Holstein due to the Soviets both doing better on the Eastern Front due to Bukharin's USSR being better prepared, stronger, and the initial German invasion not doing quite as well and also having more time due to the freeze) while Britain largely keeps the Empire intact save for the Egyptian revolution, supporting the formation of Israel, and releasing India as a neocolonial client republic while the ROC quickly backs the newly formed Pakistan.

Also Britain can elect the Monday Club tories under Patrick Wall into the Prime Minister's office, who campaign on neither dominionising nor neocolonising the British Empire as the standard Tories or the Labour Right advocate, and certainly not the shift towards a partnership of equals the labour left advocates, but reinforcing the structures of the Empire with a system of incentives, developmentalism, cultural engineering, and brute force to ensure that nobody would even want to leave the Empire. France is most likely to elect the Gaulists under Soustelle who instead advocate for a sort of French equivalent of Lusotropicalism vis a vis the African colonies, seeking to turn them French as they wish to redefine France as a Multicontinental and Multiracial French Union unified by a broader French culture.

The ICA vs ECO cold war is much more existential for the US than the OTL Cold war was by the 60s because Britain went ham on having its own independent nuclear arsenal to the point of having the biggest stockpile in the world in the 60s while America invested rather less into nukes than OTL and moves enough nukes right next to America to essentially wipe out human civilisation in the US at the first sign of America moving against the Empire. The likely seizure of American and American aligned assets in the ECO's economic sphere also brings the American post-war boom to a crashing halt while also causing an economic upset in Western Europe itself.

Patrick Wall is a very evil High Tory (not Fascist, much too anti-populist for that) diehard, but he is a very canny and cunning guy and his plan for ensuring the sun never sets on the Empire by reinforcing European imperialism, containing the Weimar Pact, and stripping America's allies away from it until its kicked back to its own shores is entirely workable. He's even willing to make some compromises like selling the Pearl River concession cities to the ROC to entice them to defect to the European bloc or at least cement the ROC choosing to favour Britain as its new partner of choice in the very likely Sino-American split and cutting deals with Peron's UNSL despite the Falklands dispute purely to further shaft the Americans in LatAm.

Spartakrod · Jan 4, 2025

Terra Allias said:
JFK: "Hey, can you not do that?"

ECO for some reason:

View: https://youtu.be/31fpBsAT3bw?si=r8E-ExXVS1_hiZND
Any other spoilers?

Emilio Mola's Pro-nazi Falangists took over Spain after Sanjurjo's death and turned the newly christened Third Spanish Republic into the single worst country in the world to live in. Genociding the Basque and Catalan peoples (and other minorities) in Spain so severely their cultures will probably never recover in Spain itself, rejigging the economy as a "worst of all worlds" actually existing national syndicalism that basically pleases nobody but the middle strata support base of the Falange, and joined Peron's clubhouse of Latin dictatorships; the Union of Sovereign Latin Nations (or UNSL). Which is the closest thing to a fourth power bloc in the world and represents the main holdout of the far-right; including Peron's Argentina, Stroessner's Paraguay, Ultranationalist Bolivia, Velasco's Ecuador, Jiminez's Venezuela, Trujilist Dominica, and Falangist Spain.

The UNSL is seen as a rather serious threat to America due to its encouraging of open defiance of the US in LatAm and efforts to expand in Central America and even woo Mexico to its side and courting of the remaining Pro-Chiangist members of the KMT and fairly open ambition to make Argentina a nuclear state. Enough so that the US encouraged Brazil to form the South American Treaty Organisation with Chile, Peru, and Uruguay after Argentina supported a Bolivian and Ecuadorian invasion of Peru that ripped away significant chunks of Peruvian territory in a shocking blitz of the American client state and the unexpected rout of the American trained and supplied Peruvian army. Also inviting Haiti to the ICA out of concern of a potential Dominican invasion of the country.

However the Falangist government is widely hated and the country is bound for an inevitable second spanish civil war with four combatants, the Falangist Government, Franco's (American backed) Monarchists, the Weimar pact backed Communists, and the ECO (especially French) backed Republicans. Everyone's just waiting for Mola to snuff it to make their move against the most widely despised regime in Europe.

Closer to home, France withdrew from Indochina after deeming it impossible to hold it due to active Soviet and American interference with its efforts to maintain the country, and it split into the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (under Ho Chi Minh), the Kingdom of Laos, and the Kingdom of Cambodia. Vietnam is close to the Democratic Republic of Korea and to Dongbei but has tense relations with the ROC which, along with America, supports the Kingdom of Thailand which is under military regime personnel who were once loyal to Japan when Thailand was an ally of the Empire in the war. Sarit Thanarat is a fanatical anti-communist and a Thai irredentist and is willing to invade through Neutral Laos and pro-ECO Cambodia to conquer Vietnam if he has to.

Last update on Burma had it be a pro-soviet Left Wing Nationalist government and one of Vietnam's other friends in the region and a check on Thailand's military ambitions liable to set the whole of mainland southeast Asia ablaze. Thailand is basically an ICA client, and its military is American trained, equipped, funded, and styled. However the ROC's backing of Thailand means that its very widely disliked in Southeast Asia due to Thailand being so nakedly aggressive.

The Congo Crisis will also likely explode into war between a popular front of WEIPAC supported leftists and ICA backed republicans against the ECO supported Belgian government. And there's other crises in the 60s such as the Nasserite coup in Syria and the subsequent invasion of Pro-Israeli Lebanon, the Republican revolution in Iraq, a Cuban revolution, Revolutionary Nicaragua spreading the spirit of Sandino, the ongoing Indonesian Civil War, the potential for yet another Indo-Pakistani war as Pakistan is still furious about losing Bangladesh in the last one and India wants to retake Kashmir, and perhaps most seriously the likelihood of a SATO-UNSL war which can very easily be a WW1 level catastrophe for the South American continent. And if it ends in total Peronist victory would lead to an entire continent being reshaped to the whims of a parasocial autocrat with governments handpicked by Argentina in its bid to be recognised as the fourth leader of the world.

Spartakrod · Jan 4, 2025

Further details for the thread about TRO that I think are going to be important to know.

Unlike OTL, America has to go through with operation Downfall thanks to reduced progress with the atomic bomb on account of reduced Anglo-American cooperation as well as Japan doing better against America in the Pacific War but less well against the UK. The invasion extends the war by about a year, during which the Soviets punch through Dongbei and Korea while the British and Dutch re-invade Indonesia as the final act of the second world war.

The experience of having to invade Japan leads to the US purging basically everyone who was anyone in the Taisei Yokusankai and force Hirohito to abdicate and pass his throne to one of his sons so Japan has a very different political makeup. For one thing, due to not feeling as threatened by the Soviets in the pacific, they're willing to let the Japan Socialist Party under Asanuma take the premiership as he has in the 60s, though the country is under formal occupation to the present which has become a contentious issue in both America and Japan.

Korea meanwhile, is liberated under a Soviet friendly but officially neutral Democratic Republic that essentially helps provide access to the global market even in the face of trade barriers as the cold war begins. The current ruling coalition of Korea includes communists and socialists allied to the Left-Wing Populist People's Party, but the country is not considered a DotP and is not a member of the Weimar Pact. Its also much more prosperous than OTL Korea due to being unified and not being reduced to rubble in the 50s nor having to spend so much of their economies on the military.

The war in Europe also goes on a bit longer due to the WAllies and Soviets choosing to consolidate their gains more often in the later phase of the war, including a nearly year long pause in western offensive operations with a second "phony war" to rebuild the French army to provide the bulk of the divisions that end up being used for the invasion of Germany and to try and make more progress in Italy as the Red army sweeps through the balkans.

In this timeline, the finnish reds win the civil war, so the USSR has the Socialist Worker's Republic of Finland assisting it from the start of the war, ensuring Leningrad is never properly put to siege and tying down German divisions in Norway before contributing to the push in eastern Europe. This, along with not purging the military at the worst possible time as well as Bukharin's more cleanly managed economic policy allows the USSR to perform better against Germany and Italy, While Wheeler is less generous with lend lease than Roosevelt was OTL, the British and Soviets are better able to handle the war without it.

Hitler flees from the fall of Berlin to try and continue the war from Weimar, only to be captured by Soviet forces in early 1946 and subject to trial by the Allies where he rejects his lawyer as a Jewish plant and tries to argue in his own defence...which goes poorly and ends in him being hanged until dead after declaring "Germans, here I stand!".

The last stage of the war in Asia was essentially the big three all dogpiling onto different areas of the Japanese Empire, with the British lifting the siege of Singapore and retaking Southeast Asia as well as the aforementioned invasion of Indonesia, America striking the Japanese home islands, and the Soviets destroying the IJA in China and Korea.

The Berlin blockade ends in the fall of west Berlin, which along with Konrad Adenauer being assassinated by a German Communist leads to West Germany being both virulently anticommunist and losing its main advocate for good ties with America in the face of continually deteriorating relations between Europe and the US over repeated clashes over colonial and economic policy. This assassination also is what kills Charles de Gaulle, leaving the French Gaulists rudderless enough for Guy Mollet to further extend his tenure as President.

Unlike OTL, Britain never joins the European Economic Community, instead pursuing greater ties with the dominion, the empire, and assorted British client states to keep them in Britain's economic sphere and to repel what is already seen as unwanted American influence. This leaves France to have more or less total control over the EEC, where their economies, especially that of Italy and doubly especially West Germany, are tooled around French interests. The West German and IIRC, Italian Armies also have to send their officers to be trained in France to ensure compatability with French doctrine/French control over their armed forces.

France in reality, is a sort of ersatz federation with full control over the economies and militaries of the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, Italy, and West Germany as well as French and Belgian Africa and heavy influence over Lebanon, Israel, Cambodia, and the United States of Indonesia. France has never been so powerful over European affairs since the time of Napoleon, and many in France dream of a French ~~dominated~~ "guided" European Federation.

Britain meanwhile still rules a third of Africa from Sudan to the Cape, much of the OTL gulf states, and innumerable islands outright, has deep control over the major dominions of South Africa, Canada, the West Indies Federation, Australia, New Zealand, and Malysia, and counts Hashemite Iraq and Jordan, South Iran, Colombia, Uruguay, Norway, Portugal, India, Ethiopia, and Somalia as deeply ensnared client states. And with the oil boom in its arab gulf states as well as controlling BP interests in Canadian, Caribbean, Malaysian, North Sea, and South Iranian Oil the Petropound is very real and can hurt you.

This is also a source of frustration for the US as its inroads to trying to dominate trade in the British territories and Europe repeatedly get stonewalled, along with clearly irreconcilable goals for Southeast Asia and the Middle East where their spheres overlap. It isn't a single fit of pique by the British, but a long road of increasing deterioration in relations over imperial friction despite the efforts of Atlanticists to kindle a special relationship until eventually the two accept that the others are rivals for the leadership of global capital and that there can ultimately only be one world hegemon and go their separate ways.

StarMaker764 · Jan 15, 2025

The news of Chairman Zhang stepping from his venerable position were hardly surprised to the party or the people; the man who had led the Chinese Soviet Republic through its turbulent first decade of life and the trials of forging a socialist state had lost most of his vitality and vigor as the rigors of statecraft wore him down along with old age.

That Hua Guofeng had been chosen to replace him was likewise expected; the long march veteran was well respected within the party's ranks even if he was a relatively obscure figure to the people (who received the news of his ascension with either muted hope or apathy) and was seen as a moderate on most issues whose leadership could mend the simmering the divisions within the CPC without being too much of a radical that he may threaten to unravel the dream of Chinese socialism. Though the militarists and the radicals silently fume over their loss, for now they are content to work with the new chairman until the chance arises to take full power for themselves.

But the new chairman was not a man who was going to let the opinions and ideas of others define his tenure and behind the relatively unassuming persona and mundane plans are dreams of a splendorous future for the CSR as a land of red plenty where disease and need have been banished to the dustbin of industry, a realm of marvelous industry and production that will be the envy of not only socialist states but every nation in the globe and the forging of a nation that will not only liberate all of China one day but perhaps all of Asia as well.

But as the new leader of the breakaway state sat down in his new office, looking over the veritable mountain of paperwork and reports that filled every inch of it these dreams seemed like mirages blown away by the cold hard reality. But he was unfettered, for all great things must start small…

| And he was no stranger to long marches |

Economic planning

The economy may not be everything in life, but it comes close enough that it often may as well be. While the soviet republic has achieved much, much more needs to be done before it can truly live up to its potential as a citadel of modernity to put its stumbling southern rival to shame. With the vision of Chairman Hua and his faction in the CPC being primarily focused on such matters it is only natural that tackling the hidden but insidious flaws within the red Chinese economic engine.

Industrial efficiency: While the heavy industry of the CSR is nothing to sneeze at, the nation is the second largest producer of steel in the entire Weimar Pact (with the USSR being at the helm of course), it is quite clear from both official reports and more "discreet" methods of information gathering that even this prized sector of the Chinese economy is not without its fair share of flaws and inefficiencies; such as frequent delays in raw material delivery, under or overreporting of production metrics for myriad perverse incentives, certain factories lacking more modern technology and so on and so on. This is an unacceptable status quo and something must be done; the only question is what? Some suggestions have been put forward in the supreme soviet.

Choose 1

[ ] Top-down approach: Many believe that the obvious solution is a series of aggressive state interventions and anti-corruption campaigns to streamline the production process, institute more effective management techniques and set up more efficient systems of inter-industry communication and accountability, all while keeping a closer eye on things in case any unforeseen issues pop up.

This is a relatively mundane and uncontroversial solution that will be relatively simple to gain support for but will take up a significant chunk of the party's resources, focus, and best cadres to see through, and may leave the state apparatus vulnerable to other unforeseen problems.

(This option will take 3 years to be fully operational, will result in ??, ??, and has a chance of empowering the Bukharinist faction of the CPC.)

[ ] Limited-Worker-input approach: Some within the party suggest a different approach, believing that the state is under-utilizing one of its most abundant and supposedly treasured resources: the very proletariat it claims to be fighting for. The CSR is home to many union organizations under the aegis of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) and while the organization is a largely vestigial rubber stamp for the Harbin Soviet, they believe that the organization and the unions under its umbrella could be empowered to have a bigger role in managing and streamlining the processes of production and industry, with even ordinary workers being given a voice whenever possible.

Such an approach would lighten the burden off the party and the Central Soviet and allow it to focus on other matters but understandably many are wary of relinquishing any degree of control over the most vital sector of the economy, citing fears of sabotage, reactionary infiltration and exacerbation of the very problems that led to this debate; and that's without the potential for empowering the radicals within the CPC and potentially alienating the very Bukharinists who empowered Hua in the first place.

(This option will take 4 years to be fully operational, will result in ??, ??, and has a chance of empowering the radical faction of the CPC.)

[ ] Cybernetic approach: A small but loud and influential clique is proposing a third, more unconventional solution; a theory of economic management that is gaining prominence within the USSR and the Balkan Federation known as cybernetic planning which focus on establishing effective systems of feedback communication and holistic planning among other technical jargon; an approach that might have been simply ignored had it not managed to surprisingly gain the support of many within the militarist clique, who wish to import and implement this theory for military purposes but are willing to acquiesce to civilian use as well so long as the importation of experts and know-how is greenlit.

The cybernetic approach promises tremendous results if it is successfully implemented but that's a big if, as it has yet to be tested on a large scale and for now remains in the domain of local experiments rather than anything nationwide and the cost and time taken to implement it is great while also empowering the militarists, that is to say nothing about the cost of failure.

(This option will take ?? years to be fully operational, will result in ??, ??, and has a chance of empowering the militarist faction of the CPC.)

[ ] Write-in

Lighten the load: While the heavy industry sector of the CSR enjoyed the party's attention and rarely had want of anything, its light industries were deemed to be of lower priority and were thus left to languish in comparison, something that the new chairman wishes to amend post haste; for while the revolution needs arms, steel, and mines to survive, it also needs textiles, processed foods, and other civilian amenities if it is to live, no matter how much the militarists would like to deny this, and there are several proposals on how to remedy this glaring flaw:

Choose 1

[ ] The Bukharinist approach: As in Moscow, so it should be in Harbin some say as they endorse a policy of allowing the development of non-existential small-medium sized industries to be placed within private hands for the time being; whether be private or cooperative ventures while the larger heavier industries remain under the preview of the state; instead of the current status quo of a messy patchwork of public-private arrangements that seem to have the benefits of neither state socialism nor capitalism.

This is a relatively uncontroversial and safe policy that will empower the Bukharinist faction, but many fear that applying a policy invented during the post-civil war USSR in China may have unforeseen consequences, and many wonder if the policy will have the same success given the Cold War atmosphere all but eliminating most avenues of foreign investment that allowed the original NEP to succeed as it did.

(This option will take 2 years to be fully operational, will result in ??, ??, and has a chance of empowering the Bukharinist faction of the CPC.)

[ ] A cooperative proposal: Others wish to take a page from the Balkan Federation's book, believing that while the NEP's approach is sound, it can be further improved upon by ensuring that the enterprises in question are wholly worker cooperatives, ensuring that the spirit of socialism is not lost even with this temporary appeasement of the market system and undermining any potential neo-bourgeois class while potentially preparing the proletariat for the task of assuming greater command of the economy one day.

Though sound in theory, many point out that the very same market mechanisms that drive capitalist accumulation in individually owned enterprises will remain even in collectively owned ones and that this approach opens the door to the workers becoming enamored with bourgeois ideals and practices while the opening the door for counterrevolution.

(This option will take 3 years to be fully operational, will result in ??, ??, and has a chance of empowering the radical faction of the CPC.)

[ ] Write-in:

Agricultural reform: Though there remain those within the party who hold onto the long-deceased Mao's dream of a revolutionary peasant class, the majority of the CPC now is a primarily industrial worker-focused organization; a fact that has resulted in the modernization of Chinese farming being a haphazard affair with equally mixed results; some regions doing well while others remain in conditions that would be familiar to their ancestors in the Qing dynasty, an unacceptable state of affairs for a forward-looking socialist state. And while the complete modernization and mechanization of agriculture is something everyone agrees on, problems arise when the question comes of how to implement that:

Choose 1
[ ] Good-old fashioned NEP: Once again there is no need to fix something that is not broken, the Bukharinists proclaim as they argue that the problem with the CSR's agricultural program is that Harbin never truly implemented its own version of the NEP, due to a combination of Soviet aid freeing them from the need to do so for the longest time and out of a misplaced fear of empowering a peasant class seen as reactionary even as land reform went into effect. The time has come to move past such fears and fully implement an NEP-inspired program in their eyes, something most don't disagree with; if only for the lack of better ideas.

(This option will take 2 years to be fully operational, will result in ??, ??, and has a chance of empowering the Bukharinist faction of the CPC.)

[ ] A more involved approach: A second smaller camp has a similar proposal, believing in a program of partial state intervention in the agricultural sector, namely through the establishment of set quotas to be taken from communal plots while allowing any surplus or private produced to be sold by farmers, all overseen by production teams hand-picked for that purpose. While a more complicated program that will take more state resources to establish and maintain, its proponents believe that it will allow the government to maintain some control over agricultural production while reaping the benefits of controlled private enterprise as well.

(This option will take 4 years to be fully operational, will result in ??, ??, and has a chance of empowering the radical faction of the CPC.)

[ ] Write-in:

The Power Struggle: The CSR, between its rapidly modernizing society and growing industry, is an absolute energy glutton and by current estimates, its current power supply will not be enough to meet the growing demand and though everyone agrees on the need to expand the country's power production, there is disagreement over which approach to take:

Choose 1

[O] The Nuclear Option [LOCKED UNTIL ???]

[ ] The Hydro-electric Option: The Dongbei region is blessed with a respectable number of rivers and bodies of water that are potential dam construction sites or already were but had fallen to neglect such as the Japanese-built Supung Dam. Exploiting the CSR's hydro-electric potential could very well help boost its power production capabilities while freeing its coal reserves for other uses (not to mention decrease the growing smog problems within the nation's urban centers) but this option will take longer to implement and will more likely than not result in the displacement of many communities, potentially empowering the opposition and angering the populace

(This option will take six years to be fully operational, will result in ??, ??, and has a chance of empowering the radical faction of the CPC.)

[ ] The Simple Option: Some believe that the solution is straightforward; at present the CSR's primary source of power is from fossil fuels, namely coal plants and the state should simply construct more of them to meet the growing power demand, taking advantage of the nation's abundant supplies and pre-existing technical expertise. Though air quality will suffer for now, that is a problem that can be resolved later when the CSR is more secure.

(This option will take 3 years to be fully operational and will result in ??, ?? and has a chance of empowering the Bukharinist faction of the CPC)

[ ] Ask for help: No nation is an island and while self-sufficiency would be nice, there is a reason why the Weimar Pact exists in the first place. The USSR is already producing a respectable surplus of power, and some of it may be rerouted towards helping their Chinese allies, for a price of course, but nothing in life is truly free. While clashing with the CSR's ethos of pursuing self-sufficiency, this option would provide the fastest way of expanding the nation's power grid without exerting pressure on the populace but the elephant in the room will be what the Soviets demand in return for their help, and whether the militarists will exploit this to strengthen their position.

(This option will take ?? years to be fully operational and will result in ??, ?? and has a chance of empowering the militarist faction of the CPC)

[ ] Write-in

A/N: You have 72 hours to vote, write-in plans cannot exceed 150 words. Voting is by plan only and most include all four pillars. All plans can only include one non-Bukharinst empowering option.

StarMaker764 · Feb 3, 2025

Chinese Soviet Society

The Economy may be the structure on which all a nation ultimately rests, but the superstructure that stands above it is no less important. Any communist party worth its salt must take an active role in shaping the society it springs forth from just as much as that society ultimately shapes it.

(Reminder that only one non-Bukharinist option may be chosen in any voting plan)

Majorities and minorities: Though Han Chinese are a definite majority in the Chinese Soviet Republic, they are not the only inhabitants of the bastion of Asian socialism, even with the expulsion of the Japanese settlers the region of Dongbei remains home to a significant Korean, Russian, Mongolian and (ever increasingly irrelevant) Manchu minorities and while they have benefited from the rise of socialism and the CSR's economic policies some within and without the party point out that they are (except for the Russians) also falling behind when compared to their Han counterparts when it comes to various metrics such as literacy levels, income and more wether due to difficulties with learning Mandarin, simply starting off from worse off conditions or shamefully prevalent ethnic chauvinism among our ranks.
Currently, the CSR's minority policy is vague beyond the platitudes of socialist equality and opposition to discrimination, something that almost everyone agrees is not sustainable, and a coherent policy must be codified and implemented lest reactionaries take advantage of this oversight. As always the question is how to go about this.

Choose 1

[ ] Copy the Soviets (within reason): The answer for our faction is as always the most straightforward one, the USSR already has a perfectly adequate model for minority integration that may be usefully copied and appropriated for our purposes with proper alterations to take the CSR's different context into account.

A mixture of affirmative action programs, proper language education courses, and anti-discrimination campaigns should be more than enough to do the trick. It may rankle the noses of the nationally inclined members of the CPC but this won't be something they can openly mobilize against.

(This option will take 2 years to implement, has a chance of empowering the Bukharinist faction and causing ?? or ??)

[ ] Something new: the Radicals as always are unsatisfied; despite agreeing with most of our suggestions they don't believe they go far enough in addressing the minorities' concerns or the problem of chauvinism within our ranks.

Instead, they propose a more comprehensive and disruptive program of mandated multilingualism in schools, the creation of more stringent anti-discrimination and cultural rights laws, the creation of state-approved minority cultural institutions and a more comprehensive anti-discrimination campaign within the very ranks of the party. While in principle none of this is really too threatening to the status quo or Bukharinist orthodoxy but are problematic in the time and effort they will need to be implemented properly and their potential to potentially alienate certain segments of the party at a critical time; to say nothing of how they would empower the radicals themselves.

(This option will take 4 years to implement, and has a chance of empowering the radical faction and causing ?? or ??)

[ ] Let them earn it: The militarists are not opposed to increased multiculturalism in the CSR, in fact, they are fully supportive of it…with a catch. They are willing to support the implementation of multilingualism on the national level, comprehensive welfare, and affirmative action programs on the condition that conscription requirements be extended to national minorities as well and that such benefits be conditional on performing the national service.

Such a proposal is relatively similar to the Bukharinist program and would have the advantage of being relatively easy to implement while allowing us to have the militarist in our debt, but would also further entrench the red army's presence even further in national politics and perhaps empower them to the point where any favors they owe us are immaterial.

(This option will take 2 years to implement, has a chance of empowering the militarist faction and causing ?? or ??, Militarist faction now owes you one favor).

[ ] Write-in option

The new curriculum: Education is a powerful tool, something that has always been recognized by both socialists and capitalists alike. In the hands of capitalists, it can be a method of ensuring cultural hegemony that preserves the rule of the bourgeois far better than any number of guns or tanks could hope for, and in the hands of revolutionaries, it can be used to cultivate a new generation of dedicated socialist heroes who will carry the torch of enlightenment for beyond what their teachers could hope for.
To the CSR's credit, it has not been lax in giving its citizens the right to become educated and literate, with its illiteracy liquidation campaigns becoming a point of national pride and a source of international prestige even among nations not amenable to socialism.

However, it is now clear that, in the rush to meet quotas and in the general chaos of the republic's founding, several regional educational systems have deviated from or lagged behind the national standards whether by focusing on one aspect of the education campaign at the expense of the others (such as one district hyper-focusing on vocational industrial training at the expense of socialist education) or in some cases outright fabricating figures and educational needs to acquire more funding or gain prestige.

Therefore it is deemed by all that an educational standardization and consolidation campaign is necessary with the establishment of a singular state-mandated curriculum to be used by all schools under the preview of Harbin. As always with any grand reorganization effort, the party factions each seek to inject bits of their agenda into the process.

Choose 1

[ ] No need to do much here: Our Bukharinists, as usual, argue for an orthodox straightforward approach; the education system simply needs to be consolidated, standardized across the country, and brought up to a level comparable to at least that of the USSR if not Suomi; along with modest expansions of the number of schools and higher education institutions and the introduction of apprenticeship programs for those who wish to pursue more hands-on careers.

The Bukharinist approach will solve the issue adequately in the eyes of most and at great speed, even if some would have preferred to use this opportunity to do more.

(This option will take 3 years to implement, has a chance of empowering the Bukharinist faction and causing ?? or ??)

[ ] A more comprehensive approach: The radicals largely agree with most of the Bukharinist program but wish to expand upon them even more with the addition of children crèches, expansion of the number of kindergartens available along with a universal polytechnic program in all schools at all levels of education (mimicking reforms in Red Germany, Soumi and Denmark); and though some of them wished to establish experimental schools based on new radical Latin American pedagogies even this proved too much for most of the radicals to advocate for and was dropped.

The Radical program is far more expensive in time and resources to implement but one cannot deny its potential given the results similar programs have produced in Europe meaning even some Bukharinists are willing to humor it.

(This option will take 4 years to implement, has a chance of empowering the Radical faction and causing ?? or ??)

[ ] Children are our future: The militarists are largely on board with the Bukharinist and willing to support it fully thus ensuring it can be achieved at a sped-up timetable, but with the caveat that they wish to add planks to the plan that involves the creation of several children and youth organizations such as the boys and girls scouts for children and the Red Pioneers league for teens and youth.

This proposal on the surface is innocuous enough until one realizes that many of these organizations are planned to be gateways for funneling the best and brightest into the Red Army, as evidenced by the often militaristic lean of their proposed structure and the fact that the Militarists conveniently already have a list of candidates to fill the leadership positions in these organizations. Even so, some Bukharinists are willing to take the risk for a faster implementation of education reforms.

(This option will take 2 years to implement, has a chance of empowering the Militarist faction and causing ?? or ??)

[ ] Write-in option

Local law reform: Finally on the docket of social institutional reforms is the local law question, which despite its unassuming name may be one of the more vital issues for the Party to resolve.
Currently, the CSR's locales are organized in a quasi-militaristic fashion, with regions being divided into industrial and agricultural districts based on their economic activity and ability to contribute to the economy on a case-to-case basis rather than on any standardized system; something that has served the republic well in building up its economy but hinders its efforts at effective civilian governance.

With the Bukharinists now ascendant and the militarists' current loss of a majority in the Soviet, this is a chance to begin breaking away from the Red Army's hegemony and chart a course for its subordination to civilian authority; but for this to be effective then our faction may have to rally either the collaborators or reformists to our side to present a more united front against the militarist's influence, which will involve appeasement of some form or the other.

Choose 1

[ ] Keep it simple, Keep it efficient: the Bukharinists' proposal is as always comprehensive and practical if unimaginative as they propose that administrative reorganization of the state take place along Soviet lines with alterations made as needed to account for the local material conditions.

This plan would see the CSR adopt a Soviet-style model of elected local councils converging onto regional councils that in turn form and then answer to the supreme Soviet in Harbin with municipal autonomy being limited by the Central directives. This plan has the benefit of having been applied and tested in various other nations before hand thus being relatively quick and straightforward to implement once the kinks are sorted out.

(This option will take 5 years to implement, has a chance of empowering the Bukharinist faction and causing ?? or ??)

[ ] Some Power to the Soviets: the Radicals of course have their own more cumbersome program to propose in opposition to ours, a municipal reorganization plan that is modeled on the Finnish approach but watered down and with some modifications to account for the CSR's divergent conditions.

The radical plan leaves most of the power in the hands of Harbin but also grants local municipalities and Soviets a certain level of autonomy if their quotas are met and they comply with national laws along with granting some voting reforms such as ranked voting and recall ability for local councils only. Otherwise, the plan is mostly similar to the Bukharinist program.

The radical plan does have the potential to ameliorate a lot of discontent before it can reach a threatening level and would allow the party to have more resources to direct at other matters but the likelihood of it backfiring and the fear of potential counterrevolution if implemented recklessly keeps many skeptical about it.

(This option will take 6 years to implement, has a chance of empowering the Reformist faction and causing ?? or ??)

[ ] Concessions: the former collaborators who have supposedly seen the error of their ways and now turn their zeal to the cause of Marxism and worker liberation are normally silent in affairs of the state, content to keep to themselves and hope everyone forgets about their existence. But the new local law reforms have the potential of upending the comfortable niche they have carved out for themselves in the CSR's political ecosystem, a niche that's already being threatened by the CSR's successes in cultivating professionals who are set to replace the increasingly obsolete old guard.

And so the quasi-traitorous fossils now risk being exposed once more to propose a program that would guarantee that they retain some modicum of their power for the time being, a program that is largely similar to the Bukharinist plan but with a few caveats such as the retaining of some "especially economically sensitive" districts under the old system and the removal of some of the Soviets' nominal power in favor of more bureaucratic oversight. Now normally our faction wouldn't take two looks at this but with a potential confrontation with the military inevitable in the future, having the collaborators on the side may prove to be just the thing needed to tip the balance and they can always be dealt with later.

(This option will take 2 years to implement, has a chance of further entrenching the Collabrator faction and causing ?? or ??. Collaborators now owe you one favor).

[ ] Write-in option

A/N: you have 24 hours to discuss and 72 hours to vote. Write-in plans cannot exceed 200 words

StarMaker764 · Mar 23, 2025

With internal matters somewhat settled it is time to move on to matters that are outside the borders of the CSR but are of no less concern to its long term well being.

Korea:

The situation in the Democratic Republic of Korea is extremely delicate at the moment.

The DRK had been created as a compromise between the Soviets and the (then still extant) Western bloc, as a social democratic neutral state that in theory would act as a middle ground and buffer state for both sides, but as is always the case with such alliances everyone immediately began to bend and skirt the agreement to their advantage as much as possible, empowering local allies and weakening their rivals while waiting for the perfect chance to grab the whole pie instead of a slice.

The progressive People's Party of Korea had managed a respectable reconstruction effort in the aftermath of WW2, but its position was now untenable as threats from both the right and left were not content with the DRK's slow progress and tolerance of the other side, whether it is socialists and communists who detested the fact that many colonial collaborators were retained in government and went unpunished or the disparate right-wingers who detested the fact that socialists were allowed to participate in public life at all.

Both sides held sway in the nominally apolitical armed forces, and both sides believed they could rely on the backing of Moscow, London/Paris, or Washington respectively

The status quo wasn't gonna last longer, that much was clear, but the question was what the CSR ought to do when it all falls apart, a question that is dividing the party.

As the CSR currently has warm ties with the Korean communists and has been acting as a liaison between them and the wider pact for some time now, and the People's Red Army has a chance to tip the scales decisively in favor of the reds in the upcoming conflict as arguably the most well-equipped and organized force in the region, potentially netting the Weimar Pact a very valuable new member in the process.

but many are wary of getting involved in the conflict, out of fear of it escalating out of hand and getting the country dragged into a slog that risks getting the Soviets involved directly, and they may not be pleased with Harbin potentially jumping the gun.

And all this was before one took into account how the war may empower the already entrenched militarists, though even they appear to be of two minds on the matter.

Choose 1

[ ] Prepare for a full-scale intervention: Many argue that Korea is simply too important to lose to the imperialists, pointing to the fact that such a defeat would mean the CSR would have yet another hostile border to defend against and grow closer to being surrounded, as the reactionaries would waste no time in turning the peninsula's bounty to the purpose of building a great anti-communist edifice whose industrial capabilities could easily rival that of the CSR.

To keep that from happening, Free China must be ready to act decisively with its full might at a moment's notice and support the Korean Communist until the point of total victory, or at least keeping the capitalists from advancing to the very doorsteps of Dongbei. Thus it is only logical that a military build up take place and the PRA be at the ready for war even if it slows down civilian economic activity.

This is all and well good until one thinks about who is backing this plan: the ever entrenched militarists who will only be more so should Korea be successfully turned red; though conversely a failure of any level would shake their foundations if this path is taken.

(Results in ?? and ??, has a ?? chance of empowering the militarists' faction)

[ ] Prepare for a limited/partial intervention: The Radicals agree with the Militarists in that Korea cannot be allowed to fall into the hands of reactionaries but disagree with the means they advocate for. Instead, the radicals argue that the CSR's extant capabilities are enough for the task already and that more to the point a full intervention would only de-legitimise the new Korean soviet government even in full victory and that the CSR should restrain itself to a more limited role as a supporting force and aid provider to pre-existing native communist forces.

This proposal does open the door for the CSR to intervene should things get out of hand in its unstable neighbor but many fear that this proposal does too little and still risks a loss of prestige and material for the CSR, especially if the South sees this as a sign of Harbin's weakness or instability.

(Results in ?? and ??, has a ?? chance of empowering the radicals' faction)

[ ] Consult Moscow: Some believe that the issue should be kicked upstairs to someone else entirely, and its without doubt that the USSR is also aware of the developing situation in Korea and has their own designs, ones that may align with Harbin's or at least can be made to be such if the diplomats play their cards right.

If nothing else while taking this option means that the CSR will be basically following the Soviets' lead and may be forced into decisions it does not feel comfortable with depending on who becomes the new premier, it also means that much of the backlash will fall on Moscow's shoulders in the event of failure and the Bukharinists will avoid empowering the more troublesome factions in the soviets, along with the potential of letting the soviets do most of the heavy lifting.

(Results in ?? and ??, has a ?? chance of empowering the Bukharinists' faction)

[ ] Not our problem: Some believe that the entire matter is of no consequence, that any intervention in Korea, no matter the degree of it or how much backing the CSR gains, is simply too much cost with the winnings being not worth it in anything but the ever elusive long run.

Better for the CSR to sit out the matter entirely and continue its internal consolidation in peace, even if its seeming aversion to violence and interference may encourage some to see it as weak.

(Results in ?? and ??, has a ?? chance of empowering the Bukharinists' faction)

Mongolia:

Mongolia is the CSR's fellow East Asian socialist nation. The two Oriental republics are in an alliance primarily composed of Europeans. However, despite what one may think, the relationship between the two is cordial but distant.

The reasons for this range from the CSR's relative isolation on the world stage thanks to its initial years being almost entirely focused inwards, the Soviets being the PRM's go-to allies and of course Mongolia's natural fears of Han Chauvinism.

But many believe that this can and should change for the sake of both nations' prosperity as Mongolia has an abundance of resources that can benefit the CSR's industry while the CSR is more than able to help with Mongolia's efforts at modernization.

[ ] A simple resource exchange for now: There is no need to complicate things at the start of what will hopefully be a long and beneficial partnership.

Mongolia has much in the way of pastoral and mineral resources the CSR could use and in turn, Harbin can offer a wide variety of industrial products to help build up the PRM in exchange, this has been the basis of the limited trade that exists between the two nations at present and the Bukharinist proposal sees no need to do anything but simply build on this by expanding the volume of trade further for now.
A boring plan to be sure but one that offers no significant drawbacks (or gains for that matter).

(Results in ?? and ??, has a ?? chance of empowering the Bukharinists' faction)

[ ] Cooperation through labor: Much of Mongolia's problems have a similar root: too much space and potential for development but not enough skilled hands to take advantage of it, and though the Soviets had initially helped in that regard the USSR has long turned its attention towards its European sphere and (ironically) the CSR itself as easier or more critical targets for aid, an oversight that may play into our favor through a program of lending labor brigades to the PRM to help with its own ambitious modernization programs and train its own core of skilled laborers to pick up the torch later, with the potential for educational exchange programs being on the table.

At least that is the plan as laid out by the radicals, and many are already skeptical of its viability given that it requires the Mongolians to readily agree to what they would undoubtedly see as a dangerous foreign element that may act as a springboard for han chauvinism, even if the benefits offered by such a program for the would-be immense (though many point out that the CSR itself gains nothing more than it would have by the simple resource exchange plan in the short term).

(Results in ?? and ??, has a ?? chance of empowering the Radicals' faction)

[ ] Cooperation through arms: Nothing unites people or nations better than a common enemy, and Mongolia shares one with the CSR in the form of the Titanic ROC to their mutual southern flank, an enemy that conveniently officially claims both nations' territories as its own.

With this as a starting point, it is believed that the two nations can easily come to a mutual defense treaty along with military exchange and training programs along with potential plans for shared defenses along the ROC border. Of course, such an option plays into the militarists' hands.

(Results in ?? and ??, has a ?? chance of empowering the Militarists' faction)

USSR

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was the unquestionable first among equals in the Weimar Pact, an economic and military titan around which almost all members orbited around from the sheer disparity alone and possessing unquestioned legitimacy as the cradle of socialist revolution.

More importantly, the Soviets are also part of the reason why the Chinese Soviet Republic exists at all, it was Soviet weapons and aid that allowed the CPC to withstand the onslaught of the KMT, and it is the USSR's diplomatic cover (and nuclear umbrella) that stops the reactionary south from contemplating outright invasion.

All this to say that it is crucial for the CSR to maintain very good relations with its "big brother", even if many still dream of a day when a unified China can stand as an equal to the sprawling union.

However, just as China is on the cusp of big changes, so is the USSR on the brink of a grand transformation of its own, as Premier Ryutin's retirement is now all but assured and his successors all have wildly different ideas of how the cause of international socialism should move forward in an ever-shifting Cold War, from the hawkish Masherov, the orthodox Suslov or the pragmatic Mikoyan, each of them representing different challenges and opportunities for the Harbin Soviet and its own gaggle of factions and rivalries each with their own candidate that they hope will triumph in the power struggle and in turn provide a boost for their own cause.

But for now, at least there is not anything that the CPC can do to influence Soviet politics, at least not in any way that wouldn't invite immediate painful backlash and fallout, and thus for now relations with the USSR consist primarily of acknowledging Moscow's directives while occasionally asking for aid or favors when necessary.

Some believe such assistance may be needed with the ambitious reform plans, but such help is never without costs (declared or otherwise). Every faction wants to ensure that any favor from Moscow benefits them first and foremost.

Choose 1

[ ] Request nothing for now: sometimes the best thing to do is nothing at all, and most within the Bukharinist faction believe that there is no need to turn to Moscow for any assistance for the time being, trusting that the CSR's capabilities are sufficient on their own to see the upcoming readjustments and restructurings on their own and that any requests for help should be saved for a later date when circumstances are direr.

This would conveniently mean that the CSR is no more indebted to the USSR than it is now but also would cause a hit to the Bukharinist reputation should it later become clear that soviet help was needed.

(Option results in ??, ?? and ??. changes to Bukharinist faction power dependent on future events.)

[ ] Military assistance request: The PRA is a well-trained and equipped fighting force, but its capabilities could always be improved, and its doctrine updates to the latest innovations in military tactics and strategies, especially with the war in Korea looming on the horizon. The Militarists are naturally most in favor of this course of action and stand to benefit the most from it, even if it means having to owe Moscow a favor that may prove inconvenient in the future.

(Option results in ??, ?? and ??. changes to Militarist faction power dependent on future events.)

[ ] Economic assistance request: The final camp in this matter is composed of those who wish to request soviet aid and expertise with the upcoming restructuring of the CSR's economy, pointing out that the Soviets would have vital insight into how to implement the upcoming NEP-inspired plans while causing the least amount of societal friction possible and potentially accelerate the time table for full completion.

This proposal is backed mainly by radicals but has gained a surprising amount of support among the Bukharinists as well for its potential for faster implementation; freeing the state to pursue more ambitious economic plans sooner, even as the issue of owing Moscow even more remains.

(Option results in ??, ?? and ??. changes to Radical/Bukharinist faction power dependent on future events, Good Fashioned NEP option may finish in 1 year instead of 2)

International outreach

Outside its immediate neighbors, the CSR has two other avenues for gaining the International recognition and prestige that it desperately craves in the struggle against the South: either seek the safer more reliable route of cementing and advancing its position in the Weimar Pact or seek more risky and unconventional but potentially rewarding relations with the third world and its burgeoning pseudo-socialist unaligned movement, who regardless of their eccentricities and revisionisms are at least made up of anti-colonial forces that offer much in the way of resources should the CSR manage to establish itself as a reliable ally (with Soviet blessing of course).

The party is divided on which path to go with, only this time the cracks don't run neatly along the lines of militarists, reformists, bukharnists, or even the declining Maoists, as motley collections of all four factions have taken up different sides in the debate.

Choose 1

[ ] Reach out (Unaligned movement): One emerging bloc has come to believe that China's path to prominence within the socialist world lies not with Weimar but with courting the growing third-way anti-colonial socialist/progressive movements that emerging in the struggling colonies and newly liberated nations of the global south; pointing out to the CSR sharing a similar history of anti-imperialist and anti-collaborator struggle and the fact that many within this sphere already look up to the CSR's successes in building itself up.

This offers the potential of the CSR to establish a variety of allies that can provide it with the international recognition it craves and a wide variety of resources that may not be available within the WP, not to mention the allure of having a support base outside soviet control.

This is counterbalanced by the fact that by the very nature of being unaligned many of these burgeoning powers would be suspicious of the CSR, a long-standing Weimar Pact member, attempting to build closer ties with them and their often mercurial and unstable politics may mean that any goodwill built may not mean anything when the tides of power shift all too suddenly. And of course, there is the simple fact that Moscow may not look favorably on the CSR branching out.

(Results in ?? and opens up ?? storylines)

[ ] Reach out (Weimar Pact): Others believe that its better to stick with cultivating allies that are more liable to be reliable, and within the Weimar Pact there are at least well-established mechanisms of mutual exchange and cooperation that do not require as much risk as reaching out to potential outsider allies, and the majority of Weimar nations at this point are well established and developed enough that they can offer far more than mere raw materials for the CSR, and they are fellow communists who would be inclined to help even in the long term.

However, reaching out to the pact does mean that the fortunes of any future relations and endeavors will be at the whims of Moscow, who may or may not approve of the CSR seeking to improve its station within the Pact and will doubtless be constantly interfering; and there is the reality that there is very little the CSR can offer to potential allies that other more closer members don't also have.

(Results in ?? and opens up ?? storylines)

[ ] Remain dormant for now: A third camp composed primarily of a mixture of radicals, Bukharnists, and even a few token militarists believes international outreach is premature at the moment, even outright wasteful.

To them, it is a mere distraction from far more important internal and regional affairs that the soviet republic ought to focus on first before it entertains playing a role in events far from home, especially with the upcoming changes and the disruptions they are bound to cause to Chinese soviet society.

(Results in ?? and opens up ?? storylines)

A/N: you have 24 hours to discuss and 48 hours to vote. As always you can only choose one non-Bukharinist action, options that are only partially Bukharinist count as non-bukharinist while votes with no faction bearing do not count.

StarMaker764 · Apr 28, 2025

The Red Bear stirs from its slumber

"War cannot be abolished unless classes are abolished and Socialism is created."--Lenin

When Premier Ryutin retired from his venerable position at the helm of the USSR and the wider socialist world, it came as little surprise to anyone vaguely following soviet politics; the man was hardly any younger than his aging predecessor, and his health was beginning to hinder his otherwise capable, measured leadership.

There was naturally much speculation within and without the Weimar Pact about who would succeed him as one of the world's most powerful figures and potentially change the course of the Cold War.

These questions of succession were quickly answered when the Supreme Soviet voted in Pyotr Masherov as the new premier, an unexpected break from the more expected orthodox candidates like Suslov or Slepkov.

The new leader of the socialist bloc was once but a humble school teacher in Belarus who found his fate and fortunes forever changed by the onslaught of the barbaric Nazi hordes into the motherland, which saw Masherov and many like him being forced to pick up their rifles to defend their homes, their loved ones and the cause of socialism in its darkest hour.

Masherov would distinguish himself in the Great Patriotic War, quickly rising to become one of the leaders of the Belarusian partisans and playing a key role in the country's eventual liberation, even if it came at a high cost.

Masherov's rise didn't stop with the war's end as his stellar reputation and newly found skills in leadership saw him become a key figure within the Belarusian Communist Party and part of the partisan faction that would eventually come to dominate the SSR's politics, with Pyotr eventually reaching the rank of the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Belarus.

Now, the former partisan rises once more to the highest possible position within the Weimar Pact, and it was clear that his leadership style would be a radical departure from the cautious, pragmatic course of Bukharin and Ryutin.

Indeed, the new premier is perhaps most well-known for his aggressive positions on foreign policy and opposition to any detente with either of the rival capitalist blocs and a stance of ramping up support (formal and informal) with socialist partisans and revolutionaries across the world wherever they might be but especially within the colonial peripheries to increase the pressure on Paris, London and Moscow; a stance that has seen him denounced as a war monger by the ICA and ECO and viewed with apperhension among the more cautious factions and leaders within the Weimar Pact.

But perhaps more importantly is his internal policies, which are no less combative; as he and his so-called "Partisan faction" argue for the need of reinvigorating the original revolutionary spirit of Marxist-Leninism, buried as it is right now under bureaucracy and pure Economism; with everything from greater central support towards youth groups, revitalisation of soviet democracy, investment in technology and education along with maintaining the USSR's edge in technological development.

Perhaps most importantly to the Harbin Soviet is that Masherov was the successor candidate with the most enthusiastic stance on supporting the Korean communists in the upcoming conflict, which synergizes well with the CPC's recent decision for full intervention once the conflict finally erupts.

However, many within the party are uneasy about Weimar's newest first among equals, as his hawkish and radical stances make him far more likely to favor the militarists or radicals rather than the currently dominant Bukharinists who more resemble the very soviet centerists and conservatives that now stand in opposition to him in Moscow, meaning that some very delicate diplomacy and potential comprises will be needed to maintain a working relationship with the Soviets.

For what it's worth, nothing is set in stone yet and Mahserov has only just assumed his official duties, a heavy burden and challenge for the man that some have nicknamed the Soviet Prometheus, as like his mythological namesake, he seeks to bring the fire and hope of revolution to the people...

| All while eagles circle eager for his flesh |

In the Aftermath of Empire

"We have to go along a road covered with blood. We have no other alternative. For us it is a matter of life or death, a matter of living or existing. We have to be ready to face the challenges that await us."—Gamal Abdel Nasser

It has been less than a year since the momentous tripartite invasion of the Suez Canal and Sinai Peninsula, a joint swift campaign by the British, French, and Israelis that saw them take advantage of the chaos sown by President Nasser's assassination to overwhelm the Arab defenders by sheer brute force and technological parity, pushing the forces of the United Arab Republic to the western side of the Canal in a defeat so utterly humiliating that it has been named the Naksa*.

With the majority of Sinai falling under Israeli control, while the canal itself comes under direct ECO administration, the operation has been nothing short of an unqualified success militarily, restoring military prestige to the European empires after WW2 and crippling an upstart anti-colonial nation. Diplomatically, however, the Franco-British alliance's snubbing of American efforts at mediation or at least having a voice in the matter proved to be the final straw and the last push needed for the Euro-American split, leaving the capitalists divided against the Weimar behemoth.

On the Egyptian side, the death of Nasser and the catastrophe of defeat led to riots, economic dysfunction, and outright insurgency in certain areas as Islamists and other anti-Nasserite factions saw their chance at overthrowing the barracks republic and replacing it with their own visions for the land of the Pharaohs, though thankfully the chaos has not risen to the level of outright civil war yet.

The situation had deteriorated for some time as the government itself was paralysed by infighting. Rival cliques previously only united by Nasser's leadership now vie for dominance. A pro-Weimar faction emerged under the leadership of Ali Sabri to challenge the pro-ICA clique under Anwar Sadat, both representing radical visions for what the UAR should look like.

Meanwhile, the victors of the Suez Crisis began experiencing their own disagreements as the unity of the crisis faded away; France and Britain struggling to keep Israel, intoxicated by victory, under control as the IDF skirmishes with the Jordanian army are only increasing in frequency and intensity despite the two nations being technically on the same side, while efforts to clear the Suez Canal and render it functional again continue to suffer under ECO mismanagment and sabotage by Arab operations.

This, along with the events in Turkey and the chaos in Libya, proves that ECO may have won a battle, but the war to determine the destiny of the Middle East has only just begun.

| And the sands will turn red once more |

*Arabic for Failure

StarMaker764 · Apr 29, 2025

"Revolutionaries, believe in the people and rely on them at all times and you shall always emerge victorious; if you are forsaken by them, you will always fail. Let this be your maxim in your life and struggle."—Kim Il-sung

Just as water cannot mix with oil, neither can socialism coexist with capitalism.

Sure, there may be periods of cooperation in the face of extreme circumstances or unusual conditions, but the two forces exist in contradiction and will come to blows sooner or later.

Such was the case in the barely decade-old Democratic Republic of Korea, where the uneasy truce between the left and right of the country would come to an end as many predicted, albeit in a manner few expected.

To the shock of many, prime minister Heo Heon and the People's Party of Korea have managed to triumph in the elections against all odds; analysts having predicted the fragile progressive coalition was doomed to collapse in the wake of the loss of face in the aftermath of the attempted coup by several communist officers, and the government's perceived leniency in their punishment after the fact.

However it seemed that the cautious but effective welfare and development oriented programs of the party successfully won enough people for the center left to remain on course and perhaps maintain the fragile peace that has allowed the recently decolonized nation to prosper, even as many within the liberal and right parties denounced the election results as fraudulent and false, demanding a recount.

Alas, peace was not in the cards for the Land of the Morning Calm, as was the case for most everywhere in the Cold War.

Days after the official inauguration of the new government took place, convoys of soldiers made their way into Seoul before surrounding and entering government buildings, arresting most officials and elected representatives they found (including Prime Minister Heo Heon) and enforcing brutal order in the streets as panic and confusion began to spread.

Not long afterwards it was announced that the army had acted on information of possible communist subversion and manipulation of the recent elections, and that to preserve the freedom and autonomy of the nation a military revolutionary committee would act as a temporary emergency government until order was restored; with martial law being in full effect until the emergency had passed.

Of course all who heard these words knew exactly what was happening, for the second time in its short existence a coup was taking place in the peninsula; only instead of the communists it was the anti communist military officers, with none other than Park Chung Hee at their helm as the leader of the MRC, ironic for a man who had risen to prominence by selling out the previous round of coup plotters.

Nonetheless, the new tenuous regime did receive a boost in legitimacy, as most parties in Korea, such as the Korean Independence Party, the Democratic Party, and most of the Liberal Party, were happy to announce their support for Park's junta.

Unfortunately, it proved insufficient in quelling popular unrest among the industrial regions of the North, where communist sympathy among the workers remains deep and among the military, which even after the post-Kim coup purges remains rife with socialist and Weimar sympathizers.

Soon riots broke out in the northern cities against heavy handed enforcement of martial law, brutal shootings and mass arrests; and the rioters began to succeed in entirely pushing back government forces once defections from the military began, and it didn't take long for them to begin organizing under the banners of trade unions, the more populist wings of the PKK and the resurgent communist party of Korea (many of its leaders now being broken out of prison).

What started out as a coup escalated to civil war as a broad United Front coalition between the Left-PKK and CPK managed to seize control of the area encompassing Pyongyang, Hamhung, and the northwestern border with Dongbei. The coalition declared its own "legitimate" government in Pyongyang in opposition to the one in Seoul, which was now struggling to contain multiple strikes and uprisings even with its core southern territories.

The made the MCR all the more grateful when Washington (and by extension the rest of the ICA) came to its aid, providing it with much needed legitimacy by acknowledging it as the rightful government and (more importantly) beginning the flow of aid and volunteers to aid in the Junta's campaign, and encouraging its allies to do the same; with the Republic of China eagerly jumping at the call by outright sending troops to support their "little brothers in the struggle against Bolshevism".

Of course, this in turn would lead the Pyongyang Revolutionary Committee to, in turn, call for help from the Weimar Pact, which under its new eager premier, had already been preparing to intervene by the time the first socialist uprisings began and merely needed a legitimate pretext.

This was doubly the case for the Chinese Soviet Republic, which stood to lose the most from this conflict being lost and Korea becoming a reactionary bastion on their very doorstep, and was now seeing their hated rival intervene in the conflict.

All these factors had proven critical in overriding the ruling Bukharinist faction's usual caution and fear of empowering the military, which led them to authorize the latter to prepare plans for an immediate ground offensive and full intervention into the Korean Peninsula should war break out.

Now these plans were put into action as the People's Red Army raised its guns for the first time since the civil war and advanced beyond the border…

| into a new stage in the Cold War |

Enter the Dragon (TRO Dongbei Quest)

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