Eisen, Blut und Fernhandel - an alternate German Unification timeline Discussion Thread

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Hello!

The "Eisen, Blut und Fernhandel" alternate history timeline can be found here Eisen, Blut und Fernhandel - an alternate German Unification timeline (Since it was started posting on SV before this Alternate History subforum was created)
Some of you might know it from AH.com and our home here, Sufficient Velocity, for others a short intro: In this timeline History changes away from OTL with the Eulenburg Expedition, a Prussian Expedition to East Asia in 1860. In the alternate timeline an out-of-the-box-thinker proposes a bold move during the expedition´s stay in Japan. Probationary Membership of Japan in the German Customs Union in exchange for Japan signing Friendship and Trade treaties with all German principalities represented by the Eulenburg Expedition. When that happens, the fate of Europe and East Asia, Germany and Japan in special, are altered onto whole new tracks. For those who do not know this timeline, please read and discuss it here.

With this, I start this discussion thread for the timeline here! (updates will be in the other thread linked above) Thanks you all, readers and participants, in advance!
 
Story
Hi!

Since it is easier for you readers having the text accessible without switching between threads, I will repost it here step by step, so the discussion can start. Fresh Updates will always be in the old thread first, but to kickstart the discussion here, let´s start with a first batch of this alternate timeline. enjoy and please discuss with all fun!

Eisen, Blut und Fernhandel - German Unification in the 1860s


Before I start the TL, some OTL historical facts about the man changing this timeline into an ATL, Gustav von Schmoller:
- highly intelligent, became a doctor of economics well before reaching (then a bit higher) voting age
- staunch advocate of industrialisation and social economist, always with an eye towards the wellbeing of the workers
- promoted the idea that a society needs a fair social and ethical contract between workforce, industry and state, benefitting all
- a club he co-founded, which promotes rights and education for workers, still exists today
- part of the German Historical School of National Economy
- not overly known in the Anglo-Saxon area (a serious mistake IMHO), but important for Germany's (and some other states) economic blueprint, his impact shines through in many things to this day
- a person of conviction, once published a work on economics despite knowing that doing so would destroy his successful career in his native Württemberg
- a man of conciliation, paraphrasing "All advance in history is to exchange revolution with correct reforms"
- Despite philosophical differences, had a long time patron in important Prussian minister von Delbrück

The Point of Divergence
In hindsight, the OTL Eulenburg expedition to East Asia in 1860/61 came at a good time for such an undertaking, both politically and scientifically. And while the beginning was full of bad luck, e.g. a ship of the expedition flotilla sank in a Taifun, a translator was murdered by what today would be called terrorists, not all envisioned treaties could be closed, the end results were good.
Prussia earned a lot of prestige, there were friendship and trade treaties made with China, Japan and Siam and beside that, a lot of scientific research on East Asia was done. The most enduring result was the "founding stone" for the close relations of Germany and Japan.

The 1850s saw the rivalry of Austria and Prussia for the leadership (and future unification leader) among the German states and the rapid industrialisation of these lands. Baden, for instance, was well on the way to become an industrial region, but had a problem. It was landlocked and too small to force it's way onto the world markets. While the Zollverein helped a lot, the Grand Duchy was still at a disadvantage for reaching out to the lucrative East Asian markets and raw materials. And this was also the case with more than one German state.
Now both Austria and Prussia had the means to stage an expedition to East Asia. It would generate a lot of prestige generally, since at that time great voyages were limited to only a select few nations. (Funny detail: G. von Schmoller predicted the rise of tourism as an industry)
But beside the international renomee and trade a successful expedition would bring, there was another bonus. Helping the smaller German states gaining more bits of world market share would bring Berlin or Vienna a lot of goodwill from the small and medium German states. In essence, whoever made that race, would be in a far better position to start unification attempts.
Austria had a head start in a way. The Austrian ports like Trieste, Venice or Pola were much closer to the coming Suez-Channel (which construction by 1859 was already green lighted) than the ports at North and Baltic Sea. In addition, the Austrian Navy circled the world in 1857 with the "Novara", which had brought them a lot of prestige. (This might be a good starting point for another ATL, in which Austria keeps her advantages)

But OTL Austria had bad luck in that area. The political situation in Europe and around the Med tied men and ships of Austria up in way Prussia's forces were not. So in this ATL the history up to the start of the Eulenburg expedition stays the same with one exception. Among the ATL expedition crew is a young doctor named Gustav Schmoller. (At that time he was not an aristocrat, ennobled later for his work in economics)
In OTL, the influential Prussian Minister Rudolph von Delbrück recognized the potential of Gustav Schmoller in 1862, when Schmoller published a controversial, but well-made article about trade questions. Delbrück stayed a patron of Schmoller until his retirement from then on.
There are several other earlier occasions where von Delbrück could have taken notice of him. According to some books, if von Delbrück had not been focused so much on the start of the East Asia expedition, he would have noticed Schmoller by then. Schmoller´s doctor thesis was so good, that it was published in all important periodicals in early 1860. One has to add that Schmoller was assumed to be sickly in his youth and started his study of economics a year after he could have, because his cautious father kept him home and taught him things in his office.

Now in this ATL, it is found out earlier than OTL that Gustav is not as sickly as the doctors believed and he only takes a short break. So by early 1859 ATL Gustav Schmoller´s thesis is published and Rudolph von Delbrück begins his patronage after reading it.
Rudolph von Delbrück was one of the important makers of the Zollverein, but his influence went beyond the trade ministry. For a time he was known as Bismarck's right hand. This was so in both ATL and OTL.
It might surprise some readers, but for Prussian standards, the East Asia expedition was improvised and the mixture of the people going on the voyage was interesting. It would be very plausible that von Delbrück would have used his great standing to bring Schmoller in, so that the young, bright man could "earn his spurs" in the trade delegation going to Asia. At that time, sending people on voyages to prove themselves was not unusual and done in many nations.

So when the expedition sailed ATL, Gustav Schmoller was with them and would months later, on "the other side" of the globe, change history profoundly.

1. A Thunderbolt of boldness

"When minister von Delbrück stuck a sickly, bright-eyed young man into my crew, I was not pleased. But I was in for the biggest positive surprise of my life. Despite his youth, Gustav´s instinct for economics and the possible was already superb. He was one of the main reasons our expedition became the overwhelming success it was. Sometimes, the first impression errs; that is the moral of this story."
- Count Friedrich zu Eulenburg, Expedition leader

"When the expedition came back, and I read some of the proposals and treaties they had made, my first thought was that someone was too fond of rum. In the case of the Japan Treaty, a drunken orgy came to mind. Then I read it closely and learned the circumstances under which it was made - and what can I say? Had I been there, I would have done the same."
- Otto von Bismarck, Prime Minister of Prussia and later Chancellor of Germany

"I proposed what I knew was right. Some may say it was bold, but I disagree. Doing the right thing is not bold or cowardly, it is simply the right thing to do. All our advances in history are to stop revolution by implementing the correct reforms. Most often the aftermath of a revolution is even worse than the revolution itself. Japan stood before a revolution and what could have been better for them than to stop it before the bloodletting?"
- Gustav von Schmoller, on his unorthodox treaty proposal

"I remember clearly the first time all our family had rice to eat. At the time, rice was reserved mostly for the upper classes."
- Franz Müller, citizen of 79 people thorp Reiff

"The Germans are calculating romantics, blunt and direct so much it hurts. But their lack of diplomatic finesse makes them vastly more reliable than the other 'westerners'. They mean what they say and say what they mean. They are good friends to have, but I only first recognized that when it was nearly too late."
-Takachika Mori, first Shogun of the Ausuguraishu (from german Ausgleich = Conciliation) Era

"The arrival of the ships under the black-white eagle flag did cost my Clan and myself very much. It took me a decade to understand that in the end all of Nippon won."
- Yoshinobu Tokugawa, two times Shogun of Japan

"When I heard the news about the results of the Prussian expedition to East Asia, I laughed hard at those bumbling fools. A few years later I realized that the fool was me."
- Napoleon III., Emperor of France


Guest house of the Prussian-German Delegation, Edo, autumn 1860

"Well, Herr Schmoller, would you grace us with an explanation for this ridiculous idea of yours?"

"Certainly, Herr Attaché!"

Gustav Schmoller turned to look into the face of the expedition leader, Count Friedrich zu Eulenburg. A fast look to the sides let him breath easier. Max von Brandt, one of the people in the delegation who understood his reasoning, was in attendance and from the expression Gustav saw on the face of zu Eulenburg, the Count had not come in set in his opinion.

It was not much, given the boldness of Schmoller's proposal, but far better than an uphill battle with a political dinosaur had the leader been someone else.

Gustav sighed internally, then addressed the room.

"Your Grace, honourable members of our expedition, I know that my idea seems - over-generous at first look. But please hear me out!
Our goal are treaties with Japan, China and Siam for all members of the Zollverein, the Hansa cities and the two Mecklenburg. And we have had problems achieving this. If we put ourselves in the Japanese shoes it is easy to see why. They do not know us enough. We might get a treaty for one of our nations, but not all of them. And I truly doubt that it will go better elsewhere, because China and Siam have had even worse contact with us 'longnoses'."
Schmoller lifted his hand to stop a question. "Please let me finish first, if I may. I made my proposal because the situation here in Japan is different from the other two nations we will travel to. We can change the outcome here in our favour, if we do what we have to, even if it seems wrong. Why?

First, unlike the other possible treaty partners, the Japanese excuse for not making a treaty with all our nations is only partly right. I think we all agree, after being here for months now, that the Shogun is under heavy internal pressure. So he needs a bit more incentive.

Second, up to now, the Japanese were forced by our adversaries like France into rather lopsided treaties. Our European 'compatriots' do not see that in the Japanese burns a different kind of fire than in the African tribes they so often duped so easily. There is a lot of bad blood here in Japan over the 'audacity' of the gaijin and the weakness of the Shogun. Herr von Brandt agrees with me that if this trend continues, Japan will look into the jaws of a coming civil war. Is that something we need? Rather not.

Third, unlike China and Siam, where France and England have a big head-start over us, Japan is a side-theatre for them, for the moment. If we become Japan's friends now, we can shut down the Franzmann's and the Limey´s, even the Cowboy's economic ambitions in one fell swoop! We have seen enough here in Edo and elsewhere to say, that the majority of our yellowish friends-to-be are eager to shake off the old system and catch up to Europe. Something definitely unusual compared to the other tribes of Africa and Asia, who, if we can believe the explorers, do not think further ahead than what is needed to outsmart the tribe five kilometres upstream.

Fourth, we share something very basic with the Japanese: the will to reach the station of the mightiest Great Powers. While we are splintered into a multitude of nations where the Japanese are already united, they lag in technical development. We should bundle these wills, because the other Great Powers will not help us, quite the contrary.

Herr von Brandt and his colleagues have even collected a lot more on cultural information, including some surprisingly familiar values, alongside the vastly different. These islands here might be our best chance for friends in Asia and for an economic base.

Fifth, if my proposal gets approved here and in the capitals back home, yes, we will loose some profit in the beginning, BUT. The profits in the long run will be tenfold or more. What we lose in tolls and other fees will get more than made up for by the sheer volume and ease of trade. Japan needs a lot of things if they want to industrialize and what better trade partner for that than us? With my logical idea, we can underbid any other nation and keep them out.

I think I can speak for your crews, Captain Jachmann, that the new treaty proposal would help your service branch quite a lot.

Point six is related to five. Herr von Brandt found out that Edo does not truly think much about the situation on the northern main island. It is a bit like Ostfriesland and the backend of Strelitz, which come into focus very rarely. We could take the Island by force or buy it without Edo blinking much. But an annexation would muddy the waters. With my proposal, we would get into Edo´s good graces so much that the buying the island would be child's play.
And lastly, changing the treaty like this would be a test for Japan and to a lesser degree us as well. For us in that we all, from Prussia down to Reuß, would really have to stand together to stem the trade tide, which will come sooner than we like to think.

And for the Japanese, how strong their will and capabilities are to play catch up.

Not to mention the prestige Prussia will gain against Austria in the inner-German relations, if we come back with treaties for all states we represent.

Your Grace, what is your opinion?"

The discussion went on deep into the night, with Gustav Schmoller refining his arguments, as did his adversaries. But with some down to earth examples what economies can do with the right input, Gustav finally convinced most of the members of the expedition.

The lead negotiators went to bed to be rested in the morning, while three "secretaries" wrote down the new proposal.

When Count zu Eulenburg gave the new draft to the Shogun's chief negotiator, the Prussian did not know that he, Gustav Schmoller and Max von Brandt, who had charismatically championed Schmoller´s idea, were writing history far above the estimated measure. And more, while zu Eulenburg would not be alive to see it, Schmoller and von Brandt would live through the early days, where their ideas on how to make economic treaties would be a blueprint for many major nations.

The Shogun´s residence, Edo, next evening

Iemochi Tokugawa was a very young shogun and arrived in office during a very difficult time for Japan. Nippon's long period of isolation (sakoku) had made them vulnerable to more advanced nations. So in a mixture of juvenile inexperience and very limited options, the Shogunate government was forced to sign several very unfair treaties, which undermined their position in Japan.

It was an open secret that the Tenno saw the anti-Shogun movement with much goodwill and might one day try to wrest back the reigns of government from the Shogun. Japan was beginning to get unstable.

In this charged environment came a new group of western gaijin wanting to close a treaty. And not only that, they wanted to sign a multitude of treaties for related nations as well, nearly three dozen nations in all! Their great bluntness was unusual, but it made them far more palatable than the smooth-talking, backhanded Westerners who had visited Japan before. Still, it was impossible to sign the batch of treaties the Prussians wanted. The internal outcry that would have resulted was exactly what Iemochi did not need at this time.

It was to Iemochi´s great surprise that one day the leader of his negotiation team came to him only minutes after opening a new day of negotiations. And it was even more of a surprise for Iemochi to see the stoic samurai in a slight daze.

"My Shogun, the Prussians have changed their treaty proposal, vastly so. We need your highness in attendance."

When they reached the chambers, there was a young Prussian, or some Prussian-related young man, only a few years older than the Shogun himself, sitting beside the Prussian leader.

The following hours would be burned into the brain of the Shogun until his dying breath.

The young German named Schmoller made a rather insightful spoken report on the conditions in Japan as the Prussians saw it, brusquely stating that while Prussia and the other German nations really wanted to be friends of Japan, they wanted a profit out of that too. Both motives demanded that Prussia helped Japan avert a civil war.

For that reason, they, the Prussian delegation in the name of all associated German states, wanted to make Japan a new, better offer, one Nippon would never get from other Europeans or the Americans.

For the ratification of trade and friendship treaties with every German state represented by the Prussian delegation, and following an intensive political and cultural exchange between said nations and Japan, Nippon was being offered a 10-year probationary membership in the Zollverein, the German Customs Union, complete with all the duties and all the rights as befitting any other member state. The probationary membership was so that both sides could become accustomed to each other and see if the membership would be as positive as assumed. If after 10 years somebody was not pleased, the membership could be lifted, no hard feelings. Conversely, if after that period all sides were satisfied with the general direction, the membership would become permanent automatically.

This proposal was a one time offer; the Shogunate could take it or leave it.

Iemochi now understood why his delegation had been stunned, he was stunned himself. The Shogun was no economist, but he know this was big, really big. If the longnoses were true to their word, Japan would gain entry into an important market zone and access to markets immediately, rather than years down the line.

The Shogun instinctively knew that this was bigger than he was. The conservatives among his own forces would howl, because it would be the definite end of the, in reality now rather porous, isolation of Nippon. But fair treaties with more than thirty states could cement his reign again in the eyes of the public. Now what should he do?

Iemochi did what Schmoller, zu Eulenburg, and von Brandt had hoped the young man would do. It was still morning when the Shogun sent a courier to Tenno Komei in Kyoto, with the message that his Highness should come to Edo as soon as possible. A matter of great importance required his presence.

The Prussian delegation saw no problem with waiting until the Tenno came, the broader the political base involved the more likely the treaty would be accepted.

That night, Iemochi Tokugawa sank into a deep slumber, still debating in his mind whether he had made a fatal mistake or written his entrance into the history books.

Southern bastion of Castle Edo, Edo, several days later

The 121st Tenno of Japan, Komei, leisurely walked the vast grounds of Nippon´s biggest Castle, his entourage close by. He needed time to think and deliberate with his advisors.

Komei was glad that the arrogant Shogunate had been forced by the circumstances to consult him again. He could feel it, the days of the old Shogunate were numbered now. He himself had worked diligently behind the scenes to bring down the calcified government in Edo. There was a steadily growing number of dissatisfied samurai and other important persons flocking to the Emperor's side. In a not too far future Komei could make his move.

But now the Prusso-German offer had given him a conundrum. It was clear to the Tenno that Japan would be very lucky to get such a proposal again, if at all. Accepting it, however, would push forward not only his own agenda, but that of the Shogun as well.

And he had another thing to consider. Among his followers was a rather large group of nationalists, who wanted nothing more than to kick out the gaijin for their unfair treaties they had forced on Nippon. It would be a long, stony road to convince them that not all foreigners were scum.
Convince them that... in this moment the Tenno recognized that he already made his decision. The offer by the longnoses' delegation could be the key to Nippon's rise in station in the modern world.

And maybe he could focus the fervor of his most zealous followers on specific nations of foreigners. Somehow Komei did not think that the Prussians would be very upset if, for example, the French were among those groups kicked out.

Hai (Yes), no matter the enmity between him and the Shogun, the offer they had was too good to not ratify. With that the Tenno turned around to walk to the main buildings again.

Castle Edo, Edo, 14th October 1860

Albert Berg made a lithography that day which would become one of the most important pictures of the 19th century. On a long table, laying in neat rows, over sixty sealed treaties could be seen. The German and the Japanese language counterparts of the Zollverein treaty, the most important of the treaties, laying in the center.

The for now temporary membership of Japan in the Zollverein made a lot of modifications to the Eulenburg mission necessary. It was at this time that several persons became footnotes in history, though important ones. A Herr Krüger, his given name lost in time, was the provisory accountant for the Japanese Zollverein headquarters until 1862.

The otherwise unremarkable Dutch merchantman "Leeuwarden" had its fifteen minutes of fame, when it was chartered by zu Eulenburg as a tender for the returning SMS Thetis.

Eduard Jachmann, who would become famous in his own right years later, led the SMS Arkona and SMS Elbe to China, while zu Eulenburg, Schmoller and von Brandt would return home on SMS Thetis.

Yasunori Takeuchi, with an entourage of 34 people, would travel to Prussia and Europe as a mixture of ambassador and researcher. His books on Europe would become widely read not only in Japan, but in Europe and North-America as well.


2. Homecoming - foreign affairs top, internal politics so-so

"The treaties with Japan were a foreign policy godsend, which brought us onto the road to unification. But it complicated the Army reforms so much, that it became the reason for my resigning of the Prime Minister post."
Karl Anton von Hohenzollern, shortly after his retirement as Prussian Prime Minister

"I was very displeased when the new Prime Minister to be was Bismarck. His reputation as an Arc-conservative was not seen as a good sign. And the beginning speeches of him seemed to reaffirm this notion. I remember his Iron and Blood speech. We feared the worst for liberalism, until the latter part of that speech. His or his advisors ideas on trade let him turn the curve. We never thought that he was willing to cooperate with us before."
Heinrich von Treitschke, member of the liberal block in the Prussian Landtag

"It was only during reminiscencing of the old times during a walk in Friedrichruh in 1874, that I recognized that Fortuna helped me on my 'famous' Iron and Blood speech, when I incorporated the part about Trade, Patriotism and the Zollverein. It was the offer of a cooperation to the liberals, but without the last part, it was easy to misunderstand. But luck - luckily - is with the diligent."
Otto von Bismarck, on his early days as Prussian PM

"Herrgottssakra, these stuffy Preisn really did it! Who would have thought that? Maria, send a barrel of Kulmbacher Doppelbock to the Eulenburg estates."
Luitpold von Bayern, later Prince-Regent of Bavaria, after reading the friendship treaty

Stettin, Prussia, 2nd February 1861

It was warm for the time of the year, as the SMS Thetis anchored in Stettin's harbour, the "Leeuwarden" beside her. On the quay a Prussian delegation stood ready to greet the crews and passengers of the two ships. Leader of the Prussian delegation was prime minister Karl Anton von Hohenzollern, a cousin of the King. The political Berlin was baffled by the ominous and riddled telegram they got from underway, but due to Eulenburg´s renown, they trusted him.
A part of Karl Anton still thought about a mischievous prank by zu Eulenburg, but when he saw the Asians coming partly from Thetis, partly from Leeuwarden, he knew that Eulenburg was neither drunk nor a prankster.
After the official greeting, both delegations entered a reserved train to steam to Berlin. Most of the travel time was spent in dialogue with the Japanese, while Karl Anton and zu Eulenburg, Schmoller and von Brandt discussed the strange turn of events. At last, Karl Anton sighed.
"My dear Friedrich, what you and your colleagues did, is finding a foreign policy gold vein and I trust your economic expectations on Japan. I am sure after a meeting with the representatives of the other states, the Japanese delegation will get a first class tour from the North Sea to the Isar. That is not the problem, but..."

"Yes, your Grace?"

"During your absence the internal situation got worse. The army reform is stalemated. Everybody does know that something has to be done, but the how is the divider. Your decision in Edo just added to that. The reform of the armed forces is now even more important and it does not move forward."
 
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Next part. If you like the story, see link in the first post.

Residence of the Tenno, Kyoto, early 1861

"Your Highness, you did what?!"

"You seem surprised, Takachika, is that so unbelievable?"

"How...how could you... the gaijin are all slimy Ronin... they will trick us!"

"Normally I would second that. But you did not meet the doitsu-jin. As far as long noses go, they are really nice, even if their version of politeness is barbaric. They give it to you straight, which I find distasteful in a way, but people like them are not as treacherous as this America-jin Perry was. He was polite, but spoke untrue words, an arrogant gyu, he was."

"You say it yourself, my lord, the Doitsu are barbaric-"

"I value your input highly, Takachika, but do not turn my words. Their politeness lacks massively, but their honour is untainted. Did you even hear what I said earlier? They could have gotten a treaty far more one-sided, but after being here for a time, they recognized Nippon's honour and reikon (Soul).
They accepted us as equals with the new treaty, the first gaijin to do so. I spoke with our best economic advisors and their verdict is clear. The Zollverein we are now members off will be a big step out of the prison we build ourselves."

"That may be so, I reserve judgement for later. I still think it is a mistake, especially since the Shogun will reap a lot of political koku for it. We should throw out all the gaijin, they taint the purity of our Islands!"

"It might come to that sooner or later and I see your passion for our ancestral lands clearly. But as Samurai we should measure honour with clear sight. The america-jin or the furansu-jin made it quite clear with their deeds that their words cannot be trusted. The doitsu-jin honour their words."

"For the moment, Tenno-sama. When they come back, I will test them myself and see. If they are as honourable as you say, I will bow to your greater wisdom, if not, they can use the garden..."

3. Die große Diskussion (The great discussion)
"Prussia showed her true colours now. You can see it clearly, your majesty, that they did not think one minute about Germany at large. If they had, they would have tried for a treaty for us as well. They know that we cannot sail there ourselves in the momentary situation. They want a confrontation and we have to prepare for that.
Our ambassador in Berlin sent a report that even Bavaria is beginning to waver. We have to do something. Only we can unite Germany, we cannot let the upstarts in Berlin get away with their impertinence."
Ludwig von Biegeleben, inner-German politics advisor of Emperor Franz Josef of Austria

"I met Gustav Schmoller first in 1869. When I thanked him, he asked me what for, as he could not see how he helped me. I just said: For helping Austria's goals by proxy."
Bernhard von Rechberg, Austrian foreign minister

"When the first happiness at getting a trade treaty which Bavaria could not have gotten alone had settled down, I thought about the consequences ... if the result was worth the price. I knew most other states had reservations as well.
On the personal level, I had no problems with our new friends when they visited our country. Very polite, looking rather exotic, bit of a Seichtmagen (lit. shallow stomach = cannot hold the liquor well) after two Maß, but beside that I was positively surprised."
Luitpold von Bayern, later Prince-Regent of Bavaria

"My first voyage to the German states and Europe was a never-ending sequence of good and bad surprises. We were greeted very warmly in the German states, no matter how different and still similar they were... their manners were a bit barbaric and strange, but their hearts are in the right place. Bad surprises were the recognition how far Nippon lagged behind in industry. Visiting the Ruhr valley or London drove that point home. The doitsu themselves are on a catch up run to Britain in industry, but culturally they are in front of the British. At times it seemed to me that the Germans are in the end phase of their own Sengoku Era. Personally I feel pride for my home country that we could show the Germans that unity can be reached even after such a strife-rich time."
Yasunori Takeuchi, leader of the first Japanese envoy group to Europe

Palais Radziwill, Berlin, March 1861

Gustav Schmoller thought that he had not talked so much in his life before as he had in the last time. He sipped on a new cup of herbal tea, but his throat still felt a bit raw. For one and a half week the expedition leaders, but he himself the most, were "grilled" by the delegations of the various German states about the treaties with Japan.
The general result of the treaties made was not questioned, all were happy that the first negotiations in such an exotic area went so well. Maybe Austria was less happy, considering the scathing remarks, but that was a different story as they were not in the Zollverein.

The first meeting of the German states ambassadors with the Japanese delegation weeks back here in Berlin had been very positive and the East Asians were on a first class round trip through all the states which now had a treaty with Edo. As far as Gustav had heard, they were in Bavaria at the moment, soon to be travelling to Württemberg, his home country.

What the represented delegations wanted to know was what had ridden the expedition to give the Japanese a probationary Zollverein membership, hoping that the capitals would ratify it and if they had thought of the consequences.
At first, most delegations had been frosty about that, fearing some adventures far away, but the tables full of maps, charts and the boards full of chalk writing attested to the battle of the economists in the last week.
"It will not be an instant 'we are the mightiest traders now' situation. In fact we have to use the coming years to steadily upgrade industry, railways and our shipping. Japan needs and wants a lot of goods. Some they will still buy from others, but for most stuff, we can now underbid any competition. But to use this bonus, we have to be able to deliver it. And this upgrading of our capabilities alone will be a boost for all our industries."

"Ships and associated industries I can see, but how will the landlocked states profit?"

"Ships alone are pretty useless if nothing is there they can carry. So combined railways through all our states are essential to bring all needed goods to the harbours and to transport the overseas goods throughout our lands."

"This sounds very nice, but you say it yourself, that it will take some time until all will be really profitable. Why bother?"

The days were filled with these questions, some good, some bad, from the reactionaries to the ultraliberals. Still, Schmoller and minister von Delbrück, who backed the initiative of the Eulenburg expedition, could feel that each day more states saw the possible benefits. It was on the sixth day that even the notoriously skittish, independence-safeguarding, Austria-friendly Bavarians were won over. That was the game-changing moment. With Bavaria in favour, the ratification was assured, but the questioning not fully over.

"Yes, it will be costly, it will take time and for some years the imports from Japan will mostly be just basics and essentials, but as my late colleague Friedrich List was fond of saying: We need to look into the future, not only the short-term.
If our honourable governments ratify the membership of Japan in the Zollverein, we create the third most populous economic zone on this planet after only the British and French Empires. I say third largest, because Russia or China might be bigger, but neither is really industrializing, same as for Spain and his colonies. With Nippon in the Zollverein our direct 'home zone' counts 60 million people and more, in Nippon we have a jump board to other markets without tariffs and tolls. Look at the markets here in Europe. Be it Austria, France or Britain, all are protected by tariffs as we have to protect the Zollverein with it. Nippon has great potential, many simply have not the knowledge to see that and we are the first to have the foot really in the door. No tariffs, no tolls, few competition and the chance to influence their further development and not only the industry at that, in our direction. If we just take the chance we were given by fate."

"Let's take that at face value for a moment, but if what you have told us is true, then it will be a time until Japan will be able to fully pay her bills they accrue. While parts can be offset against things we import and if the potential is as big as implied, our government would accept some debts from the Japanese, since someday it would be finally paid off, but I know that some honourable colleagues prefer more material payment. What about that?"

"On this Herr von Brandt has an idea, which could be used."

"Your Graces, honourable colleagues, on the way back from the Far East I developed an idea after seeing the circumstances in Japan. In the last weeks, I refined it together with our foreign and trade ministries in light of the way our relations with the Japanese seem to develop. As a material payment for our help and goods, let me tell you about an island called Ezo or Hokkaido..."

Von Brandt´s report and idea fanned the discussion anew. The consequences of that idea, if implemented, were clear to all delegations, but for a full two days everybody did not speak out loud what all members thought. You simply cannot partition an island of that size into over thirty bits, that would help nobody. Beside that, some years downstream, the German states would make their presence know on the big stage if the potential of the new Zollverein was true. And there you had to speak with one voice...
It was finally the foreign minister of the Grand-duchy of Baden, Anton von Stabel, who spoke out what all delegations thought about. "If I may take the word, it is amusing to see us all dancing around, but I think we need to stop this egg dance. In the Southwest, we pride ourselves on the ability to speak out clearly what we want. So following that tradition: We have to begin first talks about a unification of our nations back into a united Germany. At the latest by the coming developments in Europe and elsewhere we will be forced to stand tall against our rivals and for our new friends. And God alone knows what Austria or the other Great Powers will do when faced with that prospect. So we better prepare for that."

For a moment the hall was silent, then the discussion broke loose, full steam ahead. With those still friendly to Austria and those preferring Prussia as the leader locked in a heated debate, Gustav Schmoller was glad that this was a talk he did not need to chip in much. And what he recognized early as a mostly spectator, was that the youngest developments, which he played a part in, had changed the balance. It became clear that even Bavaria was drifting away from Austria on the question of leadership in Germany, their arguments obviously political manoeuvring unlike just a few years back. Austria's influence in Germany had eroded in the last years due to political events, their non-membership in the Zollverein and Vienna's different focus and now the success and the promises of the Eulenburg expedition had tipped the balance into Prussia's favour. Not that a unification was close, but now there was at least an earnest talk about it.

Ballhausplatz, Vienna, Austria, March 1861

"...and I say we cannot let this stand!"

"I beg your pardon, we are not member of the Zollverein, so who they let in, is not ours to decide."

"I know that you are a friend of the Prussians, but even someone like you must see the danger to Austria!"

"First, I am no friend of Prussia as you see it. Because I see the dangers to Austria, I advice restraint. It might have escaped your attention, but the situation with the other states of the confederation worsened over the last years already, not just now."

"Yes, because we let Berlin run on a too long line! - Your Majesty, we should take action before Prussia and bring the other southern states together in one federation, then we unite with them over time. Soon after, the other small and medium states will follow."

"Your Highness, the honourable Mister von Biegeleben still lives in age of the Liberation Wars against Napoleon. Even in the 1830s, when we had a more positive image in the other states, we could not find enough common ground to bring the southern nations, traditionally closer to us than Prussia into a union with us. As I often told this round, since the Congress here in 1815, our aims are more different from the other German states than before. - Even if Herr von Biegeleben does not believe it, I would like to see a new unification with Vienna at the top.
But as the foreign minister of Austria I have seen and spoken with most of my colleagues in the Confederation. And I can guarantee it, your Highness, that it will not function as your advisor on inner-German affairs believes.
As all persons in this room knew, our most important external goals are stability in our Italian possessions and a free hand in the Balkans against the Turks and whoever else tries to interfere there. For the other states in the Bund, Italy is not very important, but we could solve this problem, as they see the positives if not all Italy is in French-friendly hands. But the Balkans... Even Munich, who is very close to us, has no wish to be involved in "adventures" in the Balkans. And the other governments are not dumb, they know that sooner or later such an intervention would come. If we want to lead a unification, we have to bring more onto the table, to convince the others that we are the better leader.
But at least in part due to our decisions, the conflict with Prussia is escalating...and now the Prussians made a big hit with their successful voyage to Asia.

My Kaiser, if I may, I will contact Berlin and negotiate special privileges and guarantees for the Balkans and Italy in exchange for a peaceful resolution of the unification question. It will help Austria far more than the war against Prussia we are getting ever closer to."

Emperor Franz Josef of Austria had listened to the two most important adepts on the relations with the other German states for hours now. It was not the first time, quite the contrary. And the young Emperor had to admit that von Rechberg had become a lot more moderate during his tenure as foreign minister of Austria. But von Biegeleben was right that Austria had to defend the leadership in the German Confederation.
On the other side, an internal war would only help France or Russia. Neither von Biegeleben nor von Rechberg could hear the soft sigh from the Emperor.
"Dear minister von Rechberg, I give you until the end of 1862 to negotiate the guarantees you promised me just a few moments ago. If you can get Berlin to accept that it is Austria who gives the final vote on a unification, be it as the coming leader of a new Germany or be it by staying apart of her own sovereign will, then I will condone your ideas. Bring me the guarantees we need and the Confederation will end peacefully and for the wellbeing of all. If the documents are not here by New Year 1863 the latest, we will censure Prussia in the diet of Princes dear von Biegeleben will prepare. Because if you cannot get Berlin to recognize reality, then we have no choice but to make sure that our leadership is secure - with any measures which are needed."

Then the monarch left the meeting and von Rechberg was left behind with a pleased looking von Biegeleben.
"I have to say, well done! You know as well as I do, that Berlin will not hear you. and I look forward to see when his Majesty replaces you with someone who has backbone in service of Austria! I wish you a nice day and good luck. You will need it."

Kyoto, Japan, Spring 1861

Not only in the German states was the new treaty discussed, but naturally in Japan as well. As the enemies of the Shogun feared, this type of treaties, namely fair ones, gave Iemochi quite a push in prestige. Still, it was tempered by the fact that the Tenno had been fully involved in the process, so Komei got his fair share of additional reception, too.
What became clearer with each passing month was hat now the frontlines between the two main factions in Japan had become blurred. Shogun Iemochi had to deal with grumbling in his own faction, the ultra-conservatives were in uproar about the opening of Japan and more, what would happen as soon as the Germans were back in numbers. in this case, they went conform with the more racist and anti-gajin factions part of the Tenno´s side.
On the other hand, the Clans who controlled the Lion's share of Japan's external trade, like for example the Shimazu or the Matsumae, were positively giddy with excitement, no matter if they were on the Tenno´s or the Shogun´s side.
By early 1861 it became obvious that the "frontlines" were shifting and shifting so much, that the Shogun and the Tenno really needed to meet more often. The Shogunate began to slide because a lot of support broke away with the new course in Edo. Just a year earlier, this would have been very much a reason for Tenno Komei to be happy, but now he had to face crumbling support as well. A sizeable number of his side, were simply more against the Shogun and gaijins, less for Komei´s innovative and reformative course.
A time of strange bedfellows began in Japan, exemplified by the meeting between Ryoma Sakamoto, Takachika Mori and Takeaki Enomoto at the end of May. Sakamoto, who was operating against the Bakufu on the Tenno´s side and Enomoto, who stood loyal to his Shogun, were briefed by their leaders to keep the wavering Mori on the side of the Tenno!

The time of the Dakyou, the "Zeit des Ausgleichs", had begun. In part because of strict necessity, in part of lobbying from the handful of Germans who had stayed provisory as ad-hoc advisors. Not only for the build-up of the Japanese section of the Zollverein, but among the crew of the Eulenburg expedition had been an old companion of, famous expert in constitutional law Heinrich von Gagern, who originally had been there for law questions.
Despite this lobbying, in some cases maybe because of this help by Europeans, the new sides in Japanese politics began to form.
The groups loyal to the reform course of Tenno and Shogun and the groups loyal to the old order or strictly against foreigners under a clique of Samurai led mostly by Katamori Matsudaira. And the tensions still grew...
 
Hopefully you add some threadmarks on your story posts. It was really difficult to reread past chapters after a certain point.
 
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